The New York Herald Newspaper, September 9, 1863, Page 2

2 rea, from Quebec, reached Liverpool early on the morn tng of the 28th ult. ‘The Louisiana arrived at Queenstown ehortly after hoon on the B8th alt, Our Londom Correspondence. Loxpow, August 29, 1863. Operations of the Privateers in the Channel—England’ Breaches of Internationat Naval Law—The British Peo ple Aldrmed—The Iraders and Financiers Undeceived— Relations Towards Napoleon—England’s Policy on the Mexican Question—A Cloud in the Eas—How the Worlds Commercial Centre may be Changed—Agilation in Ireland—' Colorado” Jewet!, ¢c. “be. The American civii war has arrived at a pew phase, The most dangerous locality now for an American mer- Chant ship is entering and leaving the ports of Great Britain. The Angh ‘ned by the privateer Florida off Kinsa’e, just after leaving Liverpool, shows the position of fair commerctal trade between England and America. Two or three powerful storm rams almost ready to Joave the Mersey and the Clyde, show what the future has in store for your honest merchants. Lord Russell has Deon memorialized on the subject; but whether he will net In the case is as yet unknown, The people, however, are getting alarmed, If it doos not cause @ war very soon between the two countries they see how they will be placed when they do go to war with any naval Power. ‘The London ‘mes evon is led to confess, not so much the wrong and infamy of the transaction, but the dangerous poition in which these acts put this country. _ fhe commercial and financial men of London have changed their opmions greatly on several important sub- jects within the last six months, By being systematically deceived by- the Logdon Times they aye, loarped that they cannot safely trust that journal on any Sich deli. paté and important matter as a civil war In America, or the valne of any description of american paper, ‘They have also learned that you mean to put tue rebellion down, and doubtless have the power to do it Gov. Sey- mour’ caving in respecting the conseription in New York bas extinyuished the faint hope that the rebel sympathizers here bad of @ second rebellion in the North, ‘Throughout Rogland newspapers are chauging thetr tone from South to North, and writing dowa the confederacy, where belove they winked at or encouraged it, Continental affutrs wre still under a mask poleon is not yet outof bis three great dilemn Louis Na- 3,and Fy Jaud is tortured by doubt, fear and suspicion, The peuple of this country will not support any government—tory or whig—that embarks in 2 Quixotic war. Hence tho hesitation of England, ‘and finally the refusal to join France against Russia, or in reovgnizing tke Southern confederacy. Louis Napo- Jeon {3 your most unscrupulous enemy, and you aro in- dwbted to Eugland and her Cabinet that these two govora- ments havo not jointly recoynized the confoieracy lon igo. That this i» dove partially out of fear aud a shrewd 8)ocios of soifishness is un juostionably tree; but, never theless, you may give Evgland credit for the act, }am not at all certain but Lords Pa'merston and Russell would have joined France in the Polish affair bad it not been for tho bad complication of the Archduxe-Maximilian Mexico- Emp rorship. the people of England know the temrer, tone, ambi- tion, enterprise and determination of the Anglo Saxon race well enough to see that France and the Bonapartes must come to grief for the part they are playing in Mexi- >. and they do not like, either, the tempura y o nsc- guonce the Invision gives to Louis Napoleon. it seems now quite doubtiul if the Archduke accepts that tezumean bauble,and in case he refuses tho lef at the absence of the King of Prussia from the Con. 63, and hope that be could yet be prevailed upon to ‘attend. The King of Bavaria responded on the part of the assembled sovereigns in an oration of more words, Dut less meaning, than thatof bis imperial brother-fn law. ‘The following is the project of reform propsed Francis Joseph, translated aud condensed tote as slight & space 18 13 within the power of your oorres; - 1. A Federal Directory is proposed. 2. A Fedora} Council. 3. A Chamber of Princes, 4. A Chamber of Deputies. ‘The Federal Directory shall be executive and composed of five members, viz:—Austria, Prussia, Bavaria and two of the sovereigns whose States furnish the Eighth, Ninth and Tenth corps of the federal army. The Federal Council shall be formed by those who have the seventeen votes of the ordinary assembly of tho actual diet, to which shall be added two supplemontary hin for —_ ane Sond for © Presidency of the Directory, as also that of the Fedoral Council, shalt devolve u on Austria. ‘The Chamber of Princes shall be composed of the sove- a and the representatives of the free cities of Gor- ‘Tho Chamber of Deputies shall be composed of three hundred members, elected by the chambers of the diffe- rent States, The number of deputies to be nominated by each State shall be fixed according to its political im- portance and population. Austria and Prussia each Seventy-five deputies; Bavaria, twenty-seven; the other Kingdoms, each fifteen; Baden, twelve; the two Hosses, niue each; Luxembour; four; Brunswick, three; the two Mecklenburgs, six together; Nassau, four, Weimar, three; by wena Coburg, Gotha and Altenburg, two each; Ol- dor'berg, three, and the otnor States on each, The Chamber of Deputies shall be convoked rogularly only once every three years; but the Directory can be convoked extraordinarily, For this restrictive disposi- ton compensation is made, in @ oortain measure, by the liberality which confers u the Chamber of Deputies, in matters of federal logislation, the rights of the initiative, together with the deliberative, vote. ‘This is a summary of what some have called an incon- grnous mass of words, The Dukes of Coburg, Bidea und Weimar have taken exceptions to certain of tho articles. pore a8 the reser ye of the perce) ne intro- Jace an amendment proposing that deputies shall be chosen directly by the le, Tt is ra however, by those professing to know, that their chances of carrying their amendment are almost less than noshing. It would be impossible to conjecture as yet what will bo the result of all these parades and pro cossions, and complimentary speeches, and high foast ings, and long, wordy projects of reform. Your corres. pondont has been waiting here for a week, in the vain attempt to make himself so acquainted with the drift of things as to cnable him to say something with certaint: on the subject. The extreme Hberals have not much hope of any good result. The lower house of the Frank- fort government, while theyyhave voted the burgomas- ters unlimited means to do the honors of the city, have actually refused to decorate their houses till they’ have learned whether the result of tha Congress gives them reason to reoice, Tf it Be tne ambition of the Fmperor of Austria tc see his family reascend the iurone of the holy Roman em- pire, it seems to be tho highest aspirat on of the King of Prussia to decline into the position of North German Pro: ! of Russ Tbe news has just come that the em- of the king of Saxony to present Wiliam with the written invitation of the assembled sovercigns, has resulted in the third refusal of Prussia to attend the Con gress. The two kings mot at Baden Baden, What was said on this occasion, or what was said by tho veteran Prussian and the young Kimperor while they met lately at Gasteii, has pot transpired. at. tempting to anticipate, however, the shape which this important question may hereafter assumo, it is necessary to keep