The New York Herald Newspaper, October 27, 1864, Page 5

, NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY OOTOBER 27. 186 . a 43 Sore a a the convictions and habits of the South. In this neces- Sented to issue his prociarsetion, and his wish that the | theres 00 way. Now Orloans! Freeimén whippa ''? lavery canse have scales to welgh moral evils? Out THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. Sarily slow education of tho poor whites we need not slavebolding Tebslg might alt ‘tim to avoid ik In bis | their iash:--tot allowed to pass tyome pony & wae. ‘or, ? | Bidens offer euch sbolitiontats the équivoeal praise of only the example of consisieut practice by the feaeral Moseage to Vonsross a year a(ver, December, 1363, the | muke their 2¥B bargaios, by the favorite, Geaoral hanks, doing ‘vod men attempting half measures whos Penem, bee we and also the roan we nea- Eesesiaes says he bad ‘‘noped she rebellion would be sup- | Free colored men twice gave the city 10 to But foot agen wres ure impossible, and thes turning re Voting four’ million biacks graj to links 4 resort rT 8 mill- . gee ities into majorities.” — Refi stronger than steels-gracitnde for jeetioe oid fo In . tog to i (emaneipation) asa mill- | jor, once yo b¥aks—but they cannot vote, even when pe oe form vover play. measure.” Let b js hie tion on this D that whole measures t iY Abolition Gathering at the |" ysteart to covers mere by mevely Pin ioe of eae ea iapost the Presideot Leaks every Louisiana law to stuff the ensures are tm powsibie, 1 be beaten plause. Q # Tost clearly in his lotter to Mr Greeley, August, | bullot bo: cadine’ bataie” anil" chbtotene ef ‘Pinan ter weanureg. See im poaniDin, Bald Mat Walley oof Wealsen Virginnaros the, host ef tho yer IF chore are Loose who would uot sas | a aboot ctece cut of volume, By oe paulactures | He yable If it wore potaible—te ehange minoritice tet Cooper Institute. lay of Weatorn Virgizia, on the “ tho Paton unless they could at the game tims save | tho electoral ites, by lowering its demande aod House, ars ‘Leave ove thread of slav he electoral college, Mrssouri ts told that the radicals prosiaiming itselt nae 30 we-ene ti slavery @lavory, I do not agree with then.” That i true; | do vot renrosent bir, L&ncola, wbd gooe foF “gradual” with ball measures. Politics believes that aed persistency, more like an unytelding law of nature than se rrr blood pm ee and Wade be + the mdefutig bia, equal to every omer f aod ot lee alik gency—and Fremont, state eo Spite or all, moans and result each other, tho war is (allure A little Kkaot Of aristocrats, dissouptenanced by their owe fallow. oiti- gens, stunding on joa:.0 of four milion siaves, pre- umes to rebel agai twenty million shrewd, brave, rich end roused mem—aralost the riches: and moat Fkil- Weatorn Virginia and we must be muzzled.” Said a Ten- | fut peopte in the world—and defics them for four years, | BObOdy ever thougnt go ill of him. Furtber:—<it edinaly. dose what it can, not what it oaght Roasee lawyer to me, a week ago, “‘Loave one square inch | Te that success’ luther democratic institutions area falle | there do thove who would not save (be Ueton unless thoy | imtriguce Messorei w stilhe v ave Stator aad ve ” be an Roar sometimes—onee in five hu ‘aed Of the syateni and the old glavebolders will use ft apd us | Ure, or our uae of them ts—ehoose. Who raiged, as Mon- | COWld, at the samo time, destroy slavery, 40 DOL Agree | Jel hope, are pot surg anat 7 te le (go necessary to put sume grent ma to govern the State and 10 cripple the Union,” Now, how | curd Conway cays, MeDiolian from a Western cop- | wiih ibem.”” inat ts true; nobody ever (boughs $0 well | Lincalk'g atber pol, inet seecy. lures boee Coee: fhe world osee tn an axe, Into fico, thal Wendell Phillips on the Ap- proaching Contest. \, porbaps, be pardoned ‘if soe she iy submita, but aids la the inevie “4 o@, this Is ‘no such hour, and Mr’ | ssowe jue aD exeeptional ian, rips: ed, like 3m am age, {see 20 reason (or deacend. the aloo, only 0068). "reformer t that of politicians wo = Pewee my level a bligan {seve OF candidate. The cnt eareey ae py ny ep et To be unwilling to rie “viding tb a? natice of men who beiiov by demanding absolute d “sur maxims of twenty youre is that to be averted? Why, if we make peace om the sole basis of the abolition of slavery (and that is (he plaw of the federal government), we can no jonger cross the lines of a Southero State insido that State. Tho wh te man crushes the negro, having no ballot, and wields the ‘State against us, as be did before tn 1960, and sends the same conspirators to Washington that ne did before. TOE GOVERNMENT CAN DO ANTIMING. But the federal government, iudireetiy, can do apy- thing, Jt is siroug and rich enough to do abything down Periiead into the colossal power which divides acd af frignis tue putiony Who called back to Iife thudemocratie party, kuiled by the wind of the cannon bail against Sum: tor? Abraiam Lincoln's halting, hall way course, neither hot nor cold—wanting to save the North | without hurting tho Sbuth. Mark you! thie fariure sprang from DO want of brains, but want of purpose—of wiilidgaess to strike home, of him He goes on:\—'my paramount object she Union, and not ethor to save oF to 0 Agreed: very allowable and rigut nobler 1 Honista, as Mr. Livooin is to bis day, go far as the world kao Coivalrous men! wiving that the to Fe eer should fight for thom, and give thom a coun- agen of 1789, try, but meaning to make Che first use of pevce Hptow withous freeing ave, 1 would do It.” aud power to export their clgfenders! How nobly lex; und this is the ery.svot where tho statesman the pogro has fong! bis wa; to recoguition and Gad abolitionist part company with Mr. Livooin. (Ap- | respect! fought his y to it against a President plause.) That! am not catching at & chance phrase to | who has poarod contempt upon bim in word aod Judge bim unfair) ‘eunod deod! He proposes to colonize rep with the same she same principic stil! more emphatically id bh t to their mative land as himselt\; and ho telis the dated April, 1564 He telis Mr Hodges that he vetoe: ‘His Sharp Dissection of Parties, Men and Principles. DESPOTIEM OF LINCOLN. Mr. Lincoln does not tack vigor. Ile can be despotic when it suits him; yes, go ap to aud beyond even bis. to the Gui if you give it time, Cassius Olay said to me Chicago clergymen, at a titne whou he Di ten years aco, “Give me the patrooage of the (édoral | War bower of desroiirm whon he pleases, In these four | Frement and then Caincron and. then Hunter, broadse be | soceph the, Seerosh revving, that’ thon a p Rik Ls pg mrad apn oY Mara ei peren der Mr. Lis. government and 1 will ck Kentucky an | years he bas boon decisive and vigorous evesywhore ex. | thought the hour of indispensable necessity bad fot | eat, and he feared if be gave them measketa, it would | ooln except ma choice of oo, i snd to avert McClelime abolition State fp a dozen yonrs!’” No duubt of tt. cation. | This is auothor reason why I} ome. (Renewed applause) He adda that be endea- | only be giving them to rebels!” How must the ulterer | and dmchion But we have» Wwayesald the Union 4 PRESIDENT WA’ WHO WiLL 1GNORw Dy Vorod, in March, May and July, 1862, by earnest appeala | of such words blush when he hears of Port fudaon, Fort nt, thoreiore, in the next four years which are to fo tho border States, to ayort that necessity, and when | Wagner and Votersburg! Yet where's the evidence of hoching weighed against justion. “OY change? We hi fant 09 ig ols x be will end oy thie wheo the tinal settlement is 7 wate always demanded the whole ia ‘tthe Fromonters Look at bis despotism, 1 do not mean his neoes- UEAVY AND BEPEATED BLOWS AT OLD ABE. commence. that process a President, not only disposed and | *@ry, judicious, honorable despotism. Suppresaing dig- | finally driven 4> otgncipation he used it, doubtiog | apy change of heart or opinion? Offered us bali im 1856, risk of refusing amd regolved to administer the government tn that mbod, but | loyal presses, sending traltora to Fort Warren, guspond- } Whether he sould got greater gain or loss fro it. W Gesod Gases 90 <0s wane, brought lo eswensn, ee, surely as honors o te teach the States that ihere is no diatinction of race, | 1§ babeas corpus, is legal, necoseary to his'bonor. 