The New York Herald Newspaper, October 24, 1863, Page 10

19 Large Meeting at the Cooper Institute, Speeches of Senator Lane, of Indiana; 1 Tremaine and John W. Forney, Bey Ken, &e. Another very large and imposing Union demonetration took place yesterday in the hallef the Cooper Institute, fho speakers aunounced for tho occasion were Senator Kane, of Indiana; Mr. John W. Forney, Seeretary to the United States Senate, and Mr, Lyman Tremaine, the re- publican candidate last fal) ‘the Lieutenant Governor. ebip of this State. There were a large number of ladies among the audience. Among the political mottoee exhibited on the platform wore the following:— eObOOeee tO Ob SCION INNO NONE S NCOMMON UNION TO MAINTAIN TRE POWRR, GLORY 4¥D INTEGRITY OF SHE NATION. neeenenet ed sheneneeet ee , LAOS DIE LODD IID OILED DIO DIODE DODD ODDO PLKDGKD TO MAINTAIN THR NATIONAL UNION. : ILL LOLE TE ODLS: RRO: renee. LOO COON II IO LODE LONE LE DIOL DONE DE OE: i ONE FLAG, ONE COUNTRY, ONE DESTINY. AORN ODOT OLOOLE porvnne® NO COMPROMISE WITH TRAITORS, NO NEUTRALS IN THIS WAR, THE FLAG O¥ OUR UNION SHALL ¥LOAT OVER SUMTER. AON OS EDDA DE POLO ILE ‘The meeting was organized by the appointment of Mr. Obarles H. Marshall as Chairman, Mr. MaRsuauy returned ‘thanks briefly and introduged as the first speaker the Hon. feary & Lane, of Indiana. * SPEECH OF SENATOR LANE. Mr. Laws—after the cheers which greeted him had sudsided—addressed the meeting. He said it gave him pleasure to address the people of New York on an occa sion so interesting tohim and so futlof hope to every Joya! and true man in the country. (Applause.) Here, fm the metropolis of the nation, he might make his plea for the country. He trampled under his feet tho be- hests of party. He kuow only the country, tho whole country, and nothing but the country, (Ap- Jause.) He had no partisan speech to make, He Eas higher mission and a holier work—to speak en behalf of his poor, blecding, distracted country He should speak to-night to willing auditors—to the peo- ple ‘of this great city, seated in hor queenly robes be- weou her two great rivers,and herself the witness and monument to the beneficent effect of free institutions and to the grandeur of buman labor, (Applause.) ‘Ihey had the grandest issue ever submitted ofther to the de- Mberations of a people, or to the terrible arbitrament of the sword, The question was whether this it republic should live or die. In this controversy there could be but two parties—tho loya! and the disloyal. ( Applause.) He was surrounded by life long demecrats, by men who ‘were democrats when democi meant something— when it meant devotion to human rights and the Nberties of the people. men hailed as coworkers brothers in the noblest bro therhood that ever bound men ether. He was also surroun by bis old whig compatriots, goarred veteraus of a hundred well fought whig battie fields; men who followed the fortunes vf the far seeing statesman, incorruptible patriot and fear'ess orator, the Lord of the Lion Heart and Fagle Eye,” Honry Clay, of Kentucky. (Cheers.) This Ged accursed rebellion had no ¢ause; but what was the pretext alleged? That the in- stitution of slavery was in danger by the election of a Fepublican President. The institution of slavery never as more seoure on earth than it was at the Inception of the rebellion, For the truth of this he referred to the speech of Alexander Hi, Stephens, the demigod of cop- porhead idolatry all over the country. He showed how even the Crittenden compromise would not have secured peace, But it was said that the war must be brought to ® cloee by conciliation and compromise. it they as freemen to compromise’? What wrong had they done? ‘They had simply elected a President of the United States under all the forms of law and the constitation, They had the right todo it,and if they gave up that right they were slaves, ready made to the hand of any,tyrant who chose to use them. It was said the rebels must Dave additional constitutional guarantees on the subject of slavery. What guarantees could be given them? He, for one, would never give them, while they were rebels in arma, any proposition of compromise. (Applause) ‘He would negotiate on the bloody battle field. His mes gage of mercy should be seat at the cannon's mouth and on the pojvt of the eabre and the bayonet. (apriacse. ) A slight interruption bere ocourred in the bil, in con. Bequence of some one expressing disapprobation of this sentiment, Thore was some uproar, and cries of “Put out.” Mr, Laws remarked that he was accustomed to such ‘uterraptions,and did not regard them, for, al ith Se ae prothead in the city ‘of pass Why were the people at the North divided in Fegard to the war? The reason en was the radical sion of Congress and the arbitrary acts of the Pre- lent—of that man whose very name was the synonyme for hovesty and purity of purpose, J these radical acts of the President was proclamation ef universal emancipation. (Cheers. tion was well guarded It gave the rel suffic: ‘Warning ‘‘to fice from the wrath to come.” The aboli- tion of at the commencement of the rebellion, the object of Its object was to establish the supremacy of the laws, and the emancipation was but a means to the end, an in- @ident tothe war. President Lincoln had been the in- strument in the hands of Providence to record the great- est, grandest edict which ever revolutionized human 80- ciety or changed human history. (Appiauge.) Ho (Mr, Lane) had been considered rather conservative at home. Segoe 2 Ho was conservative of the rights of free men and loyal men. He radical in regard to the Punishment of treason and of traitors. And if slavery was to dic fu this struggle he was not to be expected to be a mourner at ite funeral. (Langhter.) If he could to- day, by his own fiat, provide that to-morrow’s sun should pot on a single slave in chains, be would have it so; and yet he was considered in lis own county rather conservative, — (Applause. ) eaves the Conscription law necessary? Because mise- rable sympathizers with treason had discouraged enlist- mont and volunteering, and encouraged desertions in the army. if the Conscription law was odious, these men were chargeable with it. Thank God, they had had po conscription in Indiana, for there men bad yoluntecred to fli tho ranks of the army. As to the exemption clause, he had voted against it, because ho kuow by instinct Lat it would be made a handie of by misera bie demagogues; and his colieaygue—a Hebrew of the Be- brews--voted for it. Ag to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, he voted for that bill asa war measure, And why? ‘He saw that the wealthy slave- holders of Washington city were the nucleus, social and —. ‘round which secession rallied and bad spread. ad in of bis hearers ever seen a nogro begg ton? Notone. The negroes of Wasbington were od bud been for years the only self sustaining ppulstion jn the Districkof Columbia. (Laughtor.) The President, the heads of departments, members of Con. OBS, © holders were paid salaries by the people, t the negro was a self sustaining institution. (Laugh: ) Ast) the equality of the black and white rroes, all he had to say was that if the white man was more in- tolligent or moro virtuous*than the negro, he was #0 far Dis superior, and no legislation could affect that “oadition, Men voluntarily selected their associations, but he would Say to his rebel eympathizing friends what the negroes ‘bad already got the start of them. (Langbter.) All that could be said upon the subject of the suspension writ of habeas corpus, had been sald in the Senate by John C Breckinridge, now a general in tho wd formerly a Vice President of the United Since ho mis-named the Morning Star N fiend has {allen 80 far. ee ry arrests, he would take t case of the jate Clement L, Vailandicham—(bisses)— an ‘lustration, Was that an arbitrary arrest? He un derstood an arbitrary arrest to be without warrant and without » charge, devending on the mere caprice of the officer, But bere there wag uot oniy a warrant, but there wore sworn charges connecting bim with the utterance of sevtimonts that were tn their ature treasonable and Galowinved Lo peralyse the arm of the national covernment, He wes arrested by mllitary authority, tried