in view at the outset, that there are three different considerations by which it may havo been mooted. We may look upon the Fmperor of Austria as here the instrument of the constitutional aud unionist party in Germany. It remuins, therefore, to be seen whether the proposed reform is to be construed simply ails, or a Murat or a Bonaparte must be tho royal victim lostead of tho Austcion. So Lou's Napoleon's three dilemmas are, what to do re- epecting Poland, how his proteg's in Mexico are to be man- 4, and what to do as toacknowledging the Con‘ede- stor England will isive muddle, and t last be daro notdo. =~ hers is another little oloud in the eastern horizon, from which John Bull fears commercial disaster. All groat commercial changes, like the operations of nature, Come round slowly; but they are very powerful and in: exorable in their movements. Engiand being the Mnancial centre of the world’s trade has been owing to two circumstances, both of which ehe is likely to lase. A convenient geographical rentre, and her prevouderating amount of shipping and trade have brought the deeply laden argosies of the world to the proximity of Threadneedie street. And this commercial preponderance inevitably carries with it Political power, Money and power inevitably are inseparable mates, and commercia’ and politics! supremacy go hand in At this tive ths cloud in the cast that territies Fng- Jund is the Suezcanal. France is xt gto bati'd it, and fom that day the commorcia! supremacy of Great Bri lings. * k at ono fact, Whon the Hon. Robert J. Walker was Secretary of the Treasury ho sent rent a commissioner to Europo to observe the foreign sys- tems of wareaousing. Tle lound that Great Britain bad in her warehouses (Custom House) of foreign goods alone an average of ove hundre¢ miliion dollars worth all the tine. Of course, ashio that comes from China or India arount the Cape ‘of Good Hope, can sail to Loadon or Southimptos as aply as’ to Bordeux, Havre or Mars tiles But, open tho Suez cant, and an India’ or = Cliua argo saves nearly two thou sand miles by stopping at Marseilles, rather than to London, ta fow years, thon, these valuable and pre- clous curgoes will go direct 'to their places of destivation , and South America and otuer parts of the world, warehousod in ports on the great Mediteranean highway, in Trieste, the Pirweus, Syra, Genoa, Leghorn, Palormo and Marseilles, Then the gold of California, the telegraphs and railxays from New York ‘to Saa Francisco, and the vast commerce that you myst 500% bave in the Pacific, will m1 a quartet of a century change tho ceutre of the world’s commerce and finance’ to New York, and there it will remain through all time ‘Tho causes that combined to bring about former changes can no longer exist. New countries and new commercial routes to be explored will no more remain to be (ound. If acanal is hereafter cut by Mngland and the United States across Pavama, that will only still more serve to concoutrate trade in the United States, Another subject of uneasiness here is one that Sir William Armstrong alluded to in his address before tie Seientific Association at Newoastle, is that of the rapid exhaustion of the coal fisids of Great Britain, Without fhor great coal fields and no longer a geographical centre, with no mines of ber own of the precious metals, and with a great republic at the West with double ¢] hip. ying, and more than gpable the population, the daya of tie coninercta) sipteritcy, financial concentration and politica! preponderancy will be gone forever. The royal congress at Frankfort is still going on; but it 18 of nO more consequence than the reeolutions of the three tailors of Tooley street. The Irish insurrection is gathering new force In a calm and determined manner, and will be beard fiom iu due time. jarge harvest is being gathered throughout Great Britain, avd this gives them great hopes of little depend- ence on America. France and England are golog to have a war ip Japan, aod will try and partition this great country up between the two robbers of nations. If they accom. lish that they have something to do. Greeley’s idiotic ambassador, Colorado Jowett, is still diowing bis penoy trampet in the ears of all who will Jiston to bis tofernal braying. He talks of sending home for Deniel Pratt, Jr., Steve Branch and George Francis Train to © mo over nnd act as bis secretaries of legation. 1. he doos be will drive a stiff team, Our Frankfort Correspondence. ee ay ge, PMANKYORT-ON- THE MAIN, August 21, 1863 Ihe Royal Congress—Mirty Sovrcign Princes Present in Stale—Reception of the Emperor of Austria—Scenc in the Cily— Organization and Objects of the Mceting—Position of the King of Prussia—Francis J seph Likely to Win the Throne of the Holy Roman Empire, de. This historical ola city has for the last week presented ascene the like of which Germany and the world have Dot seen for more than half a century. Ovor thirty sove- reign princes, with their carriages of state and their end tees suite, and their spangled outriders and their powder- 64 footmen, all collected in the narrow, dingy, crooked strects of a city about one-sixth the size of New York ‘Tue splendors of such an occasion can be imagined only Db, Whose of your readers who are dveply read in the lore © (he Arabian Nights and in the chrouiclos of the reign of Solyman the Magnificent, ihe Emperor of Austria arrived here by special train on Saturd.y afternoon of the 16th. Ho was received at the aepot on a magnificently decorated platform by the city authorities, aod conducted by them to the “Bundes. palais’? or Palace of the Confederation, amid the ob etreperous cheers and greetings of the assembled thou- sands. Sunday morning he attended mass at tho cathe. «ral, and invited the princes to dioner at the palace in the afternoan, Sunday was dedicated generally to the paying aud re- cciving of visite By the different sovereigns. The streets wore throngod with curious sight stors. Ono popotar Lotot, which has the honor of lodging eighteen princes, was fairly stormed and almost taken by the eager multi tude. Tho police of the free city, and even the soldiers, with thoir double-headed chickens on their helmets, and their fierce mustaches, beetling thoir faces like salient angles to an impregnable fortress, had Ifttle or no effect nygainst curlosity 80 bighly concentrated. Above this scone waived a thousand different fiags of all sorts and | combinations of colors; but those of the German Bund wove tho predominant ones. The windows formed frames to many arare living plctare of female loveliness; and white handkerchie’s were waived by frail fogets, and loud cheers were screamed by stout throats, when the Duke of Coburg passed. ‘The Grand Doke of Baton received his share of buzzes, bat the Duke of Coburg, the brother of the late Prince Albert, the friend of the people, and the devotes of Ger than unity, is, without the shadow of a doubt, the most popular man in Germany. Ie has not, indeed, the brond empire of Austria, ner the powerful, well disciplined army of Prussia; yet, in case it were left to the choles of | the Gorman people, it requires no prophet to fortell who a6 an effort towards increase of tho binding federal bower; or, secondly, 48 an endeavor to outbid tho house of Hohonzollern for the leadership of Germany; or, third- ly, as ap iudivect attempt to force the hand of the King of Prussia. and by thus bringing to bear upon bis domestic ee the concentrated moral force of all constitutional many to oblige him to come toterms with his owa Parliament at Berlin, If William I. accepts cithcr of