1 | MR LINGOLY’s “INDisyEXsAnne NAcKSgIE” VOLE BR | Do not theso things show an undue tenderness towards | manus Lineoin, offered us bet eloer iw (Dé dark nignt of Wherever the federal government shows iteelf it should | only wish Valiandigham had: beca sent to prison instead | VERELY HANDLED. tho South, and am undue and dangerous retuctauce | 1360, We rofuked, and was our outyta, ° Moral protest bo blind to color; it must not kuow,a white man {roma | Of across the lines, or stald thre. (Cheors.) This 3 a vastly important siatement by which totest | to use or holp or do justice to the negro? cad ite gallant wasted? No; it, and it alono, ma Tesiatance possible. it, and’ it alous,oan “4 ¥ Dal the pation did nave from Buchanan, WD) motbod now? ‘Wear nothing but fear,.”’ aw Phillips Takes Him for President ‘ as the Last Resource. black with the Bcsles of its equal justice, I want that mood im the goverument; I want the goveroment ad- ministered In that mood. Mr. Lincoln has pot even ad. ministered it in that mood since the first day of January, 1863, This will suffice 40 understand what my goal is. I give up negro suffrage, if you please; we floated Jato the visions which prevent it; but I want the government, om thy Of justice for the negro, to éducate States up to w tru mocracy. You see ].oome buvk, as Lat do, to the corner stono of justice. I belteve, as my {rievd (Dr, Cheever) does, there is nu peace basis possible but that o! justice to the negro. ‘TB UNION INFAMOUS 1F If Dom NOT DJ JUSTICE TO THE NEGRO, 1 would seout it as infamous, If it were possible. (Ap* Plause.) For thirty years 1 have tried to break this Jnion service of justice; | try to save it now in the same manner. (Applause.) A true nationality no man values mure thin I do, Words cannot fully desoribe ite vi ; Dut even & true pationality is nothing tome weighed against justice, As for that sham nationality, we have bed ft described by a great orator asa herd of states kept togother by partnership in hunting claves. Tdetest it. Now, that curee 1 askedgon the old Union I aha'l pray Go! for again op any new one which does not rest on absolute just:ce. “ RIERNAL WAR UNTIL THE MANHOOD OF THE NUGRO 13 RECOG- the Progident’s moed on this question; and on that mood | Whore is the officer—oivit or military—ever punished depends largoly our future, This word ‘neocasary” bas | for prosiavory act? Bow long the list—beyin played a large part in our coustituitonsl history. The | ning wit Pheips, Fremont, Butier—of those exiled and Constitution gives Congress “power to make all laws d because they begged the President, as Kverett | aptiy quotes frora Montaigne, Mr. Lincoln guak®, Onze necessary avd proper for earrying into execution’? its 0 “draw this new weapon from the armory of pub- | at political Massachusetts. crying, “Risk ae ‘ding the other powers, Strick ounstructionists, especially at tho | lic law?” ‘The resident never voluntary made one step | party If you dare!’ Political Mastachusews sa “Umds, Sonth, have contended that this medus iudispensably |. towards the nogro, bas never even kept step with Con- | sullen and reluctant, but silent. Authelavery. Met %0be- necessary Congress cau, uudor this clause, only u c 1088, ¢ moved in that direction till driven by terri- | setts neither succurabs nor is silent, Shecaileout, Over Means as it is not possible todo without. ’ On the other | bie dieaster or imperious public. opinion. Rmancipation | the heads of thero votsy and insincere, of silent ana 1 hand, the Interpretation accepted at the North and by | stself was not granted till the world cried shame, and the | couraged leaders, to the earnest men of the nation, “& ‘¥® the Supreme Court ts, that “necessary” means conducly> | North, bleeding at every pore, widows and orphans, | Your own causel” Thie is the people's cause, aud 1 & bo, convenient ior, requisite, Ac Kor instance, Congrers, | childless men and motners, shook the Capitol with their | willing, Mr. Lincoln in 1862 befng witness, to trust ® under its general power to tnazo war, may use all | demands Reguro, therefore, you keep alive such pres- | with it: it Ig safe to trust them with it; (at course “necessary” meine; that is, it may build forta as | gure, or Weed will own him next term. saved liberty the last thirsy years. We wnow {ts valee\ Fequisite and convenient for war. Yet war could be WERD AND SKWARD DEMAND 4 ‘‘OONSKRVATIVE POLICY,’ by experionce. But the people must know the truta, and Dos beon made without forts. Hence they are not But that@great aot, tho emancipation ploclamation of | aad thewhole truth. No two sets of optntons—one for indispensably necossary,and if the Smthern construe | 1853. ‘This trusty friend of the negro, to whom we blindly | clubs and anothor for the hustings. I tarn vo the gar: tion prevatiod, Congress could erect no fortifications. | trust our and bis future, kuows that many lawyors doubt | men of the republican party and remind them that So of the use of fron-ciads, monitors and steamships— | its validity, get vetoes the effort of Congress to strengthen | by linking the people to their side and support havo they not indispensable; navies existed hundreds of years with- | anid endorse it. The only two inembers of his Cubinet who | ever been to make head against the selfs outthem, So of the war power. ‘That gives Mr. Lincola | evor pledged thomselves to its lusting longor than the wa poss of party, the ign torywm of tbo com- tho right to use ail means necessary for syccers. When | aud covering every slavo—Bialr and Chi out: he looks North and deals with Nortbero blood, treasure | one, Seward, who says it will cease wit iw ttt or rights, ho juterprets this word “necessary” as cover- | tho hend of the Cabinct—yes, rotained there tn spite of ing what (to use hia own words iv his message of March, | the remeustrance of fourteen States in 1803, and the 1862,) ‘seem indispensable, or may obviously promise | roquost of even the Baltimore Convention for hie re great efficiency.” But when he looks South towards | moval. Tho New York Times, Lincoin’s organ, thinks thy Boutbern institution mexbs ‘absulutely indispen- | President is bound by it neituer officially nor personally, sable”? Journ en talk t00 freely about the gov- | Mr. Weed, whore support was of importance evough to eroment—suppress the one and gond the other to Fort | be bought with the gift of the New York Custom Ho Warren. (Laughter and applause.) and by turning Chase from the Cabinet, laments th SRWARD'S LITTLW DRIZ Lineoin should ever so unnecessarily have yielded Suapend habeas corpus, and lot Mr. Seward’s “little | colf to tho radicals, aud assures us that «the admi bell” snporsede all courts, Stato and federal. Allright | tion is worklug itself out of its false positio . Im these things Mr. Liscoin only did his duty, and de- | Seward’s home organ tolls us that Mr. Lincoln will bo serves the thanks of ull good citi But, mark, he | elected by Mr, Seward’s friends and will co-operate with does not try for 4 ow months or years whether he could | them, and the Lvening Post, boat of the republican jour- not get along with tho ordinary course of iaw, indict- | nae, said, October 17, 1864:— menta, juries, judges and State jaile, Oh, no; to suspend No, there is