by a mili tary tribural sod condemned A writ of habeas corpus ‘WG thon sued out before Judge Leavitt, a democrat of feaee Jackson's appointmest The writ was dismissed Cause Juag Leavitt decided that he had oo Juriattetion ne Courts hed jurisds Ob no, To night, on Georgia, democratic and repb- tholr midnight bivouac. On the butg they Gta mov grave, of in @ common torrent, spilled in 2 of the Uston and covatitution. (Applause, ) in his Leart of hearts be tyenored such democrats as bot Doman language veiled bin, and he bad no ‘ebel eyn m used of * our :Wuthern brethren. No rebels were brethren of hie, 1\e bad but ove brother, whom he loved as bimeelf; aod Jf that brother were a Fobel against tho” government he would, as God was hin jadgo, ike him in bis arms, as Abi%ham did Isaac, and . (Cheers.) Asto outh--what righ€® bad they? (A Toey had destroyed all their avd bad Co-nigbt but two aod © legal right—a | ogal right to be Banged rs vpn earth. and « divine right & » a8 troitore hereafter (Applause ) fety and pence was throu,\o vigorous corsful war, (Applanse) The omesa and sigon of the times were all hovetul. They had alravdy made Fful advances towards the subjugation of the re- They held Mary and in their grasp—or rather Maryland held berseit in tho grasp of the Union,, Ken twoky was to doy as trae and loyal as any State ui” tho Union. (Appiausc.) They held Mixtouri, Tennesse’, & tion of Northern Alabama aud almost ihe whole uishapa aud Missiseipp!. To day government recarities were sought itor as the eafent investment by the busi Bers man and capiialwt. (Applauee.) This great war Bad demonstrated one thing; that united, we were not Oty tho flest military Power on carth, bot that oar ma torts] resources wero unpal story of any courttry. But it x were the Southorn States to be irented as conquered praviaces Be would not reconstruct at He never deemed it spirit of the age and the upiversal proclamation mi feave. (Laughter and applause,) No more an no less. Ho had no doubt of the supprcesion of the rebellion, To doubt sven make him an W fall. He would fight on in this contest uoti! poration and every individual, if necessary, was rupt. He would sel) the garment off his shoulders and be buried as a pauper at the public Defore he would seo the rebellion triumph over his country. (Applause.) He would fight as as there waa @ single man to bear & musket, aud when man should fail he would give over the combat to th) women and children, with perfect confidence in the triumph ef the great cause of the re public. (Cheers. ) The Pamapryt then introduced Hon. Lyman Tremaine, who was received with enthusiasm:— SPEECH OF THE HON. LYMAN TREMAINE. Pruow Cinzuys: ‘he fearful civil war which for thirty monthe has devastated our country still continues to Tage with fury and violence. This war, among othor ro- sults, bag produced a total destruction of ail old issues and existing politica: organizations in the Southern por- tion of the Union. Among ourselves it bas effected, sub- stantially, a dissolution of old parties and the reforma- tion and ‘construction of new ones, deriving their dis- tinctive character from the confticting opinions entertain ed concerning the war itself, and the various questiens growing out of it during ite progress. ‘OLD 1S8UKS OBSOLETE AND OLD PARTIBS DISSOLVED. It is true that, owing to a natural attachment to old organizations, and owing still further to an unwillingness and an inabjiity to recogeize the magnitude and effect of the mighty events which transpire around ns, masses of men end continue to cling to the names and aesoctations: of bygone day#, But I repeat the remark: old fssuce have passed away; old parties have become obsolete; party ties have been severed, buried up, and destroy ed by the eventful revolution through which we are passing; and men who, fancying that —_— conserya- tive and that conservatism requires that they should hold fast tothe ground onwhich they stord under other circumstances and in times of ace, find them- selves, ike chaff in a whirlwind, swept along by the irresistible current of evente. I know well that the sentiment which I have just expressed will not only fail to be universally accepted, but will be sharply chailenged by various classes’ of citizeffs. The mousing politicians, whose sole importance and intlu- ence depend upon the skill with which they can manipu- late the party wires aud the subserviency with which the masses consent to be managod, will controvert the proposition. The unthinking rabble, who confound names with things, who have their thinking done by others, be ing ready always to follow where the few lead, will con- trovert the proposition. The office seeker, whoge fami- liarity with party macbiuery gives him a position which he knows he would be incompetent to sustain, and that he would be eubmerged and lost in the upeisiog of 8 great people, will controvert the proposition, ward bullies, who have been accustomed to follow certain great men in @ party as the shark follows the steamship, to catch up whatever may be thrown overboard, will controvert the Proposition, Still the truth is, and as time rolls on it will become clearer, that the party names and political issues of peaceful times fail to afford safe lights for our guidance at this crisis, or for our future action during tho continuance of this war. We meet to-night to ascertain our latitude and longi- tade, to discuss the issues of the present hour, and, as citizens of the most powerful State in the Union, to in- quire what is our duty in reference to the approaching State electicn. ILLUBTRATIONS OF PARTY REVOLUTIONS. No better illustration of the complete memobing snot old parties ean be furnished than is afforded by the uames presented by the respective State Conventions as candidates, and by the doctrines avowed by the leading organs of political opinions. For a. , We observe that the go called democratic party, which in ether days was wont to refuse a nomination to any of its members, for a high position, unless he was an original democrat, “ayed in wool,” places at tho head of its ticket, for Secretary of State, an eatimablo gentleman, who has formerly occupied — public offices, as member of Congress and Superintendent of the Bank Depart- ment, not only without the aid, but in spite of the oppo- sition of the democratic “a Fort down, and nearer the other extremity of ticket, wo find on it a candidate for Treasurer who a this moment is holdin; high office to which he was elected in opposition te candidate of the democratic party only two years since. Nor wasit known,! believo,to the public prior to his nomination that this gentleman claimed to be a demo- crat. Do not und me as intending to epeak in termie of reproneh oF sie Ste cree teat ‘Nor with m; consent sball an important political canvass degeveral into .pereona! abuse. I award to theee gentlemen tho same integrity of purpose which I claim for myself, and to these things to illustrate my position. of the olution ef- men ep gyre Blige) list announced in the Albany Atlas and Argus to add the #0 called ‘ tic and conservat! ings Im the State, That roll will attract attention @ absence of the “Olid Guard” . x aw nat The Hon. A, Oakey Hall, of New York cit; Hon. ks, of New York cl Brool Hon, William Duer, of Oswego; ‘ of New York city; the Hon. A. ©. Davis, of New York city; the Hon. James 8. hp gentiemen are al as ‘able and distinguished,” and ena that Sg Dearly all, fe-long oppos! democr: to the can- of ‘ing the arb “alt Union and overthrow! . of 1811 the domocratic party sustained the validity of a law entirely similar eee iple. Such a law was recom- mended by President ison, vindicated by Secretary Monroe, aearorel by the Cabinet, opposed by the fede- ralists, and was prevented from becoming a jaw only by the treaty of which was entered into while the project was still under discussion. The Union ticket also is composed of candidates and supported by citizens who, before the breaking out of the war, had occupied entirely antagonistic political positions, Other illustrations of my proposition furnished by our last State election in this Btate. GENERAL ELECTION OF 1862. we thousands of men, life long opponents of the democratic party, including those