the latter hypotheses as the groutid of the present movement of what we may call the Austro-Coburg party, it is not surprising that he should refuse to attend the Frankfort Conference. In any case hec not but be aware that the present movement has originated with a party direct- ly beetile to his own principles of internal government. And from these facts it may not be unnatural to assume = procaine: pom hed bead of Count Bismark and Policy on the one hand, or of a complete estrangement betweeh the Austrian and Prussian Cabinets on tho other. It has been even said that tho King of Prussia declared at Gastein bis resolution to retire from the Ger- mau Conjederation. This may be something more than poe eon as is proved by his past policy and his late conduct, Now, the Germanic Confedercy is a thing that is not so easy to get out of. The i‘ings of Holland and Deomark would probepty feel no regret if they could dissever their gopngstinn with it—the oe on account of Luxembourg: and Limboutg, and the other on account of Holstein. ‘Tho King of Prussia is much more powertul than the Dutch and Danish sovereigns toyether. Yet it is much to be doubted whether the German Princes would, as a body, allow King William to recede and to establi:h, in plice oF the present safe Germanic boundary of the Baitic, an ally of Rassia al the whole ot what would then be their defenceless northern frontier. “It would be equally inju- rious both to Germany and to Prussia. It would Tender the latter Power the necessary instrument eithor of Russia or of France, and such an alliance would be fraught with the u!most danger to the independence of the minor Ger man princes. ‘The !’russian peoplo are, besides, just as favor «{ a united Germany as are the subjects swayed by th: inees who have attended the Congress, and it is more than likely that they would make a louder protest than they have yet made against the mirgovernment of their feudal king, weve they to Mud it probable that they were to be lest outside to the cold mercies of Russia or France. There must be some geod come from the present move- rongly in ment. ‘he princes have conjured up a spirit which they can only control by concession. The — have been arovsed to great expectations, Placards are posted all over the city and distributed throughout Germany of a character that cannot fail to show the drift of thin; One boldly offers the imperial throne of Germany to Fran- ose h, and prays him, in what it uo doubt considers: Tort passionate eloquence, to make Germany in that way great and united. Auother—a rather dithyrambic piece Of poetry—bas been read and reread by the Frankiorters, and provabiy by all Ger It is entitled, “Wheo shall we march sgaipstthe North?’ and, of course is a violent expression of thé German view of the Holstein question. “The princes can hardly retreat row, for it is an old and dangerous spirit that is abroad in the land, and that s‘metimes walks over the ruins of empires and tramplrs on sceptres and crowns. THE PRIVATEERS. The Rebel Rams and War Vessels In England. TO THE EDITOR OF THE LONDON NEWS. Our Forelgn Ealistment act forbids any person from equipping, fitting out, turnishing, or arming any ship or vessel within any port of the United Kingdom, or in any port of ber Majcsty’s dominions beyond to be pope by any foreign Power cither @ transport, stozeship, or ship-of-war, against any nation or people at peace with Great Britain. Either of these offences that is, fitting out, equipping, furnishing, or arming a vosec!, for either a storesbip, transport, or a sbip of-war, to be used against a friendly Power—is deciared by our laws to be punishable by fine, imprisonment, and for- teiture of the vessel so fitted out, equipped or armed. Now, {t is a notorious fact that there are at least three thipa-ot war of the most powerful clase, made a3 effective for destruction as tne highest skill and latest improve ments in naval architecture will permit, now vearly com. pleted in ports of the United Kingdom, and being fitted, equipped, furnished, and at least partly armed, in such Ports, Wit all possible despatch, to cruise against the commerce and attack the Cities and towns of a friendly Power pow at peace with this co iutry. One of these ships is yet oa the stocks, in the building yard of the Messrs. Loird, at Birkenhead, apd it is said will be launched this week. (One thas been recently laanched from their yard, and is now in the dock of builders, fitted owt, furnished, equipped and partly armed, and is about ready for sea. She is equipped with armor plating throughout her whole length, with turrets to shield,the gunners. ports, and other unmistakable eg my of a ship of war. No person having the most limited idea of a ship cof any kind can mistake her for a merchantman, yacht, or anything but a ship-of-war. Being equipped for such ® purpose, then, and being for the ederates, sho © | comes. fully and unmistekably under tho condemnation of the Foreigm Falistinent act. But this ship is not only eqni for war purposes, and the: a p r subject for seizure and condemnation, but she is already with weapon for offensive war, When weapon led & ram is attached pa gh 4 of & vossel, de pose of piercing ae my iat, acer ly arming bape a with n destructive offensive weapon, and, us it ¢ to me, brings ber directly within even the extremely contracted and.un- gnstainable rule laid down by Judge Pollock in bis deol- sion ta the Alexandra case. ‘These ships, then, are not only fitted, Hed and furniabed as ehipa of war, bat are already armed as such, and are built and intended for the slave States now in rebellion the United States of America, aa yet at with this country. They cannot be suffered to Fouve our porta ee ey. violating tho laws of the and Ut count | IF this be Jaw, it may be doubted wi woo lt he Mhelr next Kaxporor. Jig morning the fitst Congress waa held. The Fu ore delivered @ speech full of the complimentary qeaeras...05 lo be exposed om buch Occasivas, expressing alluded to are liable to smembored that the law | Chief Barou Pollock's construction. | maintain that if veasol ts ores, though she be unarmed w clear that the sams prineipie Nes to the steam rams now in the Mersey. The geverumont are ‘bound to act upon that interpretation of the law which they consider to be the correct one, Now, therefore, ‘en If these vessels are not liable to seizure, accor ting the opinion of tho Chief Baron, still, if they are liable to seizure, according to the ion of the law officers of the Crown, they ought to be seized by the Custom House officers. (From the Manchestor Guardian, August 29.) The dull season is relieved by a renewal of fuss respect- ing vessels which aro being built, aa it is alleged, for the federate service, inthe MorsoyYand the Clyde We are given to understand by a class of political agitators who desire to be supposed to mean more than they say— and who certainly must mean a great deal if that bo the caso—that the Palmerston government may expect to hoar of it again ina rather unpleasant manner if they do not summarily arrest a portion of the business presumed ‘to bo carriod on by oortain eminent sbipwrizhts at Liver- 1 and Glasgow. This challenge to responsibility at the of public opinion ought to be accepted as boldly as it is given. It will conduce,-however, to a just de sion of the question to observe that the menaco of condign consequences, in case of default or error, comes from & party who are avowodly animated by strong par tiganship in the matter of the war in which British citi- wens are accused of designing unduly to interfere. ‘Tho