but one mode of getting at peace, and that habeus corpus 16 an oflicient ant convenient means to sus- | js for all who are in arma ayainut the constitution and Jawa tain tho government, therefore it is necessary in the sense | to lay down their arms, Let them do that and our armies of the constitution aud war power. No need to try whe- | will quickly disperse; let them do that and there wit! be no ther you cou'd not get along in the old ordinary wry. Gage ge eet age aro This is a g od way and gure, thoreforo select it at once wegen ud waste no time, treasure or blood in experiments, Agreed. ‘The country says amea—lays free spocch, per- sonal liberty, the blood of sons and the woalth of the na- tion cheeriully on the altar. Then Mr. President turus Is it tho root of the reboilion? asks the nation, Bays the President. Why not at «nce cut it up and end the robellion? asks the nation, which secs the whole goveromont swallowed up by General McClel- lan on théone hand and Seward’s ‘‘lttle bell” on the other. TUM, AUGURLLMS CASE But on the 11th of last May, Auguctlos, a Cubari, was Seized in Now York, by order of tho | resident, aud se- cretly conveyed on board a vessel bound for Cuba. Several days possod before even his wife know what had become of him. ‘The seizure was’ not made by virtue of avy writ or order of any court, but oa the simple ardor of the President. Tho Stato Department had been informed that Acgueilos was gullty of trading in slaves, he roasons which made it lear case of kidnapping (I moan no dierespeot—that tl al degoripsion of tue of ou the part of the President) are these:—1. It is the settled policy of our governine! ender criminals to any foreign 0 bound by treaty to, doso, This {® not only ackuowlodgod to be the settled policy of our g vernmeat, but it was recognized as the general law of mal both fo Westminsier Ball aud the [louse of Peers #0 late as 1842.10 the Creole case, 2. Ihe Executive can- Rot ast even uuder a treaty unless Congress by statute bas directed the method. 38. Our government inurt bo furnished with such evidence of the person’s guilt as woolt hero justiiy his commitment for trial We bave ro treaty with Spain, and, of ccurae, no law of Congress to oxecute, o1 No tittle of evider ninst Arguciles was offered our government. You have just seen the metood of surrendering Muller, the Landon murderer—vpenly, in face of day: means aud time and counsel given him for defeuce avd to scrutinize the charges against him. Arguelles, unacoused, in avy stealthily kidnapped io the early morning, and without one friend being ivfermed, without one mo- mont given him to explain or defend himsef, Is consigned to a foreign dungeon. Mr. Seward confesses that the act was an exception to the whole course of our bistory. You all know that the constitution gives the President no right to arrest any man. Coneresa has given him no right to arrest one sitvated like Arguoties. Of course the plea of military necessity has vo place in this case, It is ® wanton, needless act of usurpation and despotism on the part of tho President. Napoleon committed > groater offence against netioual law when he sont the Kidnapped deputies to Cayenne. Yes, “kidnapping” iw the only word that describes this Arguolies transaction. (Higses aod applause, the higses in the ascendant. ) A Voice-—“Whom do you want to olect President?” (Choers. ) Mr, Putitirs—I will tell you in a moment. [Three cheers for Lincoln’? wore called for, and given with a will, Then “three cheers for Uld Abe!”? amid ‘confusion. } LINCOLN’S DESPOTISM A PRRCEDENT. Mr. Puuirs—Ladies and gentlemen, let me make one remark in reference to that cheer, Suppose op the 8th of November General BcClelian should Pe elected Prosl- dent—(cries of ‘He will not be,” cheers)—auppose be were and should sssert the right, without regard to the law or constitution—witheut judge, jury or shertff— to arrest whom he pleases, and when you found fault with bim he turned rou a ‘sald, “Gentlemen, I am Only treading in the fxo: of my illustrious prede. cessor,” wheee footsteps you cheered io this particular inatance at the Cooper Institute. (Cheers, Now you think nothing of bis despotic acts, because you have sealed your eyes tight up with confidence in Abraham Lincom; but suppose be seis these precedents for a THE “KIDNAPPERS” OF ARGUELLES A GLANCE AT THE M’CLELLAN CAMP, ee, a. as, ‘There was a large attendance at the Cooper Institute ‘Vast evening, drawn together by the aunouncement that ‘Wendell Phillips would address the public on the exciting Question of the day, the Presidential eleotion, Although ‘the building was not as crowded as on occasions of greater political demonstrations, the audience went on ‘@welling from an early hour of tho evening, until, at the ‘hour for the organ{zation of the meeting, every available eat was ovcupied. The platiorm was thronged with leading republicans, and @ number of the principal lights Of avolitioniam occupied front seats, The meeting was organized in the usual form, and the Rov. Dr. Cheever called to the chair, After some re ‘Sharks from this reverend gentieman on the platform of rue abolitionists, Mr. WanpeL. Puttiirs was aunounced ‘and on coming before the audience spoke as follows:— I shall venture to speak to you to-night on the Pres! Aoatial election. Lot mo begin with some statementa in ‘which we all agree—statements touching the nature of ‘Che war, the motives which led to it and tho indispen: Die conditions of avy durable peace, 1b:s civil war is no saccident—no chance jostling of little interests one agulaet ‘be other; its ond as hard to gacss as its beginning. On She contrary, it is the inevitable death grapple of ideas forever irrocoucilablo with each other. The struggle a when freedom and ery were brought faco to co In 1189 by the adoption of the constitution. For wenty yoars the weapons were argumeuts and votes, ‘Jo thas arena every-thoughtful man saw, for years ago, ‘tbat slavery touched its downfall. Warned and made Wesperate by that defeat, slavery aPpealed to arms. How ‘ong this military form of the struggie, this civil war, will lists no, one can tell. Mow near iis close wilt bring us to the end of the “irrepressible ‘coulligh,”” none cau toll. Thi only every man can ‘oe: there will always be some form of struggle between avery and freedom, until one or the t and entire victory—until ove sup:r- er our flag flats. No one who ‘Delteves i pe notin which will is the eud ay. out and sq letheother. (Cheors.) Fyery one AMiows that io the nature of things— ———— The etherial mould, ance Bervative, Lat not the people be induced or permite at this mom jous hour, to putone fota of faith in his purpose and obaracter jpstuy. with inducing and permitting tis, whiio y know, by thirty years’ oxpei tion, that such eppeals in the past to the people have nothing but, good; indeod, been our only check on bad wen and weak men, and our only salvation. | am speaking to those who ‘stand on the poiltical level, an€ moan to vote, To them I #1 mane ly of your party, ; and out, fidelity to the North and the slavo, Lew speaking to those who will Ignore party and pause lag botore they a ct which leads the country to beiteve they trust Abrabam Lincoin. GOOD SERVIOR OF THR CLRVELAND PLATVORM. You aek me why not try more direct methods? 