who had been wont for years vehemently to denounce the institution of slavery, and who had found such denunciations yielding rich politteal fruits, alarmed (as they professed) at the vigorous blows aimed by the President at slavery, as war measures declared to have been adopted solely to restore the Union fleeing in alfright, to the support of their ancient foe, declaring that they would not consent to become abolitionized. On the other hand ‘we saw thousands of democrats, who, for their stardy re- sistance to the doctrines of the abolitionists in times of peace, had been stigmatized as proslavery men, aban- doning the 80 called democratic ticket and supporting tue Union party. These tren reasoned in this way —While the slave States remained loyal to the constitution we felt constrained by our regard for that instrument to oppose any attempt to interfere with slavery in the States. We bave ever regarded slavery as a great social, political and moral evil; but we felt constrained by the compromises of the constitution from meddling with it, and wore re- solved to leave its management to the States where it ex- ists, and if the friends of slavery had continued true to ‘the Union we should have continued so to act. But now af- {airs are vastly changed. The friends of slavery have re- jected the protection of the gonatitution. i) ey have not only repudiated its authority, bat have mac» war upon it, and have organized a formidable rebellion 1. destroy our government. They have set up a reyolutiousry govern- ment, which their Vice President, Stephens, declares is built o slay as its chief cornerstone The Presi- dent of the United States, in the exercise of his authority as Commander-in Uhier, after giving to the rebels ninety days’ notice of his intention and an opportueiiy to revarn to their allegiance, has dociared that s's.ery among them shall cease. We approve of this act war mea- sure. Slavery having been bronght out {row (uo defences of the constitution by the action of its por vliar (rieuds, and having been used arsonal by tue rebels, we believe tho President tided in attempting fo ov: throw it. But whether ho is right or pot, we are for the war, and it can only be carried forward by the au- thorities of the Union, and we regard it as cur duty to sustain those authorities in theuse of all means hovestly intended to suppress the rebollion and save the Union." If the acts of the President are beyond bis au thority, the courts will so hold if the rebels will retubo to their duty and a tothe courte. if, onthe other band, the acts of ident are bold, aud the eman- cipation of every si the United States.shall be the result, we shall oe that by the wickedness and troa- son of the rebets themselves, Providence has opened a way, in which, without violating the coustitation, © ran’A eologiam may be mado applicable to our country. “ Whenever and wherever af! 8 foot on our soil bie chains fail offand he etauds redeemed, regencrated, and disenthralled by tho irresistible genius of American oman- Cipation.”” Returning to the prineipal question: what is our duty, a8 patriots, in reference to the pending eleo- tien’ 1 am free to decia and if Tcould adopt the doe- trine of the New Yor Lp to the effect that oue ticket was as rs a war ticket the other, 1 should feel con strained by old ties, former ansociations sed personal friendships, to prefer the ©0-cailed demceratic ticket. DEMOCRATIO TICKET NOT MEARTILY AND UNCONDITIONALLY FOR THR WAR. Bat entertaining a strong conviction that euch ticket is uot & bona fide ropresentation of an honest, earnest, 4nd sincore resolution to sustain the goverament in the vigorous prosecution of the war, without condition or Proviso, until the rebellion is hed, and that its sv Cees would exert an infieence among the rebels and in Europe unfavorable to the Union cause, / cannot and Will not support it. Having Inbored, without to bring about & uni all partion on 8 war platrorra, Ving cast in my lot wi i party of oe neriee, tot with dhe Union war parsy of of party or ‘i@ Loe call which my country makes ‘for succor in this her hour of peril, I will Orielly presont some reasons why, im my bumble judgment, the true friends of the policy cf a vigorous prosecution of” the war ahould sapport the Union ticket. RE\SOFB FOR SULTORTING THR CMON TICKET, If the democratic ticket was renily a war ticket, It in unfor(unate that it should be #0 wtrangely misunderstood, If roal wor existed between the democratic convention which sominated It and the rebols, it ie strange that Horatio Seymour should havo been regaried with novrly equal favor by it and by the rebels at Richmond Strange dbat the Low: Herald, the organ of the secession isin ® d bave onderateod that Mr. Seymour was elected by the peace party, and-hay xpeoted that he won! ! prevent the drait, and thus force Lin administration, e called, to Dring tit War toa close, How strorgo in s cl case that the leadiayt rebel organs in Virginia, Georg): ave Alobama shoud) vo ureed. ag @ roason for super baman efforts to crnsh out the Union armies, at thie time, the effect that Oonfederate vietories would ppoduce 1p opening the yuths of their democratic friends whose throdte bad beon badly choked up recemt Unien suc- cesses. If the que animo of tie. ‘ty ia the ‘State is rently in favor of otushing out rebel- lion by all means im Our power, why is it that, ueither in the Covvention nor out of it,do we hear or read of any strong aad manly denunciatlon’ of the rekels by tbeir leading orators or pressep? Why ts it that the whole strength of the party is ex: fo making war upon the same power against which tho rebels are contending that ts to say, against these who for the time beit are clothed with the administrative powers of tho government? Agreoivg, as it notoriously would, in such an event, with the alee ay upon the main question of the war, why #8 not accept the invitation of the party to unite upon ® common war plat- form? Why is there such a total absence of encourage- ment for the loyal people of this country from democratic sources? Why has every war moasure of tho President, from the time he callea for 76,000 militia to this hour, Deen remorsely denonnced and opposed by every leadin: democratic paper and speaker? Why have these organs visited upon the head of every democrat who has avowed his purpose to sustain the administration in prosecuting the war, abuse more malignant than they have over be. stowed upon Davis and the bands of traitors, pirates and assassing who do his bidding? * DRMOCRATIC MASSES NOT DIFLATAL Let me not pe misunderstood I donot say, nor have 1 ever said or believed, that the democratic masses are disloyal, Many of them have euch faith. in their party and ‘their leaders that will cling to the ticket pre- sented for their support under all circumstances. But 1 do say that the leaders aro disloyal, and that through their instrumentality the influence of the party t= cast in the wrong direction. APPROVAL Q¥ BORAIIO SEYMOUR’S CONDUCT PART OF THE YLATFORM. Io the following resolution the Convention speaks with @ heartiness and an abgonce of reserve which indicate its sincerity and earnestness, Hear ye:—~ Resolved, That the administration of Toratio Seymour as Covernor of New York meets our highest anprovai; his de- votion to the interests and diguity of the State, lis fearless assertion of the rights of the cilizen, his fidelity to the con- atitation, the administrative energy evinced in promptly sending the militia of the State to repel the invasion of the Btate of Pennsylvanta by the Confederate forces, and the vigor which he disvlayed in putting down a Jawless an reckless nob, aud the statesmenship exhibited m bis whole public action, present a record of which not only our own State but the whole American people may juatly be proud. By this resolution the Convention bas thrast into the canvass Horatio Seymour and bis whole public ac- tion.”? On this resolation the candidates accept their nommination and godown before the people. Their eleo- tidb would be hailed everywhere ns an approval by the people of tho State of the “whole public action of Gov. Seymour.” Their defeat would be equivalent to a ver dict that the people do not approve of his whole public action. In the name and on the behalf of the Union war menof New York, take up the jggue and accept the challenge. On the contrary, we assert that we dis- Dut iittle to approve in Mr. Seymour's public action as connected with this war, and much, very much, to condemn. Let the people decide between us. This issué jovolves a discussion of bis ‘administration’ and ‘(public action,” a discussion upon which | propose briefly to enter, with the plainness which belongs to ‘freedom of specch,”? but with ail the decorum of which the hature of the subject will admit, Look, then, at the boasted record as it stands for the last year. MR. SEYMOUR ON THR POLICE COMMISSIONERS. On the day of his inauguration, befere he was warm in his seat, Mr. Seymour evinocd his gratitude to the peace men by signing a citation to the Police Commissioners of N@w York to show cause why spepanena not be removed frém office. They declined to obey the summons, the Governor # courage failed, and the affair came to a ‘“ame and impotent” conclusion, to be revived after ward in the form in which it is now ponding. Tis movement was doubtiess intended to r & more vig orous progecution of the war by plxcing the police force of the city under the contro) of those who were clamor. ous for peace. At all events it forma part of tbe record of which we are told to be proud. Of his ExceHency’s annual message; of ite ‘glittering generalities:” of its utter want of harmony with the nationa) administra- tion in the great work of crushing out the rebellion; of its collation of undoubted axioms relating to personal Cs adr its happy unconsciousness of the impossi- bility of prosecuting the greatest war of which the world furnishes any history without injuries, sicrifices ‘and losses of personal rights, wo bi Not timo to speak. ‘This algo constitutes a part of the record of which we must be proud. Parties were so nearly balanced that the Assembly remained unorganized for days. The friends of Gov. Seymour hoped to an prevent nina tion, and the cangequent election of @ United States Sana tor; but they failed to secure in this movement the cs- oO tion ofa majority or a moiety of the members, and the plan was'threatened with failure. MR. KEYMOUR’S COURKE ON MOBS. Then for the first time commenced the a of terror— the rule of mob in our hitherto peaceful and orderly State. Then was inaugurated that system of rhe which, if sustained by the people; preeages the over- throw of law and ree and the certain destruction of our free institutions. ye mob took possession, and for days held possession of the Assembly Chamber dictating how that body should act, and threatening it with violence if the ts of these rowdies ag orig rsdens peace, sat in the executive chamber, as cool and un- , touching the conduct of his friends, as if he were an iceberg. At last the Senate invekes executive aid, and implores his Excellency to exercise the undoubt- ed with which he was clothed to disperse the mob, sake; Ancor crsaky ws var ete in... (he DerfOrmance of that if the Asepmbly desired his aid it must nak for it. It could not speak until it was ized, and it could be organized, and nics, Happily, by the firmness of the and the roac- u country acting upoD those who controlled over. But this is part of the Id be proud. 8 COURSE IN DEFRANCHIEING BOLDIRRS. most important moasufos introduced into to allow our soldiers now in the army to vote for stateofficers. While the bili was yet ‘Seymour resorted to the novel expe oxecutive message aseniling the ‘pose to veto it, on ite jonality. This ‘led examimation of the point, and the Attorney General of the State, the law adviser of the Legisiatore, opinion in favor of its validity. The Judiciary both houses, embracing usually the best lawyers of the Legislature, came to the same conclusion. The law was passed and the Governor vetoed it. The constitution preserves the former residence of all per. sons in the army and navy, declares they shall not ‘The qualifications of the elector by on bis age and resi. dence, and these were secured by the propused law, which required a full affidavit of qualifications from each soldier whose vote was offered. The real friends of the hog dages OMe god the Yo Seren tats Pepple ey could have foreseen the present exigency, ‘would have deprived the citizen soldier who gocs into ine field of the privilege of the elective franchisee They be- lieve the soldier would be more willing to go if this valu- able right was secured to him, Rnt the Governor re. fused to allow to the soldier oven the benefit 0° joubt. He refused to allow the question to be put into asbape to be presented to the courts. He set up his own opinion on a_ purely constitutional question against that of the Legislature and the Attorney General, and the bill failed to become a law notwithsianding.tho veto, a8 it received less than a twothird vote. The Governor's message clearly proved that he did not ap- prove of the policy of allowing avy soldier in the ormy to vote, yet be assumed te recommend an amendment of the constitution for that purpose. If, after the long de- 4 necessary to perfect it, that amendment should be adopted, the Governor would be bound by consistency to ‘veto a law to carry it into effect, on the score of inexpe- diency. Ube Union men passed a resolution at ite nomi- nating Convention i favor of @ law allowing the soldiors tovote. If they have the necessary strengththey are committed to pass it Over any future veto. Governor Seymour bas interposed bis vero to prevent soldiers from voting. me, SEYMOUR SYMPATINZKS WITT VALLANDIGRAM. On the 16th of May Governor Seymour wrote a letter to the Vailandigham meeting held at Albany, io which he characterized the arrest of that notorious ‘sympathizer ‘with the rebellion a8 4 revolution, and adds — ‘We now pause to see what kind of government it is for which we ure asked to pour out our blood aud our treasures, fits Excelleacy’s awful pause’ has been Ss. dis- turbed by the roar recently heard from Ohio. Ry the un- precedented majority of 50,000 they bi rderot! Vallan fc hile in Canada, “waiting aud he can become a ian, Va'lavdigham’s Congressional record was the most abominable record of hostility to the government and tho war. Such was the man 7 up by Governor Seymour as & martyr. The Governor's whole public action is approved by the late Democratic Conven. tion, ang yet this is claimed to havo been a war con vention. “How justly proud ought we all to feel in exam- ining the Vallandigham leaf in Goverdor Seymour'e ro- cord! The mob, that vew power in the State, which was inaugurated at the Capitol cotemporaneous with his Ex colloncy, transferred ite headquarters to the city of S York. The continual denunciations of the acts of national adminisiration—the assertious in bigh quar- ters that the law for tho enrolment of nati was unconstitutional—the bolief that the Executive of the State sympathized with the peace men produced these national fruits, With the commencement of the draft in New York the mob commenced its operations, I would be glad to strike this part of the history ont of the record. The mind rickens as we coutemplate the scenes of that fearful July. Murders, robberies, arson, and the wicked destruction of property, were the ordi. nary daily trausactions for days. Colored men, women and children were cruelly beaten and murderea, ' Colored orphans attacked and \heir asylum burned up. The commercial emporium of the Union lay for days prostrate od helpless at the feet of an infuriated and lawless mob. With nice discrimination, thie murdero for its victims thoso who Were pot incl friends or supporters of his Excellency od by those Dow events res! ” anti The «tains creat. upon the ereuteheon of the city wod the State. aod there they will forever remain. On the 16th of July, Governor Seymour presents himeeil bofore the Iawloes multitude, aud, instond of talll that the law against which their riotous movements were directed should be enforced, and that he was bound to aanist in executing it with all the power of the Stato, he sayes— They ow to listen to me as your friend and the filend of e say a your fairl! will 1 about the drat. On Batuatay last Tsent the Adjutant Ceneral of the State to Washington, ursing ite pou'ponement, * ° a * If t shall be declared to’ be leeM, then I every Inf uence with the State and ely the ties Lo see that there ¢ no Inequal ty Between the rich and the poor, I pledce myself tie money shal be rained for the purpose of relieving thore who are unable (0 provect thelr own intercats Here was a scene for the painter! The Governor of this powerful Stato standing bere a mob whose hands @ rod with the blood ef their murdered victims, nletemod at the storm whieh had been raised, promii. te @9 what ne could to give them the victory over I aanot,oning by implication the miseratie notion that the jaw diverimicated n the riev and the peor, ond pledging bimsel’ to raise money to re eve fromm the ‘ of use law! T tute away (rom feture, Dot it cannot be anySilated. oe story, and nmeligont 1 » < ern e themee.ves where r thie condi formed the t that “tho successful execution of the Conscription act depends upon the settiement by judi- cial tribunals of its coustitutionality.”’ Hore is a proce- dont quite usexampled. A law deemed necessary. bys rene ana President of the United States cannot be successfully executed, according to Governor Seymour, uutil the courts have passed upon its constitutionality, The same letter contains this most astonishing declara- thon: lt ia believed by at least onc-half of the people of the loyal-Staten that the Conscription, get, which ‘hey are called upon to obey because it stands the statite book, ie it seit a violation of the supreme constitutional aw. ‘The letter conelndes with the following covert threat of futnre mobs if his Excetlency’s views ebould not be adoptea by the President:-— 4 I do not dwell upon what I believe would be the conse: quence of a violent harsh policy before the constitutionality of the act is tested. You can scan the immediate future as well as 1, The temper of the people yon can readily learn by consulting, as J have done, with men of ali political par- tes and of every profession and occupation. The President had no objections to judicial deciyion, but be could not afford to lose any time, and fo he order- ed the draft to proceed. it did proceed without further mobs. Do the poopie of the loyal State of New York ap- prove of this sysem of Governor Se) i? Here was 4 law that bad been sanctioned by the legislative aud executive branches of the government. lis usefulness and value depended on its prompt execution, It might have been a turning point in the tate of the nation that our armies should be filled under the operation of the law. One out of thirty-four governors coolly proposes to an- nul its execution and suspend all its operations until that indefipite future period when ‘a ldwsuit shall pro- duco a jadicial decision in favor of the validity of the law! The Governor had no authority whatever for the assertion that one-half of the people believed the Jaw upconstitu- tional. Opinions on such a question are mainly expressed by professional men, As a lawyer I have conversed with many of my professional brothren on this subject. I have heard many of Governor Seymour's political sup- porters expreas opinions favorable to the validity of this Jaw, 1 have nover heard or read of but two men, lawyer, judge or layman, who expressed the opinion that it was invalid, and these were Horatio Seymour and Joho McCann. Here I close this chapter of that record of which we are epjoiued to bo #0 proud, I come now to another part of this record, On the 30tb of July General Mx, the commanding officer in thir de- partmont, ‘uddressed a lotier in respectful terms to Governor Seymour, expressing bis earnest desire that the draft should be enforced by the aid of the State authori- ties alone, without invoking assistance from the general government and asking for information on that point. On the 34 of August tho Go@ernor acknowledges the receipt of this letter, and informs the General that as soon as he getz the Preeident’s answer to his letter written on that day, asking for a postponement of .the draft, he will an- swer. On the 8th General Dix again writes to the Goy- ernor soliciting an answer. No answer being received op the 14th, the General calls on the Secrotary of War for federal troope. On the 16th Gov. Soymour sends his ap- swer, the tenor of which may be learned by this extract:— As you state in your letter that it 1s your duty to enforce the act of Congress, and as you apprehend its provisions may excite pépular resistance, it is proper you shonid know the position which will be held by the State authorities. Of course, under no circumstances, can they perform duties ex- pressly confided to others, nor can they undertake to relieve Others from their proper responsibilities, — - He then adds that the laws of the State must be en- forced, The meaning of this cannot be misunderstood. It means that Gov. Seymour bas nothing to do with the execution of alawof the United States. If it becime necessary to overcome resistance to such a law, that duty devolved upon others. In case, therefore, a mob should do nothing more than was necessary to prevent the execution of such a law—say, for example, prevent the drawing of the wheol or the sorvice of notice—that was none of Gov. Seymour’s concern; but if the mob made any loud noises in so doing, they might, under the law of the State, be sent to the lock-up for a few bours | Gov. Seymour could not thus divest himself of responsi bility. Such a doctrine would lead to anarchy, and the entire destruction of that harmony which Bas always existed between the States and the federal government. Gov. Vance aa 4 issued a proclamation deciaring it to be his duty and his purpose to ace that the Confede- rate Conscription law was executed in North Carolina, The constitution of tho United States mekes an act of Congress the supreme law of the land, and Gov. Sey- mour was bound by his official oath, as well as the P’rest- dent, to take care that this law was executed ip tate of New York. But he refused to perform this duty, and what was the consequence? The administration was compelled to detach twenty thoussnd- troops from Gen. Mende’s army and send them to our State at grea expense to perform those duties which Gov. Seymour refused to discharge. Gen. Leo discovering this, sent large reinforcements to Gen, Bragg’s army in Georgia, thereby enabling him to attack Rogecrans with prepou- derating numbers and drive him back to Chattanooga, ‘he skill of Rosecrans and the bravery of his troops prevented a crushing defeat. But who ie responsible for his check? And if bis army had been destroyed and the cause ot the Union tenth FHL WABGURR predict what Wa. '0t ¥ ant of Impartial RiStOry yt aa on this point, I close this revicw of ano! that record of which not only our own Stato the whole American people may justly be proud. f pass over many other chapters in this ‘record. 1 will not stop to expoee the extraordinary militar; t- ments made by the Governor 4 on eomaewntae militia law paseed in 1862, 1 will ray litte of his recommendation of the Albany Atlas and Argus, & woll known anti-war journal, which commonced its support of the war by denouncing the original call by the President for seventy-five thousand men as arbitrary and unconstitutional,and has continued to extend the sane support down to the present time. 1 come down to Governor Seymour's lant speech before the Albay Con- vention, which adopted the platform I am now discuesing. ‘The Governor then again repeats the expression of hie opinion that the Conscription act, as he calls it, is “an act which ignores the powers States, and trenches upon constitutional rights’? ‘This opition was » nounced by the chief magistrate of the State, re delegates from every Assembly district, in reference to a law which was then being executed, and which bad ‘been made the pretext for the July riots. The direct tendency of such an opinion would be to stir up auew the Games of insurrection, How natural for the igno bn ae to take up the bludgeon to resist a iaw whi his chief magistrate, bolding a position second oaly to that of President, bad publicly characterized as eomeeensienel eet if unconstitutional, of cource utterly vou CONSTITUTIONALITY OF THE NATIONAL RNROLMENT CALLED BY MR, SEYMOUR TIM CONSCRIPTION ACT, The Convention baying heard tMat opinion, presented a platform approving of Mr. Seymour's whold public action and thus thrust {nto the canvass tho validity of this law. Is the law unconstitutional? After a careful examination of the gub.ect, 1am peneet te majotain hore and every where the proposition that the Iaw ia question is plainiy and clearly constitutional. This is a very different ques tion from that which involver its wisdom oF its ellicacy, It has ever seemed to me that the clause aliowing an Law, exemption ou the payment of $300 was un- wire, and would | result ia raising money rather than’ men. The clause was introduced, however, to mitigate the severity of the law, and onder it the law became the mildest act of a simflar character on record. This dofect in the law has been aggravated by incendi- ary assertions that it was aimed at poor men, and by the efierts of municipalities to purchase exemptions for all who were drafted by taxes imposed upon property. If the exemption fund abali fail to raise the necessary bam. bor of substitutes, the next Congress may deem it neces. fary to amend this commutation clause by requiring all men hereafter drafted to go in porson or furnish a sub- stitutle—a resuli which will have been effected by the efforts to render tho present law abortive. The ques. tion therefore remains, and {tis one of vital interest to the people whether thie law je unconstitutional, To the consideration of this question we are remitted the same arguments which were employed wheh the constitution was pending before the people. The old articles of confederation provided that Congreas could agree upon the number of land forces, and make requi- sitions from ench State for its quota, io proportion to the number of white johabjtante in each State fhe old government dould not act hata tpon the people, nor pass laws, It was dependent wholly upoo the Sigtcs and it & failure, The new government crdated under the constitution wae not intended to be dependent upon the States or the Governors of States for forces necessary to defend and preserve it# life. It confers power upon Congress in two clauses; the first in these ‘words—''To provide for calling forth the militia to exe cute the laws of tho Union, suppress insurrections and repel in wom,’ the second, ‘to raise and support armfes.”’ @ militia, it was foreseen, might be inade- quate to existing omergencies. A rebellion more exten- sive and ‘ormidabie than an insurrection mightarise, and hence an unlimited power to raise armies was conferred, with authority to pase all laws necessary aud proper to raise arinies, Every man capable of bearing arms may lawfully be called into the field to rave the life of his country, The Mederalit? thus vindicated this essential power ns long age as 1787 Whether there ought to be # federal government en- trusted with the care of the common defence # a question 1p the first Instance open for git in the ailirmative, 1 will fe ele execution of tte at As G necessary consequence that there can tion of thayauthority which Is to provid And prgtection of the community fo ensential to itseM-acy—that is, in any matter the formation, direction or epport of the national forces 6 ciroumstenoes that endanger the salety of natior are iuinite; wad for thi tional shack! i” ee Reyotce with me, fellow citizens, that we have a gov- ernment strong enough to maintain and perpetuate itself. Rejoice that it does bot depend on the will of Horatio Beymour o others to his place for forces.’ It la the bigh duty of Congress to cvil into the field, If necessary to crush ont the rebellion, every man in the loyal svates, If it had refused to pertorm tts duty im Ula regard, if a majority bad, lke Clement Lb. Vallandigham, voted Aguinst every mesure to raise men and money to sup. press the rebellion, and by reason of thelr negiset of duiy the country had perished h Congress would, in the eight of man and of heavea, been guilty of ber murder, The preamble to this act, entitled “An act for the enrot ment acd calling out of national forces,” is worthy of attention — Whereas, there now extsta in the United States an Insur: rection and rebellion against th h th where ws is « no service. i r vol unteoring they opposed tooring a ole ta» iat Sat sonra" draft, they are entirely opposed to a draft, and are love with the system of volunteering, The Seymouri organs are already quailing under the issue they ha invited, and are timidly endeavoring to withdaw thelr champion aud representative mea the discussion which their Convention invited and provoked. aren is,“ You are too late ;” ‘* You are too PENNSYLVANIA RAID. In taking leave of Governor Seymur’s boasted record, Iwill not withhold due credit for his action in sending troops to Ponneylvana. This, however, would have been more cheeriully awarded if he bad not based his action + A ground, as his orders and pro clamations that he was only acting upon the call of a State. Wesee his point, It is the old heresy— the States everything, the federal gerernment noth. ing. According to our standard of duty the Governor of a State falls far short who responds wo a call by a State, but ignores the call made by the chief magistrate of thirty-four States. If he answers the call of the Goy- ernor, and ignores the call of the President, ho only per forme one-thirty fourth part of his duty,and must be written down as only the thirty-fourth part of a patriot, FUTURE POLICY, Now a few words ae to our future policy. The demo- cratic Convention adopted @ resolution on this subject which contained an embodiment of the Goyerzor’s Bpeech go accurate and complete that it might weil have emanated fromi his Exceilency’s pon. It is in these words:— ‘Resolved, That in view of our recent victory and the man!- ee on the part of North it becomes the govern. ment to manifest a policy of oBciliatior uch policy 18 denanded alike by patriotiam and by ® wise alatermanship which to avoid the uncertainties of the future, by brifging this exhausting war to # speedy close, not only by the exertion of power but by an enlarged ine of action which aiali encourage the Union sentimentof the South and unite more thoroughiy the people of the North; that, there- fore, we regret President Lincoln's late letter, which. whie reiterating the visionary and unconstitutional emancipation polity, contemplating no measure for the restoration of the ‘nion, but looking to an indeliaite protraction of the war for abolition purposes, potmuing to no future but national bankruptey and the subversion of our institutions, The resolution presente two distinctive issues to the People of the State; one relating to the conciliation policy, and the other involving the charge that tho war ja carried on for abolition purposes. Jet us consider these separately. It will be observed that the resolu tion does not contemplate a policy of conciliating the real Union men of the rebel States. need no con- ciliation, The’ claes of men represented by Jobneon, Hamilton, Brownlow and oibers like them, havo testified their devotion to the Union iu the hours of its greateat peril, and now surely they require no eflorts to win them to the support of the government. Nor does the solution implore tho rebels in arms to adopt a concili Be J policy toward the unfortunate Unionists who are still within their power. The policy of Horatio Seymour ‘and Company has no reference whatever to tho whole band of brave and loyal citizons who are scattered all over the Confederate States, and who for more than two years have been liable to be hunted down like dogs, driven from their homes, seized, imprisoned, starved; shot down, hung apon the nearest tree, or butchered in any and every form that flendish malignity can deviee, and allforno other offence than clinging to the old flag of their country and loving the Union of the States. Neither does the resolution seek to influence the action of the rebels towards the government. An excellent opportunity was offered to impress upon them the utter hopelessness of their cause, and to persuade them ‘‘to pause” in their mad aad wicked career, and throwing down their arms to return to their allegiance and their duty. No, no; Horatio Seymour and his friends cajl on nO one to “pause,” and implore no party to be “conciliatory” oxcopt the federal gov ernment, which is struggling to save its life ogainst the traitors who are tugging at its throat. Nor does the resolution refer to the terms of amnesty which shall be extended to the rebels. This is a question not political, but belongs to the President, in wh»m the par. doning power is vested. No such question can arise unti the rebels throw down their arms and preparo to return to the national authority, When that time comes the question will, doubtless, be disposed of ip a manner con sistent with the honor, the dignity and tI bateLsypr the nation, As I understand the ‘policy’? of this ution I denounce it, I spit upon it, I trample it under my feet. Conciliation cr compromise, ia the sense of the resolu tion, is an abominable crime. It is utterly impossibie, CONCILIATION IMPOSSIBLE. ‘Three conditions are always essential to the adoption of a policy of conciliation: ‘1. A party with adequate authority to conciliate an other 2 5 ge! in a condition and with authority to be ** coneiliated;” and 3. A proper subject to be ‘‘coneiliated” about. For example, in the War of the Revolution, the encroachment by the Parliament of Great Britain upon the ancient privil and natural rights - of the colonies, by boges B 7m without representation, and in other modes, formed the su! CR cession ‘either on the i, le of the colonies “on he. Mk. Om dt tie or the other. But, in thie war, t are no “grievances” allege re which constitute be ibject of amicable arrangement The subject of controversy i# sovereignty, aeminion, empire, and this is not @ matter of compromise. A nation ‘cannot compromise with a rebellion, when the subject of that compromise ts w nation shall live or die. There ja uo party who is authorized to “conciliate” the rebels on such a subject. The President and his Ministers, and the Congress of tho ted Staten, are more agents of the who is the real sovereign; aud that sovereign through his copstitution his own supremacy throaghout the whole territory of the United States. The agent, therefore, no matter though be be the President himself, who attempts to ‘ couciliate” away any part of that sovereignty violates hia o.th of office, forfeits the secred trust committed to his cbarge, and’ by exceeding Nis power of attorney, performs an act which, not " obligatory upon his sovereign, is absolutely void to all intents aod purposes. Nor is there any party with proper authority to be conciliated. Unbike the ancient colonies, the Confederate government is tho product of ‘a treasonable combinetion.* To conciliate any person or party outside of the mi! ‘ary power in the confederacy would be wholly useless." To treat with this military despotism, the product of the Confederate government, is lo acknowlwlge the existence of such government as an independent Power, State or nation, and hence a surrender of the whole question. This ild be inconsistent with the diguity, the honor the integrity of the trae sovereignty. ‘Independent, however, of these radical diMcultics, there are ot ob. Higations equally fatal to the ‘policy of coveiliation.” The power of the rebellion i far from being destroyed. It ig still in possession of formidable armies and madly contending for the mastery. Never were its leaders more defiant, more deeperate or determined than at this time. Every organ of Contederate sentiment from Davie down, including their legislatures and news- papers, declare that nothing can be accepted ag a con. dition Of peace less than the acknowledgment of their independence, Conciliation then means disunion, and noth ng but disunion, Will the people of New York sanction this “policy of generous coneiliation?”? Pe: 1s the most ardeut desire of our hearts, but such a peac ag ie worth anyihing can only bo obtaines by discard- ing all thoughts of conciliation,” and crushing the re- dellion until {t is dead, dead, dead. Be not deceived, my follow citizens, This ery of “coneiliat'on”’ aprings from thatuoboly sympathy with the south which bas so sear. ly destroyed the country. It is he reeultof that senti+ ment, which, having failed to thwart the goverument by ite cold neutrality, now hopes by humbie entreaty to se- cure for the rebels what they have been unable to effect by (orce of arms. The conclusion ts inevitable, repeat it we have no alternative butto fight it out to the bitter end. We cannot afford to ‘‘pause’’ or to ‘‘conciliate,” We must fill up cur armies, eucourage our soldiers, and post onward against this accursed rebellion, hand to hand and eye to eye, with bayonet and sword, musket and cannon, until the vile monster is crushed and the na- tioual authority restored thronghout the length and ad’ land, The traditions and glories of the past, the priceless hopes of the future, the interest of un- born generations, the millions of money already expended, aud hundreds of thousands of noble lives sacrificed in this struggle, admonish us that we must bet Spouse until the work is done—done absolutely, effectually and forever, POLICY OF DRMOCRATIO LEADERS, Tt has seemed to me painfully evident that since the commencement of this war the democratic leaders have been too much iniluenced by partisan feelings and per- sonal objects, Blinded by these considerations they have not risen to the magnitude of the contes preciated the life and death character of the straggle. ‘They have assumed to regagd it as a republican or an abolition war, and aiming @ place the responsibility of ite origin upon the political opponents, they Lave labored to prepare ther ssives for any emergency. Ifthe re vellion should seco sing a permanent disrup tion of the Union, Hevod the people in their rage would hold the republican party responsilie tor it, and hurl them from power. On the other hand, 1 be lieve they have preferred that the Union should be p: served. But ithas been their policy to have the wai prolonged until after the next Presidential oiection, when they hoped tocome into power, and form some sort of treaty with their old allies o¢ the South, Tw this end they have maguified all (be errors of an ad ministration suddenly charged with the management of @ war unexampled in {ts magnitude To this end they have labored to render the war ompopola®. To this end they bave been rowdy, at all times, to protect the institution of slavery from harm, x8 a (ruitful source of future potitionl power for theinseives and thou Southern Tt has been necessury, however, to assame a pport of the war, as they Knéw the people in the 108 had little sympathy With Lbelr real purposes, Here are Kevoral serious diflicalites in the way of is nicely laid programme, in the first plies of the 1 yal States ore quiek t) decovor whe: port of the war i# reat or feigned. They may be de. ceived once, as they were in the fall of 16%, but in the end they will discover the trath, iv next place Wey have drmly reavived that (his rebet fou shat be crushed and tho Union saved at al havarda, aed towing sit sympathy with the rchemes of roltticinns. they wil 1 Didiwt@ any party which wil not exert all its power to overthrow the rebeliion and save tuo Union, slavery or fo slavery. In the third place, the recent elections show that (he next President of the United States will pot bea copperherd. oor will he have a emellof copperbecdiem in his garments, Ip the fourth plies, the experion:e of this war bos atinfied the peowe that the power which has rtimainted this great rebellion—call it oigarchy aristocrioy? slave power, or what you genes intmt- cal and dangeroue to out free republfen insiitettona, aud thay bave resoved, stern and uoalterably, that Ube bail no loner be welded by that power RREATS FOR THE ONION Cater mod (0 verish in her eariy youth, everywhere, fn Hag E fy i &F i E j rn i Ee ne i if eRe buried majority too large to be counted. In Penusylvania the ‘psuedo democracy, more discreet, inated @ very respectable man, and a judge of nig standing, who wes prodent enough to “play dummy” during the canvass; but the taint of the ay Peed of i @ live Union! They speak in thunder tones. They cannot be misunderstood. Nor will New York fail to her sisters. If she was cheated p mighty Parrott gun be discharged on the side of the ~ Union, and not only the rebellion, but every organiza- tion tainted