federal government of America, having been compelled to forego the purpose which, despite the flimsy denial given to Mr, laird, it undoubtedly entertained, of procur ing ships-of-war for its own service from English dock yards, desires, through its agents in this country, to pre vent its adversary from obtaining any part of tho advantage of which it has been roluctantly deprived. * * * ‘The utmost rosult of the collected evidence was to rendor it probable that the Alexandra had been built with a view to bor finding a purchaser in the Confederate States, to be su! juently used by 4 g H desorve a respectful and confiding reception ahow that the subject of the present relations between the two ountries really doe: largely ceoupy tho minds of the people of the free States, * * #* Finally, is the class of Mammon worshipers—the merchants, shipbailders, manufacturers and speculators of ail sorts, who would raisoa cry for Satan and his hosts or any belliges whatever, to protract a co profitable to them. Nobody im America can seriously suppose this class to represent views and temper of Eng- lish society or foveroment. Or if thore shoutd bo such wo need oniy refer them to some of the recent tions of {heir Own wisest and most loyal citizona, who advise that the supply of the wants of the Confederates from New York, which is known to go on from day to day, should bo dealt with before popular re sentment indulges in menacesto England on acoouat of the same practice in hor ports. All these mistakes on the part of Eoglishmen are creditablo and yoxations; but they would not make up a case against Fngland—as consisting of the nation end ite government—even if there were no su h evidences of in- torest and sympathy before their eyes as the Americans have had to acknowledge. Tho combiacd operation of these mistakes and evil tempers docs not croite a cause of war; and when inquired of, Eogliahmen my truly eay that they know nothing of any intention or desire on the part of England to go to war. On the other band, what we think of the mistakes of the Americans is what we perceive to be thonght and publicly avowed by the most enlightened, and oxpe- rionced, and practical members of thoir own socicty. ‘They and we think that the grumblers have had a good them as a ship of war, and this, even if it had been fully established against tho defondents, would not, according to the distinct decision of Sir F. Pollock, have sufticed to bring them within the purview of the law, Assuming the ships whose charactor is now cailed in quostion to bo really what they are alleged to be, it ig unlikely that, after the light thrown upon tho law by the last trial, there ig more evidence against thom than there was against the Alexandra Wo infer :ather from the ab. Senco of all specific declarations in the memorial of the Emancipation Society that there ts, indeed, considerably les. If we ‘aro wrong, and ‘thore is lozal proof suMecient for the purpose of procuring a conviction, the People who make a business of writing up through good and evil the federal side of the American quarrel need not go whining for official assistance, on (ho plea that their clients are the salt of the earth, and that the dearest interests of the human race are con cerned in their success. They have only tocome straip’t- forwardly before the tribunals with the proofs in their hands, and demand that interference which, though it cannot be conceded morely to the extraordinary vir. tues ascribed to the United States by imagination, will certainly not be refused even to their paloable and fla- grant crimes. The tem; and sensible part of tho community, in the meantime, will be intent on no object so much as that of preecrving our own peace, which is to be done not by making wenk concessions to every oreign Power whose passion and distraction may prompt it to address us in an angry tone, but by holding the balance equaily between all nations, and so conducting ourselves in our neutrality as we shall desire and require other Powers to behave towards us when we haye the misfor- tuue to be belligorea! England Alarmed at Her New Naval Doctrine. (From the Londvn Times, August 28. * © © Wohold and acknowledge it u Ful (0 equip vearels of war for the use of a belligerent, we being neutrals, aud yet every cruiser in tho rervice of the Southern States has been, a8 a matter of fact, sent tosea from the ports of this country, It is not the fault of the govern. ment, as the cago of the Alexardra sufMc‘ently proved: but there must clearly be @ fault somewhere, when wo see the spirit of the law evaded, and things done which we would rather see left undone, and which our own na- tlonal interests call upon us to stop. We admit that the exse is exceptional. It turn! in fact, upon passionate and overruling de- termination with which the foderals are enforcing a predigious blockade, To this one momentous ob- ject they have devoted their whole naval resources, and have thrown the police of the seas upon us. If their squadrons were 80 busy on the reaboard of the Southern States matters would not bave been manared 89 ensily in the Mersey and the Clyde: nor would the Florida be quietly hovering about the Channel to pick up hor new consorts on thoir coming. out. As tt is, this kind of trade is left undisturbed, and the federals, insterd of snapping up the would-b> cruisers on their first appear. ance, c~mplain of us for allowing them to appear at all. Justiately they have ordered the construction of six powerful tron steamers expressly for the purpore of patrolling the sens, and if this new squadron should not be abruptly diverted to Charlest-n or Norfolk we showld soon hear less of the Alabama and her doings. Hitherto the Southerners have been loft with this field of action en- tirely to themselves, and #0 profitable have they found it that they have recently proposed to throw thetr whole energies into the work. In that event we might see such am extension given to the trade in question as could hardly ve tolorated. It is a hard thing to say, perhaps, that we may sell a hundred thousand rifles or a whole cargo of cunpowder to a belligerent, and tet not a ship's Dall: butt soe oom nly add that some such distinction és actually recocnized, and that it is not our interest to invalidate it. We oxr- selves have maintained it a well as the Americans. During the Crimean war we addressed a protest to the Washington government on the subject of a vessel Delleved to be destined for Russian use, and the Ame ricang listened to us. When they, again, tho other day, protested om the subject of the Alexandra, we lisiened to them, and did our best to detect an alleged breach of liw. On both sides, therefore. it is folt that neutrals should not supply beiligerents with vessels of war, and yet a Confederatescruiser is said to be somewhere in british waters awaiting the appoarauce of her new consorts al a rendezvous. n this be right? We think not. It is not a question of sympathy at all, but a question of lar we may once more add, of British int unhappily plunged again into war we might soon find rea- son to wish (hat we had supported with greater zeal the re- ‘ tions of the federals in the matter of these Southern cruisers. Immense Power of the Rams. TO THE RDITOR OF THK LONDON STAR. T trust not only the attention of Earl Russell, but the serious attention of the public, will be attracted by the very important memorial of the Emancipation Society, published in Tuesday’s Star, on the steam rams now about to leave Birkenhead and Glasgow for tue service of the Southern confederacy. tis nei d boasted