1 aia T gave ail of tho influence I bad to that Cleveland move ment, which pledged itself to absolute justico—w hows official committee offered a letter of mine, ag radical asf could make it, as part of the platform, to thetr can date, and he rocepted it. History wili searon and why’ the door opened by Cleveladd to the carnest leading men of both parties, at their request, was used I only here repeat my frm bellef toat ¢ wection of the democratio party which loked t@ Cleveland (and allowed itself to be merged i Chicago only because Atlanta's good news co! aday tov late) will bave to be won into the lcan ranks defore this nation scan be long any line of policy, good or bad. But the Cleveland me’ ment did gallant and yeomanly service. It pat the anti-slavery _ Ito the Baltimore NED, War, © God, forever until this nation recognizes the manhood of the nero, (Cheers.). Then oue word as to the motives which inapire this war, If you ask nine ont of ten of the ropublican editors and speakers in this con vass what are we fighting for they will answer, “Kor the Union: nothing more, uothing loss, nothing ‘elge,’” That is the idea that Hightened all cvyer New Knglind from the elrquence of Edward lverett a week a0 In Yaueuil all, and when J give it that endorce- meut [ give it as honorable 2 one as I oan; for there are few men eince 1861 who have @ more bonorab!e or enviabie reoord than Edward Ever- ett. (Applause) At the gamo time, in my opiaton, there 1s but a homepathic proportion of truth in that state. ment—just about onovgh to form a basis for a Congres- sfonal resolve, but it never would bave held water undor a cross-examination jo a county court. What did tho North resist the South for in 1861? Nos from the simple and single motive of love for the Union. If that had been the only motive the North, in my opinion, would have submiited, xs she had done a score of times, aud purchased on infamous conditions an infamous Unlon, Rut it was not the motive, The North saw in the war that it would practically root out slavery, while it gavo the nation at the samo time the right solemaly to"abolish it. But for this, io my opinion, the North to 1861 would never bave accepted the Southern’ challenge. The South had the right to expect, as usual, submission; but the anti-slavery agitation of thirty years had lifted the people to a nobler level. You re mombor that struggle, that hurricane which swept over us, tearing the o'0uds to pieces, scattering parties into |. fragments and tearing up colossal re;utatins by the root. Jn that storm Webster's frigate foundered at dead of pigbt and Sewara’s dory kee'ed bottom sido up and drifted. Mozlded by that long and faithful teaching, the masses clutched eagerly the i emlares of to recenstruct the Union on an anti-slavery basis—oné sure to last and may be necossary to the more secure f liverty and justice, But Mr. Stephens and all his coadtutore may rely’ upon {t that our national unity, the single meaus of prosperity at home and defence abroad, will never be abandoned while » hand remains to wave the glorious emblem of the one republic, Yes, only Union! and we will all modify to any extent our opiniong about liberty to suit these rebels. Do not imagine that I stand alone fo this judgment of the I’resi- dent, though others are seemingly silent today. Judge Durant, of New Urieans, says:— The journalists, politicians and public men of our coun- try ho'd two sets of opinions—one forf their private use, which they believe in, the other for public display; so that what appears to be public optuion cannot be trusted as the opluion of the public. If this do not cease the cause of liberty is in danger. | Our leading ren look ton puch to the veg candidate and too little to the !aw and the prople. In from her. It is deception, a timidity, a shortcom! they deplore the calamity of a choice they dare not 1 the part of our own leaders, that makes eur it ate, from the unfounded fear thal ge itlen wold secure | ger, Indeed, I regret that my vld :riends see g0 or LINCOLN’S BVASION AND INCONSISTENCY. Now, to this demand only three answers are pos- sible. First, either Mr. Lincoln believes that slavery has some more gacred constitutional guarantes tnan free speoch and personal liberty havo; or, second, he dreads grappling with and offending Southern and slayehold- jog publio opinion more than he does trampling (neocs- sarily) on Northero love of free speech; or, third, he believes that iveit be not quite true that ‘a nogo has no rights which a white map is baund to respect,” still,e white man’s righto and wrongs “are, to be, ail sotiled defore a negra is attended to. or the other of these h by. bis pledge at Niagara. wages for a single day's work at Cleveland, wi Cleveland withdrew ite whole loaf, 1, a reformer, res the republican half loaf, and resumed m; ton. Bayo 0» great fear of the South; we oan deen the sacotes of aa anti national candidate. eve to eye with me, As for the common wor! I find the samo insincerity or timidity here. The re- | 5, ‘d . : en * ble of Blain, must -ooh expel rthy tolast, But for the anti-slavery agitation the | democratic succession, where® iw then our liverty? | must be tbe reason why habeas corpus wee ia its shroud Datiy Adveriiser, Kvening tes, Trine, the governors 1 intepe Riat, sadiperge od tis emt fre worthy for id 6 tb biicang, boro of the whigs, have no faith im the people. | Seni bi ices Are loudest in this canvas, their rs mise! North would have had neither opinion nor porpose capa- | (Cbecra, aod cries of «Thai's s0,”) almost wo years before the President ventured to touch . 1 4 ene ae ot on einen : ictorious, ble of joining battle wht the-Soub in defence of our idea YRAME MLAR 4 GHNERAL AND IN CONGRESS, alavory. Choose which vou prefer to explain that long Fact i the reason why I ieol we shall uover.loog 1d | dissout dove not surprice me. It took them tweaty yeass + Indica and gentlemen, let me remind you of another aot, General #rank Biair commands now a corps Of the United Blates Army, by the President's order, without any ygormmnissicn. wee nd held 8 commigsion as generni. serve Mr. Lincoln’s political purposer lowed Gene! office, tak seat criminal delay, Wheh you bave chosen, look and see whother the reason you give does not wholly or largely unfit one poisoned by it §> Bold the casting vote in that final settiement where the siavo's rights and the North’s hang trembling? * Do not avoid this by saying, “Oh, Mr. Livcotn did not believe thea that the negro would fight; he knows bettor now.’ That is evasion, aud not reply. Grant that the negro had been a very poor soldier, to take at apy time from the enemy even a poor soldier ‘und an the nation in any Iue of policy till we get a certain sé tion of the democrats into the republican ranks. Lot mi quote to you the private opioions of a dozen leading r pubdlicans; not their chance street talk, but their ripe, soloma, reiterated opunsels to their friends. 1 quote nothing which has been uttered since the Ist of May » and I quote no man who in civil life does rot stand on a level like that of a major geveral in the service, and no one who is not now an active supporter of Mr. Linco! “Mr. Lincola’s re election would be a disaster,” says or to ind out that the abolitionlete were mo fapaticn, and 8 Join ua it 1861. | cheerfully grant ym ten yéers to gee, not mgon like trees walking, bat-cleariy, the w! meaning of thie issue and its needs. Day dawas 4! ally from twilight to noon, for all whe Keep their open; for those who will open their eyes wide encagh take in party platform or candidate, if remajnp a! Rotors ori-s always, roses wide!” Lincoln will obey the strongest agitation will — ‘us the atronest, or show him that of the Union, But for tbat agitation the North would have sabmitted to have the Union either broken or re- ‘modelied, as South Carolina pleased, YIGUTING TOR EMANCIPATION OF THE NEGRO. The.Emavcipation act of 1863 pledged the bonor and the strength of the Union to the negro, and it isnot true pow, if it ever was, that we fight simply for the Union, Now, with these two views you will probably many of you agree. gtd enywhere, our paths be rge from she coutivent the monster and all i? or shall it close and leave the festering re ‘enains to pee and ombitter our future for many a i Who can