with sympatby for it, will soon disappear. The roar of that gun will carry jov and gladness to hearts of our brave soldiers in the fivid. It will send terror to the rebel armies—aye, ite echoes will reverbe- rate across the Atlantic, and be both heard and heeded in Englaud and An France. Press on, then, in your coun- try’s cause. I believe it stands on strong foundations, and that nothing but the folly of its mavagers cap pre- vent its complete success. I believe my country will be saved. I believe the Union avd constitution will be pre: served. I believe this wicked rebeflion will be over+ thrown. When that grand realt is accomplished, let they weikin ring with loud huzzas, and once more may heaven's vast space re echo with Hozannas to the Highest. Mr. Jno. W. Foray, of Philadeipbia, was then intro- duced, and received with loud applause. ‘Ho said that att that iate hour, after two exhasstive speeshes, any elabo- rate address from him would be most fi ‘tune. Ho- had just returned from a field of great victory, and. with- out depreciating Obio, he would sy that Peunsyivania hud fought such a batUe as han seldum been seen. In i’enneyl- vania they had to contend witb a foe very different from the one in Ohio. In the latter place they had to contend , against an attainted traitor, who, from bis foreign asy- lam, sent messages of sympathy with revels and against, the government of tie country, In Ubio, also, they had the yotes of the soldiers of the army. while this advantage was denied to the city of Philadelphia, In the course of more than twenty-flve years of a fatiguing and laborious life, accustomed to the movements, and changes of the pol'tical world, he never saw such @ triumph as that which old Peousylvania corded. (Applause). He proposed hereafter to act with, New York. There must herev'ter be no close corpora- tion business in the management of political campaigns. ‘The men who act with the party for the maintenance of the constitution must be rezarded, fostered, and if proper, rewarded, js the way in which the democratic, party bas managed its affuirs,and which has led to tho iar triumphs of the Union men of the North and West In the late elections. As ho had to speak to morrow, and on other occasions in different parts of the State, ho would’ not longer occupy the time of the audience, Dat would give way to Colonel. Mutthews, who would make ® much) better speech than he could. Colonel MaTtwRws said, that like the perfume that lin- gers around the glasres of a banquet, or the tast biscuit in a shipwreck, the closing of the night should be, very brief. ‘However true the theory the speaker forgot? it Teamaeciacely after its utterance, for he went into one of the longest addresses of the evening, and one that em- braced auch @ multiplicity of aliusions, qualified by ao extraordinary supe abundance of adjectives, as. defy the art of condensation. He said be was there to express at least one word for the cause of liberty freedom of man; and after a very lengthy and deeultory speech he conclided amid the cheers of audience, and thus ended tho meeting. CITY POLITICS; f eee fi The Mozart Conference Committee, A meeting of the members of the Mozart Hall branch ef; the conference committee wos held at Mr, Wood's office, No. 117 Nassau street, at three o'clock yesterday after- noon; but nothing of interest to the public transpired, or at least leaked out. The proceedings. our reporter ,was informed, was strictly of a business character, reluting to~ the oer for working the “machines” on election day, Representative Democratic Senatorial Conventions. RST DISTRICT, ‘The Convention for this district met lastevening at the- Fifth Ward Hetel and nom ‘nated W. Hi. Gibson, FOURTH DISTRICT. At a meeting of the delegates of the regular democratic Convention W. H Gilson received the unanimous uomina- + tion for Senator of the Fourth seuaturial distriot. igrerrs prsteicr. * ‘The delegates to this district. under the auspices of the regular representative democracy, met Ixst evening at Ryer’s, corner of Forty-second street and yey ( unanimoosly nominated George W, McClean for the’ after which the Convention to Monday eveming. REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRATIC COUNTY NOMINATCONS, of Theodore E. drawn last evening, and the firet given to Isaac Dayton, and the other to the present Recorder, Hoffman, Union Party Nominations. FIFTH SENATORIAL DISTRICT. Fa The delegates of the Peop!e’s Union party, for the Firth« Senatorial district, met at No. T7 Allen strest, inst even- | ing, and nominated Mr. Anthony Dugro for State Senator from that disvrict. UNION SENATORTAL NOMINATION. At a meeting of tbe delegates of the Seventh Senatorials district last evening Mr. Cernelius A Renkle was unani- mously nominated as the Union candate for eenator. { ad Brooklyn City Polittes. The Union Convention of the Third Senatorial District) has nominated Mr. Edward W Fiske as their candidater bet Senator. The opposing candidate is Judge Samuel E. 4 johneon, Mr. E. D. White has been nominated for the Assembiy by the Third district Unto Convention. The democrats of the First ward bave nominated Mr, Dante! D. Whitney for Alderman The democratic Assembly Convention of the Third dis trict met at Commodore White's last nght, but could nots agree upon a caudidaie u jon Mecting in Maryland. Baurwonm, Oct. 23, 1868. A large meeting of unconditi nal Union men was held: at Easton, Talbot county, yesterday. Addresses were: made by Hon, Wm. D. Kelly, of Philadelphia; Henry Winter Davis and Colonel Creawell, Judge Kelly an- / nounced himself to the crowd of slaveholders as « Diack republican from Pennsylvania. Yet his speech was re- coived with applause. This is the first instanes of a re publican Congressman espeskig in the slave region off Maryland, and Judge Kelly's reception was most striking aud enthusiastic. . ‘i Democratic Ratification Mee! ton, A democratic mass meeting to ratify the State nomina- tiopa was held tu Faneuti Hall last uight, and was largely attended. Among the speakers were Judce Abbott, H. W. Paine, the candidate for Governor, and Theodore 4f. Sweetser. ‘a in Boss . Our Russian Visitors. In the absonce of Admiral Lisovski, who has gone to Niagara, Captain Boutakoll, of the Olisaba, trkes com. méind of the fleet. The visitors to the diflerest vessel are now slacking off somewhat, os the greater portion of our citizens have already been on board. The officers of * the tect who went to Niagara aro expected back on Mon- day next. THE RUSSIAN BANQUET—ADMIRAL MILNE, TO THE EDITOR OF THE HERALD, . A statement having appearet in the daily pros that Adiniral Mifue had been ‘*discourteous’* fn Lis treatment of {pe municipal authorities, In, failing to reply wo the Jovitation of the Common Council Committee to attend the banquet on the reception of the Russian officers, and as Bich statement i# painfal to the many frie of that gentleman, | beg lave to refato it throagh of your valuable kéirnal, by gayiog that Admirat M1 had rated for Halifax belore the invitations were ex: tended, aad consequently was not guilty of any dis courtesy. Hopite that rou will give (hi correction the necessary blieity, Prematn, very truly, yours, . oe ibkivoe rarfey, Chairman of © mmittee on Tuyitations, Tur Snes —Al @ large meeting of the United Tia plito, Copper and Sheet Iron Wor held at Bowery Garden on Thursday evening last, the following resolution wna atopted nem com:— Recol-d, That an advance of twenty five per cont om the dotter he asked on and after Monduy, 2608 tostant, and should ony members be thrown out of , the “Hotou ' shall suswin them, ‘Thie Lody represents a very \ufuentiat portion of the Jabor#ng comnuunl’y, od one which beretofore bas never mado a‘sirike,” #0 that it 1 dikely (as it te omly just + they should) they will receive (he advavee they de mand. Wreek of the tig Ida. Care Nowra NF , Oot. 28, 1868, The brig Ida, of Ardrosean, Moutxomery, from Barrow, England, August 20, for Micamichi. fn Dalinat, stragk of Money Point, Cape North, om the 20th inst, in a denge fox, and became a toia, wreck Crow saved, The but and materinie were soll at aetion yesterday. The cap tain ail orew will leave {> (her boats for Prince Baware Ieiand the Bret pportuntty