ons of these vessels that she could cul the Warrior in (wo. Probably simple brag; but no one can dow that the desire (however unattainable) of the build ers is lo cut in two, if possible, the United States of America. What, then, has the government to consider, and what has the public to urge upon the government? It is understood that in November the appeal of the Crown will be heard from the extraordinary decision of Chief Baron Pollock in the case of the Alexandra; surely, these vessels of war may at jcast be detained until then. Is it objected that the government would run a risk of being cast in damages? Such a calamity is possible, no doubt, But what calamities, what risks, lie upon tho other hand if these vessels escape? No jess than war with America and irretriovable dishonor to our neu- trality. Which seale, then, is weighted most? We 1. fearlessly appeal to the country to pro- nonnce which course it is the duty and the interest of England to pursue, W. tT. MALLEFON, The Privateers on the Occa: THE CRUISE AND WORK OF THE FLORIDA. Qurexsrown, August 30, 1363. lowing letter from a persog oa board the 18 boon received here:— On Boarp THe C. 8. 8, Fuontma, Breer, August 24, 1863. GuestLemex—We arrived bero yeetorday from a eraise, having touched at Queenstown on the 171h and landed Mr. Everett, first lieutenant; Mr. Garretson, surgeon, and Mr. Hunter, midshipman. We then cruised about and off Toskar Rock Light. We went out] of the channel and outside. In chasing four or five vessels on tho 2M wo succeeded in capturing the American federal sip Anglo-Saxon, Cap tain Cavally, from Liverpool for New York. We stri her of what was necessary, sot fire to her, stood off 1,000 to 1,200 yards off and fired three broadsides into ber, a8 much for practice as for the sinking of her speedily. There two or three vessels in sight at the time. w crew to this port. BURNING OF THR ANO1.0-SAXON. (Liverpool (August 23) Correspondence of the Manchester rere Te - Log Hpted wad today Le nat air t 0 large American ship Ai A Captain Cavarly, was burued. by the Confederate Florida on the 2ist tust., about thirty mites 8. 8. W. of the head of Old Kinsale. The AngioSaxon was ry Messrs. Duncan, Kendall & Co., ana at the time she ll i a a had the Channet pilot on board. | “he captain of the Florida before he destroyed his prise “ay of all he wanted—sextants, chromometers, ko. crew—twenty in number—wore landed at Brest whence Captain Cavarly intends to brought | ® | on the 26th inst., from proceed to this port. iE fers [ill a fit He i $ i i ij if FE THE AMERICAN QUESTION. je m ofa War With Bn; 5 leippeshen From yen] Nowa, = ae juts, public and private, the oa PY, 4 ropaans at ly ng in the United Biates ro deal to Jearn in entering on their first great national trial. The mistakes which tho discontented have had to out prow are ex.t'y what might have beon anticipated. They have supposed that neutrality meant favoring their cause; and that neutral treatment of their enemy meant hostility to themeolves. They bave supposed that to accept their own original avowal of the character of the war—that it was not for the extinction of slavery—was tocondemn their cause; and (bey are not making duo allowance for the present eficcts of their change of ground, and of avowal of it. Whenever the antislavery issue ia fairly placed beore the people of England, the response is what they have scen in above one hundred ahd forty public meetings; bat it 1s not to be expected that such pro-slivery projudice as exists among us Phould not take advantage of tho first statement of tho Northorn cause, and abide by it. ‘Again, Americans have not considered, as their own best counsellors tell them, that as it is their duty to do the best they can for their own country, ao it is the duty of the citizens of or other country todo, It ts not reasonable to require of all the world to favor the North- ern cause, and to admire all that the North dees, and neree in all its views and expectations, and hate its eno- mies, Other peoples must claim liberty of ovinion as to tho cases and conduct of the struggle, and of judgment as to its probablo issue, and may fairly protest aginst being regarded ag enemies or false friends for exercising this liberty. In all this, we repeat, there is no cause of war, and wo trust the time is past when a war can break out between two such nations from more pottishuess, or voxatious- ness, oF arrogance, or resentment, or sil thes» together. ‘The substantial and des. aiMey Wa gf toreraestons| questions how under diaciission by the two governmen! seem less menacing, because they are under orderly dis- cussion, than the ruffed tempers of the citizens; and we have therefore addressed ourselves to what seems to be the greater danger. If our cousins will only inquire of any of their fellow citizens who Lave come to ind of late, they will find that the first question addressed to thom wherover they went was not whether tho United States were going to war with Kogland, The Amoricans may fally believe thoir own coun'rymen who tell thom oa their return that they have heard nothing in ingland of auy probable war. Canada—Its Danger and Defemces. THE ‘VAST’ MILITARY POWEK OF THE UNION FULLY ACKNOWLEDGED. [From the London Times, August 28. A short paragraph of Canadian nows which we publish - ed yesterday ought not to pass unnoticed In the presont condition of American affairs, Tt is said that the fedoral government have erected a mew fort at Kouse’s Pomt, forty five miles from Montreal, with magazines capable of containing supplies for ony hundred thougand men and accommodation for a permanent garrison of five thousand men. Rouse's Point is a position of great strat gic inpo ance, which the late Lord Ashburtou. unfortuyately sur rendered to the ited States during bis mission ia 1842. It would enable the Americans to coiloct a flect and a force on Iake. Champlain, so that they migh’ surprise % the rederals should be strengthening on important frontier strong. bold need not of itself cause eny alarm. Their new found enthusiasm for war and all things connected with war would naturally lead them to pay more attention than thoy used to the mere ontsides and munitions of warfare. ‘The Canadians have no reason to be alarmed by any such demonstrations at present. The two governments have no iminediate earse of difference, and n-ne is likely to arise excont by the wi fel aggression of the federals; but for the present they have far too much on their hands to erabroil themselves with os, Still, there is oe tainly an uneasy fering beiween the two nations which makes it in evitable that the Candians should view with somo jeat ousy acts which at any other time need have excited no apprebension, ‘AS this annoubeemont, therefore, is likely to attract some attention and to excite some comment in Canada, wo aro anxious to point out to the Canadians tho true jek- sons which they ought to draw from it. From the tone Of feeling towards the federal States which has boon growing up in Cavada during tho progress of the Southern we have no,foar that in the event of war tie jndifferent to our alliance. Our rom Niagara, which we published on Monday, aeser!bed ths people as ‘possessed by almost as intense a dislike to the federal government as actuates the Southern rebellion, Thev are just suilicieatly near the Northern States to see exactly tbe character of the Washingt’'n government. ‘The federal spies mfest their hote’s, the feleral refugees betake thomselves to their borders, ant every element of disaf- fection to the federn' government Goda a weicome