tell? ‘THR IQRRPRESIBLE CONFLICT. But im this weare all agreed: it is the duty of every Oitizen to do his atmost that the natign may a wis and bow sdon? These are the questions. Will is ‘Boou! reatest possible udvantage from tilis war. mission he could not give bim back. at was gove for be possible to make it result in the immediate | yon will say to me, Mr. Livcoin believes in the manhood | over, since the conatitution provides (Art. J., sec. 6) average laborer must be a gain, aad wholly a gain, unless | ,, ir @nd entire abolition of the system of slavery among | ifthe negan and will adinibinter tho yovornment so as | “No person holding auy offce under the United Sistce | Nr Tiocoin feared that’ eueaucipation. would “or fine. the Page ee hye deseggr oh poi csooe a ata are on, Agitate | agitate | teas. @s, ry strain every nerve to secure that | to project ad ackoowiedke it, Wall, frlonds, if J be | shall bea member of elther House (of C.gress) during | Southern hoart and Northern copperhead agninst us aa | itm" than kilrtbe wiriae of the repaciices party borooe, | Thon every ear in the nation fe open, whee Fesult. All that the most adva cod ubiicans offer us | lieved bim, as you do, 1 sould welcome his renomina. | bis ae 7” The first act that Blair did in | more than to counterbalance the gain, which is cnly my logizing for Vinoola another four years,” aye a chird. minds ai A 4 ptosis meddot our on), “Gut of twenty-four republican Senators only six voted | caulay, “s ‘The true seoret of the power of agitatore is for Lincoln’a,renomination,” says a fifth, ‘There te no | obstiuacy of government. Liberal governmetits such thing as a government “at Washington—no purpose | moderate citizens.”” Mr, Lincoln, 1p 1843, when be there,” says asizth, ‘Whether the Cabinet be good or | posed the Mexican war, dared to. teil Poik and bia re’s not tikhber exough Ip Lincoln for a President | thas it was the duty of a good citizen to ditingy hours as are comiog,” sayaa seventd. “Lincoln | auch times, between the Prosident and the country. Dut is safe if mauaged by the radicals—not | Seward writes to Adams, Ssptember 10, 1962:— otherwise,” manfully declares “Winter Davis, Enter the Union League of the third city of t Meat gerry pony Ue aly ray megs coy U end you would fancy by the talk that ation al any ri was pot a Lincoln mam there,’ says the pintb. separate trom th kovernmen! re Two yorrs 60 the mest inflvential paper west of eodings of tbe thdugbt the mountaing long debated whet! not to demand Mr. Liocoln’s withdrawal ‘The Supreme Court will moat likely set aside the prociamation,” said the ableat man in the House to me, in January, 1363; but he would rather tress our chanceg there thsn to trust Lincoln to appoint judges there, Wade submits to Lincols, but second reason, under another name—that is, dread of the “South,’? ag it’ shows itgolf at Charleston and Chicago, and contempt for the negro. This onnvass, showing how strong the democratic party has become under bis nurs tog, will only make bim more timid and unfit If dread of conservatiem, North and South, delayed emancipation and explains why bo: has not yet dono justice to the negro in anything. as lebell show, acd pow turos the cold shoulder to radicalism, why may bot that suine fear make him saoriiice us next year in making peace? In deed, 1 suspect that man Who uses whole despotism in Massachusetts and only aif despotista in South Caroliva. “I would save the Union if! could without freeing a slave’?! Supp be and Fernango Pood, in Desemdor, 1862, bad patched up a peace without freeing a slave acd then follow Mr. Livcojn (@ the bar of History, You the pation to your hand when slavery rebelled? “You,” “You ud the fight to free 7” 40-day ia @ constitut! probibition of slavery through ‘Out the republic. Once I claimed more, and thought it might be wisely and hopefully struggled for, But that was beforo the nation had been debauched and betrayed "ey ite leaders. Such a peace, to bosure, would not be = of the irrepressible conflict. No man, no nation b: be at peace while its conscience and lye are at ‘odds. Our ipatitutions rest on the idea of perfect ~equality—every man equal be/ore the ‘aw. Toward that Tocqueville ha: shown us that the whole race 16 by irresistible gravitation. Toward that goal “thu nation struggles by definite fod long avowed pur- ec, There will mover be rost till we reach it ought to be uo rest till we roach {t. But mo matter whether this tendency be good or bad: that it and overbears all opposition no man will deny. most cither abe tbe negro not a mai tion and deem hig re-election good fortune. But I judge him by bis words and by bia doeds, and by that test I am not willing, eo far agi can provent it, tO trust our future to Abrebam Lincoln, (Applause and bisses.) Well, suppose you lot me try and asaign a reason or two for that belief. (Applause) The military hori. zon is cue pride; our sapmy is 80 brave and our generals are +o skilful tbat we may roa sonably bope that within the next four years the honesty and tue statesmeusbip of the United States will have to deal with that projoct of peace. Ycu kaow, every one of yeu, that that is afar more critical hour th n the b ur of battie. be more brilliant or deots our victories, the greater the danger of a falze magi nimity in the hour of compromise and peace. In Line cases Out of ten in common wars, and io three cases out of four in civil wars bistory tells us toat the feaders, by their incapacity or tudifference, have lost half what the people esentatives, after placing bis rosigna- bands, vacated bis He could not be major genoral in without the ken: con- currence, which the President well knew Mr. Blatr would never bavé, Hence he sent bim to command a corps with- out 8 commission. The Senate submitted ia silence. Louis Napoleon did nothing worse. tn gens on aed the 2¢ De. cember, 1851. Tho sham [reech Se of Peers hes since dope nothing more shame!ul than this syoophanc: of our Senate, For whom was this despotic act venture For Frank Blair, whose intrigues have thus tar held back Missouri from being @ free State; whore sole parpose in entoring the House was to josult Chase, tbe only anti slavery member of the Cabinet; and who, from 1862 to the present moment, bas omitted no opportunity to belch forth his colonization bigotry in the most insulting terms be could eb. For Frank Blair, whose broth member of Cabinet, poisoned oar New England nd, dor’ obligaiions to”eave weare o or the Integrity of Say pay fy Sy is preciens constitution, Ro YY ely say Sumption of ihe previons popular habit, dovg must admit bis equality in th cs box sennte board. ry 4 We are coming close en to that bargain, | 1863 with bis impudent advocacy of colonigaticn, “Feb.” “You knew it would bea mortal biow at the i t and moet in} 001 mation. if at the * in a bastard science; afraid tha T want t0 toll you why 1 think that your President la | whoee intrigues yi not wholly, lost us the | rebellion?” «vee.”” “And yet you hood and struggled | oven repeeie hie indignant protest agaloes ie usorpation | tim, nq we conidenily espe, the Union ed. @eaguien, to allow that the negro was a not to be trusted in that critics) bour—infiottely more | free State coustit: ryian4, innot Mr. Lincoln | to make peace and avoid liberty!” ~Yos.’’ Would Froth ‘came the leaging republicans of New York were a Why, certainly, you men that bissed me, dk not should Infor that they were pot Chris =i the | critica? than Antietam or Geityaburg. We may well be vigeross—are, — Javea “his onset when It suits ot History answer, shes bo delicate scales | Crmmitige to ask fing, republicane Of New Fprk were ® | oo niga ne foe dolhg shat wbied Abraham di mant la thoor’ that in the feild of tle the victory w' va ne hese, whic! ol Dori uct Fins. jan- teen years waard ays w deicsietan Wthtock. this’ inc ewtoncy bas poisoned | ten io this great contrcoray suite bim best? {Cheers and | ism Blazee irom her grave ot two" thoutsnd | 10/8 (werd scattered over tho West appolnting s new con. | teen yeats ago, and Bewsardears 4s the vat vention, News of Atianta came and they succumbed. I bardly know of @ leading republican press or speaker who aid not givo tbat plap bis couptenance. TEE RADICALS HAVE TO “i oe TAREAT OF DIVIDING 5 AR . All this testimony and action prove the nofitness of the Preaidegt, in the opinion of radical men, to mould the perce wWhtch 1s coming. How, then, did Mr. Lincoln suo- cee'l to De renominste sironsesh 8 who doubts which section is the stronger. Bat tla ymanship, honesty, loyalty and uvderstanding fthe hour are the qualities 9s for men to make tbal ‘Tae RacoNSTRUCTION”’ CFONPATION. gest bargain, which is to , Ageio, cne Habn bas been appointed and acts as of centuries to oo! Now, friends, I am going I ¢ enor yeu aby § private, wpotligial note of ene, wash Ubere can Po 99 rea! pandt ao durable r x91 TOR Tuk AIH, aor seconire roe magvenbaa” | LES PotAk. ‘Adelie ach of manioe bed pecdtesy . ton of the Unicd, except Vised OM the eqitrage sd + Pegord of Mr. Lin T Sbant not men: | osurpation on Lincoln’s part. This, bowever, is only a then wit tetinctiog of color, W aot WHY ABy “wisi eriminate bim—to | part of his w! le eign tion’ in taking to himself RL. Me, LINCOLN’s MODEL OF RECOSSIRUCTION + blange Be 1s bye ues be bygones. 1 Rave Reltber the whole matter of reconstruction. The Fremident man! & the expr... AGS pra SCM bate all power | tune BAF it!oa tor reorimination. Bi ie aif old | putates into oxistoncd chafii tailjtary boards (a iis bande or une, eee tlie F860, soured by | phrase, “ipaenmu::® for tho past aod ssodklty tor the Ca- | Arwsneng isin, Rapilaen them State Seen hating tha laboring class, plotting “*°8kunuly for | jure,” jf Want no indemas'¥ [or I nsk is | mente, an asserted by & leading republican eSeeteacte institutions. To reconstruct the "ede! | segurits ir ee fature? “Ame. ) itizeni tor that they are to be and ought 0 permitted to vote Sone ‘that fuodel is only coutivumg the war in the ) charg id future of our children, mii in this Presidential election, it is to carry ont this um ut her politics and ber religion for seventy hisses.) Tt will continye to do ap for sevou bundred, jf it iz! b> itil it conaes Foal pence Je im ) I believe now, 95 I have always 8 real on years—Qui non vetat, cum delet et passil, julet: He who does not abolish when he might und ought, estab: lishes. Go, new founder of slavery.” Lut you will say this is unjust to Mr. Livcolp, Ho w berg te Md the einyy if be pe wok dl That Pree negroes would bave «lv ts fh jo. Ho held back from freeing them be- cauge he would pot rigk the Union merely to help toe save, To that J ans’ the ingrained tory who bo lieved a man would no it because be was b ack ‘s not the man to settle the terms of peace where the negro ts 80 nearly concei answer sgain, the man who knew so little what the Narth went to war for is not she map to mould its conditions of peace, Tgnoran is own time and contempt for tho begro are pot just the quall- 0 stereotype into law what our sous are dying for in ve naked egain and again what sort of a maa I bave foe Hoyer wld i {m the wor the preamble wil) cheerfally support apy man the Preside! ‘whom I believe bonest, oapebie, solved to ond thie wat 908s ‘to form @ more Union,’ to “tosure domestic trenquility” torerer lish juatice”” ‘or all men of hed Shr the, dlecnifas of lbepty to beresived todo =] rity,’ meaning by ourselves every one born ry one who takes refuge beveate i¢. Nt pessee, fn. eeyenty yoarg, Suo was wont to say to the "Submit (my terms or I'll break ge Union,” fad tl s and er his party into justice. (Prol cheers.) WP. THzopona TiLx0%, of the Independent, was called Sy and made afew remarks, alter which the meeting oi eR 1861 the North, afraid to risk division, submi Lincoln, putting down his fcot, said to Maswecbusetts the republican party, “Hubmit of risk dividing the re publican party if you dare.” They submit, ap! he is master of the situation. Perhaps, on political and party grounds, they can do nothiog @40, and he cane not be averte’. But I sm no politioian. 1 risk di- w aie chamber after we have closed it in the field. | the negro, with the bofior of democratic iol viuabing scheme that he vetced tho Congreesioval bill eh reconstruction, leaving the South with its labor | charge you anxiously, discriminate wisely in regard to | jast July (there is really no veto under our constitution, | Gad capital at war, puts the wiolo peymeut of the | the characte? of that hand to which you are to entrust | but we use the term for couyentence), a veto which drew ‘ 6p the iadustribus North, aiid in that way it will | the cxeting vote im that bargain on which bangs the | forth the only manly act done by the republicans for a white man and the Degro for a century to como, Again, | twotvemonth—J mean tho protest of Mesars, Wade aod EN'R INJUSTICE TO THE NEGRO. unlearned contempt for the 1 Fragrant Sozodont 3 now attractin, ere fi ‘a century, Such reconstruction makes ‘ , 7 6 i ' gomp ol the Degro & sham, nd perpetuates | ara willing, H you pleaso, for this moment and this | hayte. 1 oall the whole action of tho Prosident usurpa- ae tame, Pg eth ae t tbe | viding the Union for the slave’s sake, aod I dare, in | beneficial y ‘ola ‘Under a softer name. Such récovstruction,Jeav- | hour, to allow all degre of honesty to Mr. Liv- | tioa, because reconstruction cannot begia in any State till motion of r. Lovey Y; she Gouse & ° ay tue seme cavse, to risk divicing the Tepul loan patty world ne coe sng the eeeds of disdonjent and division fo tbe south io | coln—that he means tho truth. and has only misaod it } war’ ends, Wheaever and wherevor war cnda, all mi, | so'veds mlnely trot oe fogiive. slave Ie od rede tenes Me foute Woae, SeWerd. poh, bow: phan. El ae Oo * jeplages id facilitates another rebellion, | intended the public good, but bas oniy m! jority to reconstruct resis in Congres: ot du churn ft CE ol will, y 0 : Rigetica or with tho tid ot Fronch Moxico. Sach | (he way. Cardinal, De Retz says, that“ irreso. | the Mere, coder the’ ideaet Fi was enacted March, 1862. Wicklitfe, of Kentucky, said | Soryatism to day, and £0 acts to conclitate it Mr. Weed | Prizes Casned im All Legalized Lotte ri yo dooms us toa second or thigd rate place | jute men often wish an end, but reiuck at the | usurpation n, Meetiess and pre-ominently lg cient ag ute tee ie Ae, we bas the Custom House, and be tgng = goune hae coun ries; and ven. mat ET's s 900g f e 1 ‘ sane in Con. | sun, February, 1862; Seuator G , + | try disgracing the nation w: is offers to give un honor rokei Broadway, B. a and provokes foreign insult and ageres | necessary mi 7 Lot this explain Mr. Lincola. | gero siatesmen and no partisans charged ‘those high ia military office?” with this’ guilt. Se wat ier. Liocolageext year will eb ‘elon. There {s bo plan of reconstruction possibie wathin MR LINCOLN VACILLATING AND IRRESOLUTR. preas tact of the, President of thle nat ey dae aiasnen et ineh tote aavonvoed ‘MeCook, Buel, Hose | Sud,sil for penn, But ber. 14 leat, yeas wid obey Je aR Qba'the ballot, abd os Se iiiba es the bate iene Fe eeeood. { arn ab abolitionist, and | ef, and Halleck’s infamous order No. 3, banishiog ail (u- | {ig hand oo its mouth, as now, imperious a5 Weed, : “Ot Glaten, ‘There te not ia tho rebel Ststen pucicient Iy beleve, that tus pledge was wrung | rojoiee in everything which probags this war now that | Rives irom or tinea. Show me from that day til now | anq this te the moral of my talk Jou to-alght. hak ice Joyal white basis to build upen. If we rofuce this method, | out of Mim by the pressure of the Cleveland movement, | {ts prolongation becomes necessary to the frerdom of tho Oe roe ot oan erts intuumoue ofence? Te cuie | these repalicane why they auomit, and they a £5 ‘we must subdue the South and hold it asterritory until | and is, fa a very large degre, only an clectioneering act. | negro But! am algo a citizen, and watch vigilantly for the bop as ee rs cnfordag ed glow] pains vod LD have made such @ ropntation tor ) ir Lin that 7 Bip Reperation, of white mon has passed away, and | I will coept It without question. Let me remind you, iu | weifare of constliutional government. If Mr. Lincoln shout eee ace any. Se one Tatone fhae the be a ately ees oe se eee oe ae apie a s, Ratncen eaptial erey “and, inntatae | siriney st Riv’ ceronnded; ood of civil. wars bet ove ia pervound Teitsserts to bie sloctions ever lover of conati, | watch is jasue in poave? In Decomber, 1901, | tnis fall:—“Together, ygu can make Lincoln withdraw in | just closed, the first premium for the best deodte thi all they at first demanded; and of civil wars pot one in four ever did #0. Reconstruction, then, wiil be matter o( bargain, Jo a bargain neither party ever gets ail ho sows out with asking. Wo must expect, therefore, that when the bargain is made, one or the other of the two claims mado at Nisgara will bo wholly or ia part surreudared. Mr. Lincoln's offer js Union le one or the other he must compromise | Which is it likely to be? If Willian Lioyd Garrison stood in ‘the President's place, I should have no fears. (Applause.) I should fee! that though be might yield on the quesilom of Union, ho would never surrender a hair's breadth on that of liberty for ail men. Can I put the same trust ia Abrabam Lin- Golu? Jn che first place, remember he i# a politician, not, ike My. Garrison, @ reformer. Politicians are ike the fore leg and shoulter of a horse—not an upright bone in the whole column. (Laughter.) That which is uot itself crooked stands crooked. But for this the beast could pot move. Reformers are Doric columns. Weight may crush them, but can neither bend nor break. But our , and Northern capital, energy and immugra- fon have forced their way into tho South. we adopt tbat plan, and wait for such changes, ) “Rwodty yoars must elapse before we can venture to ra- » ‘Palla wile, a large and expensive army and + phe use of despotic power by « government holding bal aT ‘and citizens as sudjectes mako every ' an tremble for the fato of free government, : Hoag ra lzationof the States, on & ‘ and ough Li hi doshcoratic Dane, qtery ‘ane and race equal before the ~ aw, ts the only tard a4 epasty way to save the Union. b fee i not for the black man’s sake alone, but for ours— ‘WITH REBELS. Mr, Lincoln's ofee ot amnesty has been accepted by with wealth in tl bands and treason jn their . all over West Virginia, Missour!, Toanessee aud : idea ie is the q the Congress denounced the horribie brutalities of the District jail—ebowing that —Curisteudom could hardiy paraiiel it, the Marshal had the almost incredible impudence to deny Mission to Sena tors, The Notth ehook with judignation at the bar- barous and impu in the treat- ment of the colored race ther Mr. Lineoln refused to remove the marshal. Iam not sure that be has even yet done so. In January, 1863, Mr. Lincoln summoned the biacks into the army, the War Department promising thom the same trontment as white soldiers, He allows, in bis letter to Hodges, that be has there some 300,000 enrolled. Their help he says is indispevsavie. He pever freed them, he says, out of any regard for them no, only when Be could not help it. He coniesses he could not now do without them. At any moment since that Ist of January be might have paid these to- dispensable allies the same as be paid white soldiers. The best iawyers in the land begged bim to pay the negro equal to the white man—toid him he could. He forty oight hours.” "Pluck and trust n each other, of | Sewing Machine both which there i# plentiful lack, would have made Fh ork, we them masters of the hour, nt if it be too late, 1 beg to | Machine Compa: remind thom of Dry de Ase a A Idiots only may be coremed twice. it ible to make coaund: ‘oat icy of timid, india. | LON'S MIGHT BLOOMING CB. sun +, which will make | 00 joke in being without it, Batch ‘s Hair Dye—she bed in the mm, Beraiees, rebable, tustantaneoes. the only pertost ve Hat Pr ‘vative eit oes 3 "a Fate, Dye | Prever Denfness, Disenses of the Eye ae co De cabwit Rreinion pace Uitghin leat), Hew frow id the first premium for the warded to he Grover & Baker Be tutional liberty would be bound to resist tt in the best way ho could, These certainly are acts of puro despet- ism, and such a6 no theory of the war power can justify, and for which no plea of, military necessity can be mide, 140 not recall them now ag imatter of accusa- tion agaist the President so much as to show that he can be evergectic, vigorous and decisive where it suits him; and if be is pot @o in protecting and ueing the nego, It is only from lack of wish. REVIRW OF MR LINCOLN’# COURSE. But let us come directly te the emanctpation question and Mr. Livooln’s geveral bearing towaras the negro, and by @feirexamination of bis whole record ft our selves to judgo which, at the final settlement, he will eld on—the question of Union or thai of the negro. First, let mo say, that though valuing the war chicily, as T believe the controlling min th do, for this its incidental but inevitable result (those minds but or which the war would never have been andertaken), stil! noone of them ever asked goveroment to abolish slavery mere!y u end brutal | criminate praise towar r bim master next year, and gi m protest if next summer ho dra th ful compromise. Let them remember thts was the folly which lifted the dwarf McCicllan and fet Bim on the shoulders of power; this the policy tbat enabled the Baltimore Couvention to defy the party. No more such mistakes. Sboridan used to say be had heard of men knceking their brains out against Drick walls, but never of building brick walle specia lly and oaly in order to knock one’s braing out. And yet this is the policy urgqued. Witness the offer of the Awening Post, and, further, listen to one of Mr. Lincoln's advocates— Mr, Tilton ot the /ndependent, at Latimer Hall, Brooklya. olass which has always t oeratic tendency of the Union, ‘ stil bates 1s. This js the class whieh re- t lied to bteak the Union, and their, purpose is an H tion ts to bend—without it the | pecause it was sinful. When Mr. Lincolu had got power jelly author. “i anged. Military dofept has not converted these men; isiclan, whose funel whol cad eget Wwered them with jeors. Congrese specially He says: Died Wi foe sirences of dovent is aly adied to tbe biterness of Biate ovat aoa hae OF UG EESTILION eh00) TO eee ae te eae reer iso mere deference | ized bim to are the opinion of his attorney general, | | As ctber gentiemen i rte ae tee Fe , ort to slavery. I regret! done any day; and fnaily, this es is rs ry. ot lies Ww question —push! r to his abstract judgment and feeling on slavery.”’ We ra wen the Baltimore have only called on the government to touch slavery a8 & righteous, efiiciont and Beoessary means to sive the Union, Bub let us recur to Mr, Lincolo’s record. 