and spreads its discontent on tucir soll. They appreciate the difference between an equal, just, and steady rue, and tho wild, disorderly, and confused domination which ia ruining their ne! hbors. We are not afraid, therefore, that the Canadians will willingly leave our empire, or that they have any other wish than to resist any possible attempt ou the part of the federal government to force them from are afraid of is lest they ehould take the wrong means, or only take the right means too late, The letter of Mr. Mctiee, for example, though prompted by the ominous movements of the Washington government, urges only the appointment of an Engli-h prince to the government of Canada. Otherwise, in the diy of need, he fears that Englond will give only a nominal ascisiancs. Now, wo wish to point out that any such suggestions as this are in a totally wrong direction. If the Canadians are really afraid of the aggression of -the fedo- rails, and really anxious to avoid its consequences, (hey mus! prepare to defend th mselres. The connection be tween themeelves and this country will be always as close as thoy choose to make it. ‘There is no need of the ap. pointment of an Fnglish prince to strengthen it. So long as they are thoroughly and beartily desirous to remain part of our empire, so long wo shall be heartily desirous to keep them, If they should ever change their minds and wish to be indepen. dent, they need have no fear of our repeating the useless and Lloody experiments of our ancestors with the United States and of the federal and Confederate States, We shall It them oo, with regret, indecd, but without rerstance. S) long, however, as they are thoroughly minded to hold by us they may be sure that we sbail do our duty by them, and that in the event of any such danger as they bow con- templtte our assistance would nev" nominal in ibe senso in which Mr. Mi uses the word. Wo should do our best for them, but at tho same time our assistance? would bo powinal in this rense—that it would be quite impossible for us to defend them. Their own common sense must make this evident to them. They kwow the forces which the Northern ‘Slates have been employing in the subjugation of the South, and they can jrdge for themselves how comparatively smalt would be the number of troops which England coul to meet such vast hoste, To take no other consideration, ‘hich bos led to these remarks ought to be 0's Point, which the federal government {a pow said to be garrisoning, is only forty five miles from Montreal ; and it is absurd to suppose that England, at the distance of 3,000 miles, can defend Canata from a Power the outworks of which are within forty-five miles of the Canadian y. if they content to rely upon this country tor their safety, it is inevitab'e, from the nature of the case, that the Canadians should be disappointed. On the contrary, if they depend on themselves they Ja former ware they always, asion. ‘They are now st than ever. They have much more to defend, and they know better than before what would be thetr fate if con qnered. They might, as we have said, rely upon all the assistance we could give them. Dorkade ‘the American ports. Our own power would be sufficient to distract the attention of the federal forces, Our trained and seasonet Cad would form a steady Jeus their mili disciplined regiments, Te would have all the and skill of g2 i F | i | Hi i H ; i I & iH Pr? = . Te ai i : fe. tH (or eelf protection. j ‘The Revel Cotton Lean. ANOTHSA INSTALWENT DCR IM RNOLAND—APFPRAL 1 from the Liverpool Past, August 98. } id elameroon, ‘eeuat 2s, 1009. 4 ai ONVRDERATR _ {| Tents ter of Saylor bye saotuer tastalment, wilt be due ‘that cotton held on private ac- count woutd be safer, in the event of feaeral occupation, any he'd +. This is fur Seoneny Maid ty gurgraraset, She sow Cartel foored that tho United States @ entered the districts where the cotton was 2 be burned to prevent its seizure by the enomy. 8. It bas been shown ¢hat, even tf honest and its inde- pendence were assured, the Confegerate government could not pay the interest upon its debts. |. 1 bastbeen shown that J Davis, the Southern autocrat, is not politically honest. He is tho very prince of repudiators, and laughs at the ‘crocodile tears’ of tho widows and orphans whom he helped, as a statesman, oy rob. He, whilst in oftice, plotted to overthrow the gov- ernment he had sworu to support and defend. Will he be truor to his dupes to day than he was @ few years agot Will he bo more faithful to oaths taken. to support tho confederacy, if it cerve his purpose to violate em, than ho we to oaths of allegiance to the United Statest In additien to the foregoing considerations, { would ask you to take a view of the position of tho two parties now at war, . 6 * * * * * * At best tho loan was a mere gambling transaction. Now, even the ehunco of obtaining cotton (at double tho market price) having passed away, what can the bond be worth? For £60 paid £23 were obtained a sbort time ago, and it is said even a lower price was touched. By some singvlar Duliucin tion on the part of buyers, or Processes well understood on the Stock Exchange, the prico has gone up considorabiy, It is still, how ver, ata discount, which should serve as a caution, Let those who.are enamored of slavery kosp the bonds. They wiil rojotce in their lonxe3—be gind that they can thus testify to the strength of their convictions. By all means let them en oy this gatisfaction. But there are some who may have boop duped into this “investment” ‘by their own stupidity, perhaps, or, it may be, in other ways. To them I say sell before the next iustalment be due; by all means sell to those who lovingly believe in the South and who wigh to aid the “ chivalry.” Per- haps you will find this difficult. Never mind; do net fret over Cite 1o63; on!y do not make that loss greater by pay- ing the £11 108. due on tho Ist of Soptombor. Your proseat loss is heavy enough; do not add to te by paying moro, In your innocence you have spent your money in supporting the “ chivalry” in the most nefarious at- tempt ever mndo to extend and perpetuate human bond- age—buman ignorauce—human depravity; do not maxe your blunder (crirae may 1 not call it?) worse by con- tinuing to pay * instalments.” Shut your ears against all who whisper that things will yet be well down South, and you had better pay. No possibie event can mako It sufficiently * well down South’ to enable you ever to get your money back again, Tdaro s2y some of you regrot that you ever had any- thing to do wiib the loan, While you are ead,and pro- bably in a repentant frame of mind, let mo call your at- tention to what it is you have been supporting by your liberal donations. You‘have been aiding in an attempt to keep four miltions of human beings and their descend ints forever in bondage. But do you know what this boadage means? Not one of those four millions of individuals is permitte! to real or write. The heaviest penalties are inflicted on any one daring to teach them. These penal. ties are not found morely in antiquated laws, bat in tho very Intesi revised codes. Not one woman dare be vir- tuous; not one couple is married by any tic which cannot be—which is not—broken at the will of the master; not one child in ali that vast multitude belongs to its parents, unless the fathor bo tts white master too, and then ne is doubly its owner; for he can lawfully, and doos, sell it. Slaves are branded with hot irons and Shore s9 prked & desolate owner, Slayo women are whipped to death fn adcordasca with law. All slaves are outlaws, having not one right which they can claim, no even feod or clothing—all ts at the will of the master. ot only have you beon supporting this system where it Row flourishes, but you bave been paying alro to extend it to territories not yet under its curse. You have been uber to extend il lo Merico—a country which tong ago freed weet trom the pollution which you have bzen doing your worst to on-e more fix upon it. You have given your money to encourage tha reopening of the sinve trade; for, according to your friend , Mi. Yancey, trade in slaves is to be as free as trado in mules and nutmegs. You have paid your money to establish white slavery. According tothe programmo, the laborer is to be turned into capital; and the people of the Territory of New Mexico, by a law lately re- Teaied by the federal Congress. acted upon this, and lo- alized peonage. The white sorvant was whippel at the will of the master, for, as the law clearly stated, ‘he is his money.’ You have paid your money to coerce the freest and best educated communities that ever existed, not merely into connivance with these monstrosities, but into aiding and supporting them in every way. You have done your utmost to embroil your country in dis- tes which may end in war with a nation “bone of our 0, and flesh of our flesh,” by enabiing the Confederate agents in England to fi: out,arm and man ships to prey upon tho commerce of America. And now aro you not thankful—you ought to bo—that ‘our pecuntary donations to this Southern “ohivalry” are ik dy to be thrown away ?f—thankful thit, much harm as they have done, they have rot accomplisbed more! Having made such great sacrifices im the cause of evil, try what you can do in the cause of freedom and of good. Three miliions sterling would go far to assist the poor bondmen of the Confecerate States who are escaping into ® rezion of freed m to tide over the dilliculties which beret them. ‘Thousands of the young, the aged, the sick, tho helpless need your ak. Yon have hitherto done all in your nower to injure thei. ve now to befriend thom. It may bo that the merits of thais last good dood will serve to compensate, in some degree at loast, for the evils you have committed. Yours faithtully, ROBERT PRIMBLE, Livarvoon, August 26, 1803, THE INVASION OF MEXICO, President Lincoln's Protest to Napoteon. Paris (August 27) correspondence of London some days past the Amocicans of tho Northern Usion have been foud in their assertions that President Ivncoln had. made a communication ty the Emperor of the French that would make him repent bis march upon Mexico. Ev most persons conversant with the state of Amorican afairs this was treated as*buvkam.”’ The Patrie, however, last night seemed to be authorized to tell the world that a protest relating to the late politic evonts in Mexico had been forwarded by the last Ameri- can packetboat, the City of Cork, and that it was to be presented this week by tho Americyn Am bassor to the Court of the Tuileries. The gov- ernment of Mr. Lincoln, i was asserted by that journal, invoked the Monroe doctrine, and broadiy stated that the possession of Mexico was a menace to American in- dependence ind an encouragement given to the sevesiionists, La France and Le Temps frm that the rumor of any protest is entireiy unfounded. The Hatrie, with its usual demonstration of bostility towards England, says that its private letters trom New York attribute the decision of Mr. Lincoln to take this stop towards France to the representations made oy the Ministers of England ant Russia to the Cabinet of Wasn- ington. The Pairie generally adopts any information that may bring into doubt the honest views of the English Cabluet, On this occasion it cau omly excite a amie of deristoo, for it is well known that the presen! administra- tion has most carefully avoided every circumsiance thal might Unwart his Imperial Majesty's policy in Mexico. Impe 1 Consaltations, (From the Generai orrespondenz, of Vieona, August 25.) No positive intelligence hs been received relative to the Mexican throne question, bat we bolieve ourselves: able to state that the yiews published by the Memorial Diplometique may, a8 far as Austria is concerned, be generally accepted. In this respect the matter is reduced to a purely dynastic qucstion, which can only be solved between the Emperor Frsocts Joseph aud the Archduke Maximitian. Such, at jeust, the prevailing opinion in well informed circles. I, should also be observed that the two principal conditions laid down by the Archduke havo not been alluded to in any way by the well inform. ed Memorial Diptomatique. The Silver Mines of it del Monte Seized by the French. Paria (\ugust 27) correspondence of London Times. | letter from Pachuca, dated the 20th of June, tetls of a successful expedition sent from Mexico by Marshal wey , wader the command of Col. Aymard, of the Sixty- second regiment. The force consisted of two thousand in. fantry, fonr hundred borres and a section of mountain ar- tiliery! The object of the expedition was to obtain pos session of Pachuca and the silver mines of Real del Monte. Pachuca, which ia sixty miles from Mexico, is reached b; ‘@ well paved road through a highly cultivated country. It was known at Mexico that Pachuca bad been fortified, and ‘that it was defended by four thousand Mexicans, under coumand of Gen. Orellano. A stout resistance was con- sequently expected. It was known, further, that the population were {ll dispored towards the French, and that they had given ‘® most flattering reception to the fugitive General pane the French tre ops arrived, before the estes of nunca, they were agrees ‘sul wo that General Urellane had desaraped with his small arm; , and he French intended f iF i H i i | : i i E i i i i i E i u if (especially to the advantage of Russia, whose gee va friendly spirit. [ ; The Frene! gi Minister from is (August ener or London Dubois de Saligny, who, it will be remembered, wad the accredited representative of France af the caurt of Juarez, and is Mexico. News.) now superseded by is do Mi lon, accredited to » government po bey ated “the to pe French Consul Genoral in Ni Bollean, at : t. low York will be M. Gauldree at Quebec. Nuncto to Forey’s Govern: {Paris (August 26) correspondences of the London Star.) The Pope tostifies his approvat of the Mexican govern- mont created by Marshal Forey, His Holiness is about to send an apostolical nuncio to congratulate the trium: virate on their happy. deliverance from Juaroz and all auch, free thinkers. ‘Toe Person destined to bear to these worthies the felicitations of Pius IX. . Vitelieobs, Archbishop of Seleucia, ae , THE REVOLUTION IN POLAND, Speculation as to the Reply of Russia. {Paris (August 26) Correspondence of the London Post } The French journals ovcupy themselves from day to day with caloulations ns to the time whe Princo Gorts- chakoil’s reply to the three Powers will he received by thom. Somo of them seem almost to threaten the Ras- sian empire with dissolution if much longer dolay takes place. Others seom to be fully aware of the contents of the notes from the three ambassador: 4 their reply. The Nord, goverally woll informod, says:—Prince Gorts- chakoff returned to St. Petersborg expresaly op the 19th to receive the notes from the three ambaasadors. Noth. ing positive had transpired in the Russian capital as to their contents. It is, however, certain, say our corres. pondents, that they will not end eithor in an ultimatum or a diplomatic rupture, Nothing was known at St. Pe- torsburg of the intended departure of the Duke de Moute- bello, of which some journals have spoken. (From the Paris Seiclo, Auguat eh Wo could wait long for Prince Gortschakoi’s reply to tho notes of tho three Powers. Whilo we were almost accnsing the Russian Chancery ot impertinence in the want of attention shown in its delays, sevoral journals in- form us that Prince Gortechakoff doos not, answer the notes of France, England and Austria aimply becanke the communications do not call for reply. What is then the sense of those notes, and why, Instead of the crumbs of publicity which dipiomacy allows to fall from/its table om to tho paper of somo privileged Lazarus, is not the com- plote toxt of the document of which we speak before the eyes.of public? Diplomacy evidently believes iteolf stilt under the ancient regime, when what fg now called public attire Hale only the business er Oh limited class in society; the mystery in which diplomacy thon enveloped. itself could not havo any. great inconveniences, whilst at the prevent moment, from ‘one extromity of tho social acvle to the other, there is no one who ia not direcily or indirectly interested in know- ing exactly what 1s takiog piace relative to the Polish question, So mary interests depend upon peace or war that the Presse is ‘perfectly justified im demanding the complete publication of the notes in question, and of all diplomatic documents in general. If it is true that we are no longer awaiting the reply of Russia to the notes of Austria, France and England, people may ask themselves, what are wa awaiting for? A proposal to recognize the Poles as bolil its had been made; is there an intention of doing 80? Tho uncertainty which prevatis as to the in- tentions of the Powers is the more painful that it is principal ich has consisted In dragging on affairs unl is about to be realized » Whi inter, the The Poles Reject Fo a Armed Inter. vention (Warsaw (Ausust 22) correspondence of the Neucste- ents Nacbricten, ranean : Re will to-day skotch for you the prosent aitaatron Polwh peony 0 far as the samo depends on the dation government. The national government—in other words its represeniatives abroad—are making great efforts af the present moment, but they aim at nothing more than @ recognition of the formal inaurgent army as a bel ‘ Power. Polish.diplomacy, io order to obtain this conces- sion, is polite enough to point out, even at the Tuileries, the ovstaclos on which one of the intervening Powers might strmble in case of su armed intervention, taking into account the genoral situation in Europe, This new policy has not escaped the isance of Lord Cowley; and the remarkable abstinence of the Eugiiia Consul at this place, which for some time past, has now been sbundoned in fconse-) quence of the Iatest phenomena, and has given piace to @ spirited intervention on the part of the Knglishman, Coa- sequently there is now no nivve animated champion of the Polish cause than Vice Consul White, who plies all bis persuasive powers a:nong his large Polish eirdle of ac- quaintance to convince them that it is the English Cabt- net which has always supported the idea of recognizing the Polish insurrection, and that it will bring this sure about if the national government will approach it im However, wo are not very enthusiag- tically English to Warsaw, and wo see clearly enough whom wecan trust. It fs, however, epyanp # ‘rve how, at tno broaching of each now diplomatic idea, the different foreign representatives emulate cach other in endeavors to curry favor with the Poliah leaders, Tue National government has, I repeat, posittrely aban doned all idea of an armed foreign interventiox, and it wilh y be able to accomplish its great ob ect witn the means it bas called into existence, provided only ite armed bands be no longer subjected to the cross fire on the Potish, Prussian and Galician frontiers, and vided “ a of help are not cut off from them on the latter rontier. Everything depends, then, on the question of recognition ly the foreign Powcrs—a stop, which, I am convini would superindues on the Russian wind a new caitot We ehall now see bow much sincerity there thought. has been in the demonstrations of the West in their pro- fegsions of sympathy and their rumors of intervention. THE GERMANIC CONGRESS. The King of Bavaria Ri: ‘at the invitation of your Majes- pimated with the same federal that Cictated the invitation itself, and penetrated with the sraent wish of givin legitimate and salutary satisfaction to the desire of veloping the fe tera! constitution in @ senge conformable to the «pirit of the times. Couscious of that acorrd as to the general ob ect and tendencies, WO have assembied without being acquainted in detail with the propositions which your Majesty ia tends to submit to ovr common deliberation, We have dove so in the confidence that the reciprocal svirit of right and of devotedcess, common to all the great collec- tive interests in which our forefathers founded the Cer- manic Cunfederation according to the situation of their time, will also influence those propositions. We are confident that they wili form @ basia on whieh we may found, in a sptrit and according to the wants of our day, a coustruction capable of giving ond preserving ion, which, in fntellectuat and moral canacity, ion and in activity, as wellas in material force, is not bebind any other Power abroad in a more concen. trated form, and at home the riches of organization and vital activity which respond to its history and its nature. Tt is io that spirit that [ will conscientiously examine your Majesty's tions, and give my opinion om them; and think that I have in that oxpressed the idea of al! the co-federates here assembied. Your Majesty Ly} yourself said that those propositions were suaceptihic imorovement, and although I desire tht the principal vases of the plan of reform be approved of romptly and unanimously, without prolonged deiibera- ions, and that, according to old 0 |. the Princes then selves sirall open to the nation the path of ite devolpment, Inevertbolys would not exciudo the possi- bility of introducing partial modifications into those fun damental bases at our first meeting, particularly those which would be of a nature to facilitate rapid under- standing and a prompt action of free resolation. J deeply participate in your Majesty's and cer. regret tainly all our dear eo-federates share it with me, at not Prossia being able to hail the presence of the King of yi Jet us not forget that that hope. the sooner realized if our rerolutions to-day are promps upanimous. ‘The nations of Germany have enocyed for half a centa. with some short exceptions, the peace of right aud of Saoiity. Lot us not disavow, for that bas been frequeat- cae ae the Germante Confederaticn ani that peace |. Nowher let us deny that cule, Sea ow eee Sas ein in conformity to the spirit of the day, aad particularly by the or- ganic introduction of a representation of the ditforent na u The object to which we ted in clearty set forth before open a Fey 4S * Sumetberet yr try sincere and straightforward. will; apt then the, Viewton 7 east of Almighty God will be with = ‘Mons. The King of Prussia’ to Attend. The complete toxt of Lue answer ee ‘the at Frankfors, Congress , ‘S, follows>— ve aad mighty epatemeres el? javitation he Pao sad Say interne see my peemonserncs tended alan was to be reecbed pan bn} ‘& meoling Of sovereigns news digcuasions Bites iis nae Pamaert rt samiliogly ropeat my deellaation of ‘ie. lavita- ‘yom, wench in | form is 80 honorable to me,, my convic. Ley! nm fot of the: othe I i ea [havo yet ro. bavtoa oul? when, eae ie tebe om the proposed changes in the fade. u