10 his life and judge. Bear th mind, while we examine it, that it was slivery ir 4 fa) at the poy Ey that the w: accepted 10 NETO, avi e pation’s Deoseaity has forced It to link ita {ate witn that juoreage the evil a th usand fold, ent our army roeturos, will wield and while they crush the negro the samo conspirators summer Attorney tes, Deing requested, says that there is mot and there making any distinction between whites and bia “a q Yet, at this hour, nine o'clock, the 26th of October, 1864, of the United States will not pay the Istform? It stands on twe pil Piveltion and the prohibition of republican 4 fore nake the war ¢ ‘aabio; he |. No theor; of the iro, Now, then, observe bow unduly tender | his dobate with Douglas, in 1868, be would not grant tl Surging the saver, fence, ‘ere not fain: A con Opa aoe’ right to oso. | the Presiteut bas Yocustoward the South; how unduly ‘citizenship oF suffrege—was oppored to — ae bee tom 1°wages. (cries of “Shanie.”’) Ie that | ful tothe banner the} bear: whey weer tt in tale and if, Pi snould mysei defend their } at rously reluctant he has been to appreach the tical or ‘social equality—ana believed | aman to bo trun with the rights of the | only balf. e ‘orm could’ mever live together, In Congress he made bimself nent by adding to the powor of tho infamous Blave bill—extending the area to ge negro or uso bis aid. Vigorous, despotic, decisive every- where els, be halta ates, doings bart ath or help the negro, First, ‘at the policy of ‘Ata Cabinet meeting (or something oquivaient to 18) bel negro in the critical hour of compromise. (Lou ores of ‘Yes, yes,’ and counter cries of ‘'N no.) Well, gentiemen, now hear m ‘use power. BOW To AVERT fr. 1 we avert thiet™There was « time, in 1961 © he and Co'ade—Use Marsha Wn TREN TAM DROPS Excellent. Bebd by tbe reg war, Na infucvce which {t would appiy. When be left home to assujno ject you pi nd PINE TRS! wees ociy néroises, tight by appre: | early fu the summer'ot 1801, 0 waa dietisotly determined | the Presidency Bie drat pledge was to rewrs siaves. | 1 am coming to, the apie y sgtabis to notice how niany falnential repabitcans | S% —- ietitutional ts have guaran’ the | not to A tbe Sonth, not to Hurt it, but only to array | During bie administration’ C has been p= A tilow that ho is the only candidate in the ficld ise domes wee, to CD cendiogt Hee deetnl rem Great Sensation.” + Baton forever ta the m Meatee, by Dasing it on the | the North io tartor am 4 glorions in & dozen antl raver Taine slavery tn the Dis- | cbosring, and voices “You are getting right pone, to thrust out ob ane Vthe nobler half of the Balnimare “MBTBETICO! ~ feerep Mionrenpeemmsertact uate | Seah ean Setovsd serns ae teas Wn mi | sos” gio te re You Bare creamer eer ae :. Bf an abolitionist of A atateeman Unt cai have. cot this | prise be wounded and compromise rendered siheres acksowledging Liberia. nod autempuird | Astor that Confederate gunboat which aucbored off | whish, too freely Randied. roay eadanger ie lsc SBaRO. f be mar retercat yA took of vigor, lack of | Mr. Blair the only digsentient. He tl to do ‘Justice to tho colored soldier in the matter of | A ihe 20th of Angus invited McClellan to | frighten away some yours who mean to tole wii ean tin street, i Werdion Enos Lage of Rove ieee’ ighesh "peace of toe | should he carla on taittary, not political princi- | pay, Ac., &e. Of originating all these, the merit be Cee on A a ot ani its Kearsarge and cia the | oe, condition that Be ang aN oe E Puryowe, ink, of lovey JO Mrverutneot, line ferfeltod | pice: but was overruled. Tale policy ‘cootinued tor | foo‘e wiclly to Oougreas. “We, do. not eer o: any | be captain, 1 Bope it will moot is Rewssrge sa. 00 Os | seahing. unk We darmoctee Peay anaraszive outs tee © Thant'doagivee” opportontty,. nod. tse Grought vs Ine | more shaa a year, and explains the dreary nightmare of | effort ef the President ccuneoied with ibe _ Tie only | Anpitn Ss bie Sonia Ue Salli peas lucky aa oeraile patty. expecting vo be de‘aase. cap wel alord @teid a united South and a divided North, The only | Mo‘ leclian. co-operated, aad in some (as confiscation his brother Semmes. I hope be will get n0 English swin- thet If omly for seoee tae i n Sewing cooperated, Thetr effort to guarantee bie own propia. SARE YALORE OF SEB Was. r to save bim from the fate he devervos, Yot at the to us now is tocall the poor whites of the Y Sie tan ‘or twenty months that was the government's poliey. | mation he vetoed, Boar in mind that tbe North aco a 7 oanen + Bouth toto pol existence, and thus withstand this | | For twenty C3 * | pu , Mae ense tho meave of | Same time, If you will ilsten to me for m momen! ‘ethos mise amach x . Lincoln has | Mr. JAncoln drove before him every earnest mem who | the war mainly, if not wholly, rs WHY MA. PHILLIPS RXAMONRS THE RECORD OF LINCOLN $e satin "Pewee which ‘Sesotted, | would atrike home, and he Kept in the frout ouly the sboiahiog slavery; that the Bouth rebelled w save it, | | wny wn, pmiLtns erases oe Oring the record Of Te-ostabdiisbed. hitherto tgnora Saye yoen driven mm herds vo joners! Harding or John y: ang thet Me, Lineoia, in his interview, September, — with the Chicago comm said, “Slavery is at the Toot Of {he rebellion, oF at least its sing gua non.” Still, of Fort Pillow. Those two In Jaly, 1863, Mr. Lan road way. Ladies’ Bracelete—New Sy) ay, ai 3 cana ory. cK soldiors wore’ killed 1a ballot bor, a iN eee j Calhown air ed ir. Lincoln. I was speak! ‘lho clad. ¢ ‘words tell the sad Soin aetounced thet if sed Quaker cannon and sot real ones. (Applause Weciaers). Be sald himeeif, in valy, 3961. 18 Congress, meosaaze — ‘The only diffiouity of government is Peay Petr ye ye Le ing troope faster than we can pr. vide (or | atver thas loug interview betweev the President and the om " 4 Jane this "clasy, pes, 2 wontting te ae thom; and 1 betleve, ‘ut Sut: posple wilt | ponder eeate Seprencntatives ia; Suly, 1602, Mr Hp | Co caseatea. ihe eels ‘nasenote. of Fort Pillow, Necklaces, fo ¥ Nigence ofend ty sd t : save thoir government i the government wilt Ouly do iis | Maynurd, 008 Of thoes present, thus describes to Mr. | De Lincoln went to Baltimore, nnd promisod to carry out | put, beyond thie, shimid the sui TIN BIGHT. 0.0. Al \. Union clement tn Tebeeasee, Tor insiance, to cutw part Jada ata, Regd) Well, pocrilacat cat Ligeotn the Impression it made oa him:— | nie order ie any aalbentic cans won brouguete nia nobles, SS Fee etren. J ¥ ‘confedert th ence ey re oF the fan ake oat ae evidence tant the government bed Re ee OT ta Gah Ween Wee eas eee wae t x Be Ra | oan "arlatcoraey not done its part even ‘‘indifiereatiy well,” There never rebel General Jones puts fity of onr whid offloors ander Pa aon ourse. How & coral Seay e + porecy, Northern. elviiization, ‘on democ' wae a people that loaded dows 18 govermment with each fire, government ia quick to pot tho same number of Fanthy'e ihs ageing emugemmens fer ¢ commend elf to the mons, plant tooit Ta Dave: | Taare sevee wer ere ee tbe'same rank under thelr firc, 02 stop the oulrage. Hiasay, box 6529 Pott Delon, Tem ™ f Races, aie debe ety See i grcten | Medhte Patna aes wey, Sat “ ove wi f ay ado and indestructiis in. ibe negro’s Beart, and ate meee, Shapes -mea in our uniform were taken prisoners in Virginie in In this work of educa and sold fnle slaveny, the President tolls the ~~ country. Ban f respond iim the December, 1863, before emeacipation a % c iter se erecnae fona bio it, @ full Red a nent ay ented; gid asks that I( Mr. Wood knows xi Sarat mat, im 1802, Mr. says we shall do pone fo yon. about It. could | do? Poor man! it 9) Ane with only hait of mea insarms, and foor millions the repel = inthe of dotiars a day ‘and a hot, indignant nation te | Fead) tal ‘what Gould he do? Butler, to be sure, elwaga are trae fede Aawop rebel cannon whon pointed at bis | pro‘eate of Day trenchte ot biset soldters. He y spikes them 5 er oF two, aad socom “all ts quiet al » te be sure, what could one 4 do In such engage He bas ug Will, on Si ee carter ths, she war wasa failure. Yeu, pite of the «id rea kings i ‘pe ‘fo madly fie ton Power dot vast es ‘_— ye ‘ERS esas pa . bands; the SEE rece ee 1 praeties eam the nattor bo Be wil be -— 0 toa whi confirms oil we lern sotebere the retygeance with whieh be coe: