The New York Herald Newspaper, May 20, 1862, Page 10

10 ——a NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, MAY 20, 1862—TRIPLE SHEET. IMPORTANT FROM MEXICO. Arrival of the French War Steamer Montezuma. Steady Advance of the Imperial Troops on the Capital. Collisions Between the French and Mexicans. Levying of Forced Loans on Foreigners. Sketch of the French Admiral Za Graviere. MOVEMENTS OF FRENCH NAVAL VESSELS, &e., &e. &e. The French side-wheel steam frigate Montezuma Mrrived at this port from Vera Cruz, whence she sailed on the 8th instant, at an early hour yes- terday morning. She came to anchor at the upper ‘mchorage at Staten Island, and soon after saluted ‘the United States flag, which compliment was duly re burned by the forts. Admiral Jurien de la Graviere, the commander of the French naval expedition to Mexico, is en board this vessel, on his return to France, his mission im those waters being fulfilled, a8 all naval operations on ‘the Mexican coast are virtually at an end. The French squadron is gradually leaving the Mexican ports, and We may expect several of their war vessels here within a fow days. Five or six of the largest ships of the expe- @ition are expected to arrive together. Tho Guerriere je coming to New York to replace the fri- ate Bellone, now in our harbor, when the latter will re- turn home. As soon as the Bellone leaves, Admiral Reynaud will hoist his pennant on board the Guerriere’ which is one of the finest vessels in the French marine wervice. The Gassendi is also expected here from Nor. folk, as well as the Milan and Lavoissier, all very fine vessels of their class. They will touch here for coal, provisions and other supplies, on their way to Newfound- land. The Pomone, so well known to New Yorkers during her stay here, has returned to France. ‘The frigate Montezuma was placed in quarantine im mediately after her arrival, coming , as she did, from the suspected port of Vera Cruz, whi good deal of sick- sess prevails. It appears, however, that there is no sick- tess on board of this vessel—not a single case of fever. When she left there were two or three cases of yellow Tever at Vera Cruz, but none in the interior of the country. The French troops were gradually advancing towards ‘the capital of Mexico. There had becn a few unimpor Sant coilisions with Mexican guerillas, in which some men had been killed on both sides; but no serious fight” ug had as yet taken place. In all the encounters the French are said to have bad the best of the game. ‘The Mcntezuma is commanded by Captain De Russell’ Flag Officer of the navy. She was built at Rochefort, her Keel being laid down in June, 1841. Her engines were Duilt at Arras, and are of 450 horse power. She is a ‘wooden veesel, and was launched on the 28th of June: 1843. She is pierced for fourteen guns, and in every re" spect is considered a first class ship. Her crew numbers some two hundred and fifty men. ‘The Montezuma reportsleft in the harbor of Vera Cruz the United States ship Potomac. All well. Our Vera Cruz Correspondence. Vena Croz, April 24, 1862. Brews from the City of Mexico—Movements of Mr. Corwin— The Shooting of General Robles—Reappearance of Mar- que:—Reactionary Banditti in Possession of the Roads— Dotlado Laying Forced Loans on Foreigners—The Mezi- cans Dissatisfied with England—Operatic Movements— Sickness Among the Invaders, dc., dc. Our advices from the capital are to the 12th. A courier from Orizaba had just arrived, and there was groat con sternation in the palace ; but the exact nature of the ex- citement was not known when the mail closed, although suspected from the withdrawal of the French troops from Tehuacan. The Hon. Thomas Corwin had gone to the palace, and it was supposed by invitation of the govern ment to advise on some grave matter. By the way, it is stated by several letters from the capital that Mr. Cor- win has concluded a treaty with President Juarez: but if true you will have bad the details ere this reaches you. Mr. Corwin has been the steadfast friend of Juarez, and this gives grounds for a hope the Mexicans cherish that the United States must inevitably come to their relief. Imean the liberals of Mexico; for there is no question new but there is a large party forming in favor of Euro peanfntervention with any form of government that can give peace to the country. Those who hold out for Mexico to govern herself now go with the government; but those who oppose are almost to a man in favor of the invaders. ‘The shooting’of Gen. Robies still continued to agitate the people of Mexico. Gen. Robles was taken the first of this month, while travelling with his servant near Tebuacan, It ie supposed he was on his way to Orizaba, where som= of his family reside. He was taken prisoner and carried San Andres Chalchicomula, where he was shot by order ©; Gen. Zaragoza. Great efforts wore made to save his life ‘but all to no avail. Considering Gen. Robles was invited to Mexieo by Doblado. with the object of making him Minister of War, and that be was afterwards ordered to the city as a dangerous character, this shooting him when seized in the capacity of a quiet citizen seems te have been a rather blcoathirsty act. Several liberal Journals in the interior have declared it a plain assasei- ation, and people of ali parties in Mexico denounce it such. ’The blame is laid upon Juarez, Zarco and Zarago- hot, Juan Jose Baz and a member of other persons who were banished at the same time have rept back into Mexico and kept in retirement, ready for any new revolt. ve been “thoroughly jez, who was announced to and completely” defeated at Ixtlatuaca a few weeks sinco, has again turned up in strength. He fell npon the rrison of Iquala, and put all the officers to the sword. fe next came up bear Mexico, and defeated a government force near Las , and now we just hear that he fell ‘upon the ex-Governor of Puebla, General Alatriste, at Retamoros Izvcar, defeated his for several of his officers prisoners, and ‘The road to the interior ts again in the hands of the reactionary banditti. Colonel (now Brigadier) Lane, who bas been commissioned by Doblado to form 2,000 eavairy im the Pajio, left Mexico with his wervants for his post. He writes from Quere- taro that he had the greatest difficulty in Feaching that point, owing to the number of reactionary ‘ands scattered over the country. The high road was lined, and he had to take his road through haciendas and Over mountain paths: still, even there, he found those f-llows in swarma, who were seizing the administradors ‘0° haciendas and carrying them off for ransom. He says it was a miracle he got through alive. No mails roach Mexico by the diligences. Indian runners have to be employed, who go entirely by trails and through poor districts. Doblado, finding the forced lean coming in slow, lately put $600,000 on @ few capitalists in Mexico, and made them ‘‘oome down’ with the money. He is now talking of ordering the contingents im from tho States. If he does this the capitalists will bave 8 lively time finding money to pay them; for it bas got to come from these who have, of which circle the Government rarely forms one. Imprisonments continue, and the jails are crammed Funny enough, the Mexican writers are calling out, ‘«perffdious Albion.’’ They cannot believe Sir Charies 'yke was acting in good faith They think a man, to act as he has done, must be either a great fool or a great Knave, and they suspect the latter. They aro wrong in their suspicions: Ap agent of the London Mexican bondholders has been out here and taken a trip to the capital. It is to be hoped he may be able to give some good information to his principals. it of the opera company of Max Maret zek i went to the interior with Albert Maretzok were at San Luis Potosi on the 17th ult. They had been well received in the interior, The Misses Natalie (especiafly Inez) have been great favorites, and the interior people do not seem disposed to let them go ‘They were about to proceed to Zacatecus on a six weeks? engagement. They spoke of leaving the country by the packet of June next, but I suppose they will yet go to Agiascalicntes and Guadalajara. The sickness in this place continues with un abated violence. A great many foreigners have died with the yomito. The French medical officers have suffered severely, some three or four hav- ing died, and others are yet in precarious situa- tions. For this disease the natite doctors are pro- feravie to ali others, unless it be foreigners of very Jong residence. The English bave lost eighteen privates and one officer out of the one hundred and fifty men jeft here when the main force sailed, six weeks ago. The French have lost « large number, both of officers and men, This season will be a terrible one in the aunals of Vora Cruz; for vhis is just the beginaing of the sickly eason. Sketch of Admiral Jarien de La Gra- viere, Im mander-in-Chief of the force lately opern ef Mex'co in the service of the Emperor Napoleon, arrived dp New York yosterday morning from Very board the frigate Montezuma, as reported im the HERALD o-day. Admiral de La Graviere enjoys not only a brilliant re- cord of his own, but ean boast of a name celebrated in the naval annals of France for conducting important ne- gotiations with the Spanish American republics on behalf of his country. In 1820, when it was uo longer possible to doubt the whole of America would soon be lost to Spain, it was the father of Rear Admiral Jurien ae La Graviere to whom Duke Pasquier, then Minister of Fo- reign Affairs, confided the delicate mission of showing the French flag to those newly born republics, and of pre- paring beforchand those relations which might be formed with them when Spanish domination should have defini- tively ccme to an end. M. Jurien de LaGraviere left France with the Renommee and the Centaure. It would not be without interest, under existing circumstances, to follow, in the “Souvenirs d’un Amiral,”’ the recitalof that campaign, which lasted nearly a year. The officer of the Restoration was then a witness in Spanish America of the disorders and political faults which, forty years later, were to lead to that place, with a less pacific mission, an officer of the empire, heir of his merit as well as of his name. It was already everywhere dictators, withou force, who disputed for the government of republics without liberty. Already, also, among those alternations of anarchy and military government might be remarked, either at Buenos Ayres or at Peru, the last remnants of the first elements of that monarchical party on which the three interfering Powers appear now to reckon at Mexico and Vera Cruz. At Buenos Ayres, some time before the arrival of the Renommee and Centaure, the republican authorities had deliberated on raising a throne, and seat- ing the Duke of Orleans on it. Buenos Ayres, neverthe- jess. remained a republic, and it was England that rather required that regult, as she did not like that a French prince should reign over La Plata. In selecting Admiral de La Graviere for the command of this very important expedition the Emperor Napoleon has displayed his usual prudence and diplomatic discri- mination. ‘The Admiral is an officer of great experience, besides being naturally given to much study and reflec: tion om all matters and novel circumstances or conditions connected with his profession. He is the author of two or three naval books of repute, the latest of which is no- ticed in a Paris letter, dated on the 2d of August, thus:— ‘Admiral La Graviere, in one of his works, asks what will be the intluence of steam upon blockades? With sail- ing vessels @ blockade was often broken. Sometimes the weather drove the blockading squadron out to sea, or a thick fog came on and forced it to keep well clear of the enemy’s ports. Currents had to be guarded against, as well as sudden changes of wind, which might at any mo- ment bring the vessel under the fire of a hostile battery. With steam these dangers are greatly modified, i they have not aitogether disappeared. Blockades will for the fu- ture be much more strictly observed, and the fleet will be able to Ifo just out of the range of the exterior forts. But the new vesselg, if they do not require the same delicate handling and constant anxiety in regard to the weather, are not go independent as the old saiting ships. They are slaves to a substance which they are continually devour- ing, and which must, therefore, be continually renewed. No matter how cleverly managed, the hour must arrive when a steam vesse} will find if out of coal. For ‘steam vessels to keep up a blockade it will be necessary either to have constant relays of war ships, or to depend upon transports whose arrival could never be depended upon with anything like certainty.”’ ‘Admiral La Graviere sailed in the expedition against Mexico from the port of Uran, in Algeria, on the 18th of November, in the year 1861, for Cuba, in order to assume thecommand of the French squadron. He journeyed first to Paris, and thence to the Canary Islands and Mar- tunique, coming to a rendezvous, as arranged previously, in Havana. He reached Cuba ut the 20th of Decem- ber last, and hoisted his flag on the Montezuma, in which vessel he now returns to Paris, having fulfilled his part of “Mexican mission,’’ the ultimate future of which rests in the arms of his gallant countrymen on the soil of Moxico, directed by the sagacity and will of his Imperial master in Paris, 1 City Intelligence. ‘Tas Troy Re.mr ComMirrge met at three o’ciock yes- terday afternoon, Mr. Thomas Tileston in the chair. The business transacted was mostly of a routine character, but showed that the committee was working with com- mendable zeal. General Wetmore stated that he had sent acopy of the appeal for aid to the Mayor of Troy, and had received the following reply, which was read:— Troy, May 18, 1862. Prosrer M. Werwore, Esq.-— Dear Sim—Your kind and friendly note was recdived this morning. By the same mail came a substantial proof of New York’s generosity, in the form of a draft for $3,000, signed by Mr. Williams, your treasurer. 1 cannot allow even a Sunday to pass without acknow- ledging on behalf of our citizens—many of them sor- Towing ones—those evidences of the generous, sympa- thizing heart and Jiberal hand of your noble metropolis. ‘The euclosures im your letter and the columns of your newspapers show the thorough and earnest manner in which your citizens have entered upon the task of re- lieving the needs of sufferers by our recent fire. There have been thus far 1,000 applicants for relief. It is the aim of the committee, while relieving cases of present need, to give help in such @ manner that persons may be enabled to help themselves. To this service several citazens are lending their time and attention, whi every ward soliciting committees are busily at work. I think the plans of the work are the best that could be advsted; and of the faithfulness with which they will be carried out there can be no doubt. Clothing, ‘provi- sions, &c., will be distributed by a committee of ladies. ‘Troy as a city will soon be up and on again—showing in a few years but little trace of our present calamity, yet individuals will suffer lorg and deeply. Not only are the poor affected, but those who are in casy circumstau- ces are thrown struggling back to the confines of poverty. There is ample room for the disposal of all the hand of libera‘ity may contribute. Our committee will endeavor to keep you advised of our plans, efforts and success. With warm thanks for the energy and good feeling dis- played by yourself and the gentlemen associated so nobly in reheving distross in a sister city, 1 bog to subscribe myself, very gratefully and respectfully, yours JAMES THORN , Mayor. It was stated over $14,000 had already been collected, and that arrangements had been niade to purchase sewing machines from a New York firm for baif cost, to be for- warded to those who had lost their sewing machines by the fire. The committee adjourned to Monday next. Wetcome To RETURNED PRISONERS OF THE SEVENTY- wivTe (Hicnitanp) ReciweNt.—A patriotic Scotchman writes to us, suggesting that as the members of the Seventy-ninth regiment, who have been so long confined in Southern dungeons, are shortly to return home, some public reception-ehould be prepared for them as a reward for the pluck and courage eviuced by them on every ocea- sion. The idea is a good one, and will doubtiess be acted upon by the friends of the Seventy-ninth in this city. FATAL Fatt rrom a New Buiptvc.—Jobn Gilmartin, a laborer, died at the New York Hospital yesterday from the effects of injuries accidentally received by failing from the new building, corner of Pearl aud Beekman streets, The Coroner was notified to hold an inquest upon the body. To nx Srxt ro THe Luxanic Asvicm,—William Haynes (not Howes), the Boston school teacher, who attempted yocommit suicide about a week ago by cutting his throat, has become so demented that this removal to the Lunatic Asylum is recommended by Dr. Kennedy. An Unxnown Max Founp Drowyep at Fort Ricn- monp.—Coroner Henry B. Goold, of Richmond county, held an inquest at Southfield, Staten Island, yesterday, upon the body of an unknown man, found drowned in the vicinity of Fort Richmond. The body appeared to have been in the water two or threo weeks, us the fea- tures were greatiy disfigured. The deceased appeared to be a man between forty and fifty years old, middle size, black hair and well dressed. He had on a black coat and vest, striped pants, new boots, a gold ring on cach hand and seventy-five cents in his pocket, together with * small piece of @ lock belonging to Herring's safe, No- (837. Recovery or THe Disrhicr ATtoRNRY.—It will be grati- fying to the citizens of New York to know that District Attorney Hall has entirely recovered from his recent serious indisposition. Mr. Hail was in attendance at his office yesterday, and has re-entered upon the discharge of his official dut P Intelligence. E. A. Stebbins . Smith, of Boston; J. Broker, of Wisconsin; J. F. Young and wife, and. 0; Haight, of New York, and Mrs. J. W. Hale, of Newburyport, are stopping at the Albemarle Hotel. Capt. Boggs, of the United States Navy; Capt. Clark, of the United States Army; M. B. Goodyear, of New Haven Mrs. John C. Fremont and family, from Little Neck; M. Higginbotham, of Oneida; Mra. A.C. Hazard, of Enfield; H. W. Hastings, of yer J. 8. Wotheral, of San Fran- , and 4 Pollock, of Washington, are stopping at the Astor House. E. ©. Jones and Mr. Ten Eyck, of the United States Army ; R. B. Coleman, of Niagara Falls; A. McDowell, of St. Louis; F. Adams, of Washington; Mr. Anderson and , of Montreal: L. Buiez and son, of Hava , Of Massachusetts: A. Neyhart, of ith: A +t; C. Baliow, of Mexico, and J. M. Elliott, of Lexington, are stopping at the &t. Nicholas Everett and wife, F. and E. H. Baker, and J.C. of Boston; D. MeCloskey, of Albany; T! A. Knick er and W. A. Black, of Troy; M.D. Hardin, of the States Army; T. M. Reed, of Maine; J. Bakerman si NS F. Macdonald, of Port tice, of St. 1, and D. W. Horton, of Mil- waukeo, are stopping at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. Mr. Joseph Frazer, who came pussengor in the Mexican schooner Zerro Colorado, from Tampico, which arrived at bis ‘t last night, is the gentlemen who so kindly as- isted our soldiers who came from Texas to Tampico at he time of the traitor General Twiggs’ desertion from the old ie ‘Mr. Frazer supplied several of them with tunds from own pocket by which te the United Biases, y which torprocure their passage Congressional Election Returns, official and unofMejal, in the Ninth district, for member of Con, Gen. Logan, give Isham G. Haynie 82 gece N. HW. yeTON, May 19, A fire in Manchester, N. H., this morning, destroyed twelve tenemont houses cecupied by about lorty fami- lies, algo the Granite State Market House and two otter buildings. The destroyed buildings wero of the cheap- tase, lopaped ou Mapgpester street, botweeu Kim aud Chestnus, Fir PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS. THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. FIRS? SESSION. Senate. ‘Wasuineron, May 19, 1862. ‘THE RANKRUIT KILL. ‘The Vicw Prestpent pro tem. presented a memorial from the merchants of New York, asking for a general bankrupt law. ‘Mr. Cowan, (rep.) of Pa., presented a petition from the citizens of Philadelphia for the same purpose. NEGRO EMANCIPATION, Mr. Somwer, (rep.) of Mass., presented petitions in favor of emancipating the slaves. ‘TUE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE, Mr. Wisow, (rep.) of Mass., offered a resolution that the Secretary of the Interior report to the Sonate the names and number of vessels engaged in the slave trade for the Southern District of New York, and arrested, since May. 1852; the names of the bondsmen; the amount of bonds and amount realized by the government. Also, that the Secretary of the Interior furnish the names of persons engaged in the slave trade for the Southern District of New York, the amount of bonds, &c., and the amount realized by the government from forfeiture. NAMES OF THE ARMY STAFF OFFICERS, Mr. Gras, (rep.) of Iowa, offered a resolution that the Secretary of War report to the Senate the names of persons appointed on the staffs of the different officers, where row employed on the staff, what officer and by whose recommendation appointed. Adopted, ‘THE CAPICRS OF TOE RKLKL STKAMER PLANTER. ‘Mr .Gximes introduced @ bill for the relief of Robert Small and others (colored), who recently delivered the rebel vessel Planter to Commodore Dupont’s squadron. The bill provicea that the steamsbip Planter, with al the , appurtenances, &c., appraised by a competent board of ‘officers, an ‘one-half the Value, thereot shall go to Robert Small and his associates, who ran the Planter out of Charleston hrbor, with the provision that the Secretary of the Navy may invest the same in United States stocks, the interest to be paid to Small and bis as- sociates or heirs. ‘The bill was taken up and passed. MEDALS OF HONOR. Mr. Witson, (rep.) of Mass., called up the resolution providing for presentation of medals of honor to enlisted men who distinguished themselves in battle. Passed. DEBATE ON TH CONFISCATION BILL. The Confiscation bill was taken up. Mr. Sumvzr, (rep.) of Mass., said—If I can simplify this discussion, ! sball feel that I have done something towards establishing the truth. And now, if you will kindly give me your attention, I shall try to open the question in such a way as to exhibit clearly all the points in issue, There is a saying, often repeated by statesmen and often recorded by publicists, which embodies the direct object of the war which we are now unhappily compelled to wage; an object sometimes avowed in European wars, and more than once made a watchword in our own country—Indemnity for the past and se- curity for the future.” Such should be our comprehen- sive aim—nor more, nor less. Without indemnity for the past, this war will have been waged at our cost. Without security for the future, this war will have been waged in vain. ‘Treasure and blood will have been lavished in vain. But indemnity apd securi- ty are both means to an end; and that cnd is the national unity and the constitution of the United States. It is not enough if we preserve the constitution at the expense of the national unity. Nor is it enough if we enforce the national unity at the expense of the constitution. Both must be maintained. Both will be maintained if we do not fail to take ore of that prudent courage which is never so much needed as at a moment likethe present. Two things we seek as means to an end—indemnity for the past and security for the future. Two things we seck ag the end itself—na- tional unity under the constitution of the United States. Surely mn these objects all must coneur. But how shall they be best accomplished? The constitution and inter- national law are each involved in this discussion. Even if the question itself were minute, it would be. important from such relations. But it coacerns vast masses of property, it concerns the liberty of men, while it opens for decision the means to be em- ployed in bringing this groat war to a closer Inevery aspect the question is transcendent; nor is it easy to pass upon it without considering it in the various lightsof jurisprudeoce, of history and of policy. It is sometimes said that it is exclusively a constitutional ques- tion. This is a mistake. In every government, bound by a written constitution, nothing can be done which is not in conformity with the constitution. But on the present occasion there be no difficulties of doubts under the eoustitution. Its provisions are plain and explicit, so that they need only to be recited. ‘ihe ‘Senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Cowan) and the Senator from Vermont (Mr. Collamer) have stated them strong- ly; but I complain less of this statement than of its ap- plication. Of course, any proposition really inconsistent with these provisions must beapandored. But if, on the other hand, it be consistent, there is the way open to its consideration in the light of history and of policy. If there be any difficulty now, itis not from the question, but simply from the facts; as often in judicial proceed: ing it is less embarrassing to determine the law than the facts. If things are now seen as they really are, and not as Senators fancy or desire—if the facts are now mitted in their natural character—then must the const tutional power of the government be admitted also; for this power comes into being on the occurrence of certain facts. Itis only by denying the facts that the power itself can be drawn in question. But not even the Sena- torfrom Pennsylvania, or the Senator from Vermont, will deny the facts. ‘The facts are simple and obvious They are ali expressed or embodied in the double idea of rebellion and ot war. Both of these facts are facts, pa- tent to common observation and common sense. It would be an insult to the understanding to say that at the present moment there is no rebellion or that there is ro war. Whatever may be the doubts of Senators or their fihespun constitutional theories. nobody can ques- tion that we are in the midst of a de facto rebellion, and in the midst of a de facto war. We are in the midst of each and both. It is not enough to say that there is a rebellion; nor is it enough te say that there is a The whole truth is not told in either alternative. Our case is double, and you may call it rebellion or war, as you please, or you may call it both. It is rebellion swollen to all the proportions of war, and it is war de- riving its life from rebellion. It is not less a rebellion because of its present full blown grandeur; nor is it less r because of the tr itorous source where it draws . The rebellion is mauifest—is it not? An extea- sive territory, once occupied by governments rejoicing imallegiance to the Union, and sharing largely in its , has underiaken to overthrow the constitution of the United States within its borders. Its Senators and representatives have withdrawn from Oongress. ‘The old State governments, solemnly bound by the oaths of their functionaries to support the natfonal constitution, have ceased to exist, and in their piace have “appearea pretended governments, which, adopt- ing the further pretentions of a confederacy, have proceeded to issue letters of marque and tolevy war against the United States. Sofar has this displacement Of the national government prevailed that at this mo- ment, thronghout this whole territory, there are no functionaries acting under the United States: put all are pretending to act under the newly established usurpa- tion. Instead of the oath to support the constitution of the United States, required of all officials by the consti- tution, another oath has been substituted fo support the constitution of the confederacy; and thus the rebellion has assumed a completeness of organization under the mort so! sanctions. In point of fact, throughout this territory national government has been ousted, while the old State SS have ceased to exist, lifeless now trom rebeb hands. Call it suicide, if you will, or suspended animation, or abeyance—they, lees ceased to exist. Such is the plain an ble fact. If all this be mot rebellion, complele in tri. umphant treason, then is rebellion nothing but a name. But the war is not jess manifest. Assuming all the func- tions of au independent government, the confederacy hus undertaken to declare war against the United States. In of thit declaration it has raised armies, or- gant navy, issued letters of marque, borrowed money, imposed taxes, and other done all that it could in waging wal arf among the largest ever marshalled by @ single people, and, at different places throughout a wide spread territory, they have en- countered the armies of the United States. Battles have becn fought with the varying vicissitudes of war; sieges have taken place; fortresses and cities have been captured. On the sed, ships bearing the commissions of the confederacy, sometimes as priva- teers and sometimes ships of the mi seived,sunk or burnt merchant vessels of States, and only lately an iron-clad steamer, the fiag of the confederacy, has of the United States. On each side p made who have been treated as prisoners of war and as such exchanged. Flags of truce have passed {rom camp ‘tw camp, and almost daily during this winter this white ting has afforded its belligerent protection to communica. tions between Norfolk and kortress Monroe, whale the whole rebel coust bas, by prociamation of the President, beon declared ma state of biockade, ana ships of foreign countries, a8 well as of our own, have been condemned by onr courts in Washington, Philadelphia, New York end Boston as prizes of war. Thus-do ail things attest to » of war, which is manifested now in the upheld by ‘judicial tribunals, and now in the bugle, whieh a‘ter ight sounds trace, as indubitably as in mighty armies face to face on the battle field. ie is war in all its crimiual eminence, challenging ali the pain penalties of war, enlist! its terrible pro. ves and awakening all dormant thunder, Somner then illustrated double character of war, by allusions to we none the Mr present events, as rebellion and the contest between Charles I. of England and the Par- hiument, palied by Clarendon the “Great rebeilion,”’ and war. He then said—I present the rebellion as obvious facts, Let them be seen in their , and it will be easy to ap; the law, It is because Senators see the facts only impertectly, that they hesitate with regard to the powers which we are to employ; or, perlays, it is because tiny insist upon seviny tho fact of rebellion exclusively and not the fact of war. Letthem open their eyes, and they must see both. If I seem to dwell on this point, it is because of its practical importance in the present debate. For myse'f, I shall assume it as an andeniable postulate. ‘The persons now arrayed for the overthrow of the go- vernment of the United St '@ unquestionably criti. nais, subject to all the pen f Felveilion, which is, of courre, treason under the constitution of the United States. The same persons now arrayed in war against the government of the United States are unquestionably enemiés, exposed to all the incidents of war, with iu penalties, seizures, contributions, confiscations, cap- tures and prizes. They are enemies, because their com- bination has assumed the port and proportions of war. It is idle to say that they are noteriminals. It is idle to say that they net mies. They are both and they are either; and it is for the government of the United States to proceed againet them in either charac. ter, according to controlling considerations of policy. Hora (Me, Sumner cited the judgment of Chief Justice finesse jo Rose v& Himley (4 Craneb, 288), to show that belligerent Loyd be gupe:added to those of sovereignty ; also the opinion of Chief Justice Tilghman ,of Peunsyivaula; and of Judge Sprague, of Boxtop, whose opinion he cited with much respect, sayiag that loug ex- Sorienee had increased his original aptitude for such questions, and made bim an authority. And be then relied upow Grotius, who, in work creating the law of nations, has developed this very discrimina- tion. He then proceested to speak of Senators who have seemed to feel the im of being able to treat the rebels as ‘alien enemies’’’—on account of the penalties which would then attach. The Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Davis) in his bill, has proposed to declare them s0;and the Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Doolittle) has made a similar proposition with 4 10 @ particular class. But all this is superiluous. ‘dels in arms are ‘cnemies,” exposed to all the penalties of war as much as if they were alien enemies. No Lion is required to make them so. They are so in lact. Itonly remains that they should be treated so; or, according to the Declaration of Independence ‘that we hold them as the rest ef mankind,enemies in war, in peace friends.” Mark, now, the stages of the discussion, We have seen tirst, that in point of fact we are in the midst of a rebellion and in the midst of a war, and se- condly, that in point of law we are at liberty to act under the powers incident to either or to both of these con- ditions; and that we may treat the people engaged against us ag criminals or ag enemies, or, if we please, as both. Pardon me if I repeat these propositions, but it is essen- tial that they should not be forgotten. Therefore, sir, in determining our course we may banish ail ques- tion of power. The power is ample and im. dubitable, being regulated in the one case by the constitution, and in the otber case by the rights of war. If we treat them as rebels, then we ure under the restraints of the constitution. If we treat them as enemies then we have all the latitude sanctioned by the rightsof war. If we treat them ss both then we combine eur penalties from the double sources. What is done against them merely as criminals will naturally be im conformity with the constitution; but what is done agaist them as enemies will have uo limitation except the rights of war. ‘The difference between these two sys- tems of conduct, represented by the two opposite propo- sitions now pendmg, may also be seen in the motive which istthe starting point of each. In treating those arrayed in arms against us as criminals,we assume sovereignty and seek to punish for a violation of existing law. In treating them as enemies, we assume no sovereignty, but, simply employ the means known to war in overcoming an enemy, and in obtaining security against him. In the one case Our eoursé is founded in municipal law under the constitution, and in fhe other case in the rights of war under internati \w. In the one case our object issimply punishment; in the other case it is assured victory. After establishing in reason and authority the existence of the two sources of power, Mr. Sumner pro- ceeded to consider,*first, the rights against criminals, founded on sovereignty, with their limitation under our constitution; and, secondly, the rights against ene- mies, founded on war, which are absolutely without con- stitutiona! limitat‘on.” Under the first head, he passed in review the various limitations of the constitution, say- ing that he should not be less sensitive than any other Senators with regard to any unconstitutional proposi- tion, Show him that avy proposition is without support in the constitution, or that it offends against any of its safeguards, and it could not receive his vote. 1. Congress has no power over slavery in the States: but this cannot interfere with taking slaves as a penalty for crime. 2. There must be no ez post facto law. 3. No bill of attainder. 4. No person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or pro- perty, without due process of law. 5. In all crimimal proceedings the accused enjoy speody and public trial by jury of State and’ district where the crime was committed. 6. No attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. Thus clearly the United States may exercise all the rights of war, which, according to. international law, bel to independent States. In offering this proposition, I waive for the present all question whether these rights are to be exercised by Congress or by the President. It is sufficient that every nation has in this respeet a per- fect equality; nor can any rights of war accorded to other nations be denied to the United States. Harsh and repulsive as these rights unquestionably are, they are derived from the overruling instinctive law of self- defence, which iscommon to nations as to individuals. Every community having the form and character of sovereignty has a right to national Jife, and in deience of such tife it =e forth all its energies. Any other principle would leave it the wretched prey of wicked men, abroad or at home. In vain you accord to it the rights of sovereignty if you despoil it of other rights without which sovereignty cannot exist. ‘I think, there- fore, I am,” was the sententious utterance by which the first of modern philosophers demon- strated personal existence. ‘? am, therefere I have rights,” misy be the declaration of every sovéreiguty When its existence is assailed. hon ¢ ey abbas sidered critically, showing it the prohibition « Feiture fo 3 jo - der of treason,” which sired rary iaiteae therefore, inapplicable where there was no judgment of death ; also, that it was inapplicabio to pact aie. a party had in himself so as to convey the same ately, whether fee-simple or personally. Amidst the confusion in which this clause is involved, you cannot expect that it will be @ strong restraint upon any exercise of power under the constitution, which otherwise seems rational and just. Besides, it is entirely inapplicable to rights against enemies. Auxiliary to other proceedings against criminals, but not involving the trial of the criminal himself, are ‘ing in rem, founded on the idea that the thing is in @ certain sense the offender. After this survey of the limitations in tne constitution on our rights against criminals, Mr. Sumner next con- sidered in detail our rights against enemies, according to the rights of war. He claimed for the United States all acknowledged rights of war belonging to independent States. These rights were considered under the heads of (1) rights against the enemy’s property within our ter- ritorial jurisdiction, and (2) against enemy's property beyond our jurisdiction. ‘The case of Frown, in the Su- preme Court of the United States, establishes the power ,of Congress to confiscate all enemy’s property within our jurisdiction. By the law of uations all the public pro- perty of an enemy, land or money, is liable to seizure, while the property cf private citizens is exempted; but the reason of this exem;tion clearly is, that in an inter- national war the government aloue is responsible, for private persons are not free to choose: whereas, in the present war, y rebel has chosen his part, and has assumed the responsibilities of making him- self au enemy. ‘The robel cannot claim any ex- emption. He is as much liable as the goverument in an international war, in bis lands as well as his per- sonal property. All these rights of war may be wielded by Congress, but it must be while war is pending. When war is over then will come the time for penal statutes. After this survey of questions of law, Mr. Summer next reviewed in detail the history of confiscation in ancient aud modern times—especially in France—and also the numerous confiscation bills, upwards of eighty in num- ber, during our Revolution, with dipiomatic contro- vorsy to which they gave rise, in the course of which Mr. Jefferson asserted the strongest ground under the rights of war. Mr. Sumuer then proceeded to say that in the examples of history, by which the Senate is to be guided on the present occasion, the embarrassment of Hercules is constantly repeate There are paths to avoid as weil as ws to take, and it will be pro. per tor you to determine, under the lights of the past, how your course shail be directed. But ther considerations of policy, and I rejoice to believe of jus- tice also, which prevent an ittumination such as cannot be found in any of the instancesof history. In determining what powers to exercise, you will be guided to a certain extent by the object which you seek to accomplish, Do you seek really te put down the rebellion and to tread it out forever, or do you seek only the passage of a penal statute? Do you scek a new and decisive woapon in the war which our country is compelled to wage, or do you seek nothing more than to punish afew rebels? Or, if ‘the object you seek is simply punishment, do you wish it to be sure and effective, or only inname? Are you in earnest to strike this rebellion with all the force sanc- tioned by the rights of war, or do refuse to use any- thing beyond the peaceful process of municipal law ? I put these questi nt oe kindly. You will answer them your vates. fou are not in earnest: this rebellion now arrayed in war; if you are content to seem to act without acting, to seem to strike without striking; in short, to seem rather than to be, you will pass anew penal ite and nothing more. It is clear that such a statute would be of perfect inefficiency. It will not produce even a moderate intimidation; not so much ‘aga quaker gun. With the provision in our constitution seperate lint f trials in criminal cases, it is obvious that, throughout the whole rebel country, there can be convictions under such statute. Proceedings would fail through the disagreement of the jury, while the efforts of counsel would make every case an occasion of irrita- tion. Nobody would be executed. So strongly am I convinced of this, that Iam accustomed to consider the gallows as ont of the question. It is not a possibility as as @ punishment for this rebellion. Nor would any cen- siderable forfeiture or confiscation be sanctioned by a jury. I think that in this judgment I do not err. But if ‘this be so, surely we ought to take all proper steps to avoid such failure of justion. Let Senators see things as they are. Let us not deceive ourselves or deceive others, A new statute against treason will be simply a few more pages on the statute book, and that is all. I cannot doubt that Seuators are in earnest—that they mean what they say, and that they intend to do all in their power, by all proper legislation, to carry the war toa final close. Butif this be their purpose they wilt not hesitate to employ all the ackmowledged rights of war calcwlated to promote this end. Two transcendant powers have already been exercised without a murmur— Hirst, to raise armies; secondly, to raise money. ‘Meso were essential to the end. But there is another power, without which I fear the end will es- cape us. It is that of confiscation ai liberation, and this power is just as constitutional as the other two. Tho occasion for its exercise is found in the fame terrible necessity. An army is not a pose comitatas, nor is it, in the face of the enemy, or in any of ite activities. amenable to the constitution. It takes life without a jury trial or any due process of law, and we have already seen it is by virtue of the same rights of war that the property of enemies may be taken, and freedom be given to their slaves, Of course, in the exercise of these rights there can be nv check or limita- tion to the constitution. Any such check or limitation* would be irrational. War eaunot be couducted im vincu- lis. In seeking to fasten upeh it the restraints of the constitution, you repeat the anciont tyrauny which com- pellod its victims to fight in chains. Glorious as it is ‘that the ovtizen is surrounded by the safeguard of tho constitution, yet this rule is superseded by war, which brings into bel rights which know no. master, An talian publicist has said that there is no right which does not in some measure iniringe upon some other right. Bat this is not correct. Rights, when pro- understood, harmonize with each other. The r can never infringe upon any rights constitution, nor can any rights wuder the constitution infringe upon the rights of war. ‘Assuming, then, what has been so amply demonstrated, ‘that the rights of war are ours without abridgment, and assuming also that you will not allow our present cause which bas enlisted such mighty energies, to be thwarte through any failure on your part, I ask you to exercise these rights in such a way as to assure pfmptly and manent peace in which all that we desire But to this ead st will not be enough to triumph over the rebellion; it must © completely crushed that it cannot break forth, while its authors aro not allowed to escape punishment—all of which may be accomplished only by such a bill as I havo proposed. The reasons of policy, if not of duty Bat while all desire to see the rebelli t may be a difference with rd to the rights of war which aball be exercised, Some may be for a few; others the consideration that, less austere than jp by the free air of his native ‘Switzerland and with the desire of hay | good, #0 that what he sanctions cannot be regarded as illiberal or harsh. In grasping the details which may enter into the object proposed, this benevolent master teaches that we way oenk on by Fibaicsrgeed 3, cap. 9):— a wi longs to us. 2. Expenses and charges of the war, with reparation of uction of the enemy, 80 that he shall be incapa- ble of unjust violence. 4. Punishment of the enemy. And in order to arrive at these results, the rights of war are ours, to be em] ed in our discretion; not forgetting that the property of every rebel, whether real or personal, ig as justly hable to forfeiture as the property of a hostile prince admitted to be by the rights of war. Such, in detail, is tho object which is all contained in the idea of peace. In this work, it is needless to say, there can be no place for any sentiment of hate or any suggestion of vengeance. ‘There can be no exaction and no punishment beyond the necessity of the case—nothing harsh, nothing excessive. Lenity and pardon become the conqueror more even than his victory. ‘Do in time of peace the most good, and in time of war the least evil possible; such is the law of natious.”’ These are the words of an eminent French magistrate at the installation of a prize court. In this spirit it will be our duty to assuage the calamities of the war, and especially to spare the inoffensive population. But the tallest poppies must drop. For the conspirators who organized this great crime, and let slip the of war, there can be no penalty too great. ‘They should be not ouly punished to the extent of eur power, but. thoy should be stripped of all means of influence, so that, should their lives be spared, they may be doomed to wear them out in poverty, if not in exile, To this end their property must. be taken. But their poor deluded followers may be safely pardoned, Left to allthe privileges of citizenship in a Tegenerated land, they will unite in judgment of those Jeaders who have been to them beaprayie beepers 9 But the property of leaders cons! largely land, owned tn extensive plantations. It fs just that these should be broken up, 80 that they cau never again be the nurseries of conspiracy or disaffection. Partitioned into small estates, they will afford homes to many who are now homeless, while their peculiar and overbearing s0- cial influence will be destroyed. Poor neighbors, who have been so long dupes and victims, may become inde- pendent possessors of the soil. Brave soldiers who have Jet their Northern skies to fight the battles of their country, resting at last from their victories, and chang- ing their swords into ploughshares, may fill the land with Northern industry and Northern principies. I say little of personal property, because, although it may be,justly liable to confiscation, yet ‘it is easy to see that it is of much less importance than the land, except so far as slaves may be falsely classed under this head. Vattel says that in our day a soldier would not dare to boast of having killed the enemy’s king. and there seems to be a similar timidity on our part towards slavery, which is our enemy’s king. If this king were removed tranquillity would reign. Charles XII. of Sweden did not hesitate to say that the canncniers were perfectly right in directing their shots at him, for the war would be at an instant end if they could kill him, whereas they would reap little from killing his principal officers. There is no shot in this war s0 effective a8 ove against slavery, which is king above allofficers; nor is there any better augury of com- plete success than the willingness, at last, to fire on this r king. But wo must begin by abandoning the illusions through which slavery has become go strong. The slaves of rebels cannot be regarded as property, real or personal. Though claimed as property by their masters, and though too often recognized as such by individuals in the government, it is the glory of our constitution that it treats slaves always as‘ persons.” At home, beneath the lash and local laws, they inay be chattels, but they are known to our constitution only as men. In this simple and indisputable fact there is a distinetion clear ag jus- tice itself between the pretended property in slaves and all other property, real or persdnal. Being men, they aro bound to allegiance and entitled to reciprocal protec- tion. It only remains that a eRe epee should be made to their natural and instinctive loyalty; nor any pretended property of their masters supersede thi claim—I would at, .emipent de |, but of emi- nent power, inherent national goveriment, which at all mes has aright to the services of'all. In declar- iny ti the slaves free you'will at once do more than in any otk ay Bie to conquer, to pacify, to punish or to bfoas. ¥o ‘will take from the rebellion its mainspring of activity and strength; you will, stop its chief aires provisions ar a and 5 You will “pod fvitande, At you wil and temptation destroy forever tet disturbing influence which, so loug as it is allowed t6° exist, will Keep this land a volcano, ever ready to break forth anew. But, while accom- plishing this work, you will at the same time by the magical touch of freedom, do an act of wise economy, ‘giving now value to alf the lands of slavery, and opening untold springs of wealth, and you will also do an act of justice destined to raise our National name more than any triumph of war or any skill in peace. God in his beneficence offers to nations, as to individuals, opportunity, opportunity, opportunity, which of all things is most to’ be desired. ‘Never before in history has he offered such as is now ours. Do not fail to seize it. The blow with which we smite an ac- cursed rebellion will at the same time enrich and bless: nor is there avy prosperity or happiness which it will not scatter abundantly throughout the land, and such an act will be an epoch, marking tho chavge from barbarism to civilization, By the old rights of war, still prevalent in Africa, free- mon were made slaves, but by the rights of war which T ask you to declare, slaves will be made freemen. Mr. President—If you seck indemnity for the past, and security for the future; if you seek the national unity under the constitution of the United States, here is the way in which all these can be surely obtained. Strike down the loaders of the rebellion. and lift up the slaves. ‘Then will there bean indemnity for the past such as no nation ever before was able to win, and there will be a * security for the future such as no nation ever before en- joyed, while the republic, glorified and strengthened, ‘will be assured forever, one and indivisible. After Mr. Sumnerconcluded, Mr. Davis, (opp.) of Ky., offered an amendment to the third section, which dis- qualified persons guilty of offences named ‘in tho bill, that such persons also forfeit all right of citizenship. Rejected—yeas 8; nays 28. Mr. Davis offered another amendment, to come in at the end of the bill, providing that all property forteited by the bill shail first be bound by all debts to loyal per- sons. - Rejected—yeas 12; nays 26. Mr. Powe1L, (opp.) of Ky., moved to strike out the eleventh section, which authorizes the President to em- ploy and organize persons of African descent, as he may deem necessary, to suppress the rebellion. Rejected as follows :-— Yxas—Messrs. Carlisle, Davis, Henderson, Latham, Pearce, Powell, Saulsbury, Starke, Willey, Wilson of Missouri, 1. Wrigh' | Anthony, Browning, Clark, Collamer, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harian, Harris, Ho Howe, Lahe of Kansas, Pomeroy, niyck, Trumbull, Wi Sherman, Sumne: ‘Wilkinson, Wilmot, Wilson of Mass.—25. Mr. Hexpxrsox, (Umon) of Mo., moved to strike out the first section and insort as ‘a substitute, that any person hereafter convicted of treason shall suffer death or imprisonment, and all ty forfeited during life. He argued that we id not do umy violence to the fe of the border States if Porn necessary. He Ca hase was ad Prejudice against some Oo} jegislation 3 » He should make no threats or menaees. fie should never sympathize with the rebellion, no mat- ter what legislation was passed. But there was a strong prejudice against setting the slaves free among them: therefore, he leit this provision out of the ameudment. Loud complaints came against him from his own State for the votes he had given here, but he came here to do what he could to suppress the rebellion, and reunite the country, and would do what he could fof this object. He was very sorry the Senate refused (o strike out the pro- vision for arming the slaves. Mr. CLARK said there was not the least unkindnoss in the Senate toward the Senator or the border States. But, suppose white men were struck down by fever it was simply proposed to put negroes in certain tions to bold them. ‘We could not*allow the prejudices of any- body to prevail to cause the death of brothers and sons. The amendment was rejected—yeas 12; pays 25—the Yole being the same as the last, except that Mr. Cowan voted yea. * Mr. Davis offered an amendment at the end of the Dill, that no slave shall be emancipated under this act until such slave shall be taken possession of by some agent of the United States, aud being in transitu to be by corel ved. Mr. SavLsBeRY, (opp.) of Del., moved to strike out the ninth section, which provides that the President may, when he deems it necessary, issue a proclamation, and the siaves of such persons as persist in rebellion thirty days after the proclamation shall be feed, Mr. Wrison, (rep.) of Mass., moved to amend the ninth section so a8 to make it imperative on the President to issue such proclamation. After further discussion by Mosers. Fessxypen, Wave, Witty and others, the Senate adjourned. House of Representatives. Wasuineron, May 19, 1862. IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE HUMPHREYS, ; Mr. Brxcuam, (rep.) of Ubio, from the special commit- tee of the House, reported articles of impeachmeny against West H. Humphreys, Judge of the District Court of the United States for the several districts of Tennessee. Thereare several separate charges, in the name of the people of the United Statos, involving grows noglect of official duty, violation of the laws, endeavoring to excite roveits aud rebellion, publishing the ordinance of seces- sion of Tennesse», endeavoring to absolve the people of that State from their allegiance to tho United States, combining with Jeff. Davis and other evil minded per. sons to overthrow the authority of the United States, &. , and demanding that Humphreys may'be put to auswor the high orimes and misdemeanors charged against him, ‘aud that proceedings be taken for his examination aud trinl, as may be agrecable to law and justice. Mr. Brxaiiast said that these articles substantially em- braced the statement heretofore mado to the House, and as no gentleman desired to discuss the propriety of adopting these articles,on his motion, under the opera- tion of the previous question, the report was agreed to. » On motion of Mr. BINGHAM, a resolution was adopted providing for the appointment of five managers to con- duct the impeachment, and that ti ate be acquainted with the action of the House, with a view of concurrent proceedings in the premises. ‘Yhe Houke then went into Committee of the Whole on the gtate of the Uniou—Mr. Washburne in the chair—and took up the Navy Appropriation bill, APRECH OF MR. HUTCHINS ON PORTAL AFFAIR Mr, Hurcus, (rep,’ of Obio, prefaced hig pomarks by Mr Koop. to pay taxes thus imposed upon them. They were em- mv teamsters, supplies to negroes, a nhs disrict for them alone more than would the State government of Iowa, Minnesota, where, are negroes supported by order of the ment, or through the quartermaster’s order. Goatdes these and other things for the benetit of the nage, oes propose to send to and receive from Hayti and Lil i duly accredited ministers. He repeated, Congress legis- lated almost exclusively for the negro; but what were~ they doing for the children whose fathers have fallen on the battle field? Comparatively nothing. White } men are requirei to procure to enter our lines, *. while negroes can onter them without such papers. asked, was it the purpose of the majority here to make setae Sau afte word had proved tis mpoanbi, that the of the wor! ov" ak ll have to be discussed. strous. at |, over whi has been placed a Governor popular and energetic, wi ‘administrative ubilities, With two-thirds oF the ‘State opposed to secesgion he has been un- to restore her to the Union. Why? Because-you. exciting their apprehension’ to violate the constitution and strip D all their rights, instead of confirming the im- ion that wherever our floats they are protected: all their rights, including those of persons and pro- ase THE NAVAL APPROPRIATION BILL PASSED; Various minor amendments to the Navy Appropria~ tion bill, were discussed and adopted. Forty-eight thousand dollars were agureantent for rent aud expenses at Newport for a naval academy. Before its adoption Mr. MoRRILL, (rep.) of Vt., said in: reply to Mr. Webster, of the Committee of Ways andi Means, that he did not propose to raise a question about: the permanent location of the academy. Mr. parry (rep. of N. ay remarked freee buildings at Annapolis are occupied as an army % and until they shall be vacated the duties of the acade- my cannot be resumed there. ‘Messrs. CatverT, Wesster and CRISFIELD, all of Md.,, showed the superiority of Annapolis over Newport for~ an academy. ‘The first named offered a proviso, which was rejected,, that nothing in the act shall be construed to imply & change of permanent location. mm Mr. SevGwick said, when the war is over the Secret of the Navy might order the Academy to be restored at Annapolis. ‘Mr Saxvemap, (opp.) of R. I., said the Naval Academy wus driven from Anpapolis at the time when soldiers from Rhode Island were sent to Maryland to protect the loyal people of that Sts He was opposed to young men for the navy at any place where troops to bo employed to keep disloyalty in check. ‘fhe committee rejected Mr. Crisfield’s proviso, de- claring the present location of the academy as merely, temporary. ‘The bili was finally reported to the House and passed.. It appropriates about $58,000,000, including for pay of: officers, seamen and enginvers, $11,617,000; repair and equipment of vessels, $11,400,000; ordnance and ordnance: stores, $5,000,000. ‘Adjourned. Court of General Sessions. Before Hon. Judge McCunn. INDICTMENTS FOR VIOLATION OF THE SUNDAY ths LIQUOR LAW. ‘The Grand Jury came into‘court at noon yesterday and presented indictments against the following persons for. violating the Sunday Liquor law:— Honry Abrens, 228 Church street. Fred. Albrecht, 31 Whitehall street. Herman Ahrens, 90 Grand street. Henry Busch, 618 Broome street. Joseph Brooks, 444 Broome street. James Bailey, 53 Watts stroet. Patrick Burns, 41 Worth street. Claus Bauman, 369 Greenwich streets Arthur Parrett, 16 Leroy place. dames Benson, 88 Grand street. i ui » 189 Greene street. see Chetan , 212 Broadway. William Crase, 28 Thomas street. Henry Claussen, 177 Spring street. Henry Clarke, 189 Laurens street. Henry Cortis, 93 Mercer street. Heury Dunkamp, No. 2 York street. Francis Ellis, 228 Church street. Lewis Ehring, Wee of Laight and Greenwich streete» Herman Enkin, 55 Mercer street. ‘Thomas Fitzsimmin, corner of North Moore.and Wasb-- streets. John Fechtmuller, 353 Greenwich street. Geo. Fink, No. 8 Jay street. Claus Fink, 183 Laurens street. Jacob Gutchen, 225 Church street. John Grossman, corner Greenwich and Hubert streetex. John Gashard, 25 Leouard street. Jacob Gerker, 36 Lispenard street. James Graham , 17 West Houston street, Henry Guerken, 103 Thompson street. Michael Kennedy, 20 Ciarke atroet, Wm. Kirk, 17 New Bowery. Fredk. Kuhlman, 24 Jay street. Henry Hazen, 44 Washington street. Benry Hardekoft, No. 7 Marrisou street. John Holnarp, 47 West Broadw: John Hollings, 532 Broome street. Edwin Hail, 633 Broadway. John Honifecken, 42 West Houston street... ‘Thos. Hiligan, 66 Grand street. Diederich Hines, 18 West Houston street. Geo. Johnson, 71 James street. Patrick Kelley, 13 Desbrosses street. } Jobu Kennedy , 520 Broome street. ¢ Hugh Kelley, 211 Duane street. Edward Kennedy , 20 Clarke street. Joseph Lucas, 106 -pri Michael Loftus, 107 Arthur Lyall, 216 Broadway. Peter Ludiman, 83 West Broadway. Joho Lynch, 27 Harri Patrick Lysacht, 474 Pe: Joseph Lyon, 697 Broadway. Nicholas Meyers, 427 Spring street, William Milly, 93 Oliver street, Gebhard Menkin, 259 West street. John T. Meyers, 61 West Broadway. : Luke McDermott, 348 Greenwich street. Herman Miller, 163 Church Edward McCarthy, 237 Wi ‘Thomas MoLaue, 93 Fran! Michael McCarty, 21 Oak street. Edward Murray, 114 Roosevelt street, ‘William Mohen, 108 West Houston street. : Henry Muller, ‘West Broadway. John McCumbridge, 163 Wooster street. John Mart, 141 Greene street. John Menkin, 289 South street. John Noll, 202 Spring street, ‘¥ Stephen J. Conner, 482 Broome streets. : Jobn 0"! }) 76 it street, William Pollice, 501 Thomas Rush Adam Ritchie, 444 Broome street. Heman Buban, 192 Church street. Henry Rust, 86 Greene street. John Shields, 21 West Houston street... Robert Sharp, 73 Cortlandt street. Henry Slack, 180 Laureus street, Robert Thompson, 147 Worth street, Henry Tucker, 66 West Broadway, Joseph Turner , 40 Thomas street. Henry Fienker, 64 West Broadway. Richard Uffelman, 399 Gree: wich street, ‘Otto Wolfe, 568 Broadway. Joseph Wintling, 40 Thoinas street. Fred. Williams, 55 West Broadway. Claus Yost, 42 Leonard street. Jobn Jacob Zurech, 63 Hudson street, All these parties are under bail in the sum of $100 oaeh, « Loss of a Prize Steamer with a Battery of Artillery. Bostox, May 19, 1862. ‘The bark Wild Gagelle, which arrived here to day from Ship Island}reports that the prize steamer P. C. Wallis, while on the way from ship Island to New Orleans, with a battery of artillery on board, sprang aleak and sunk. The crew were saved by the gunboat Saxen. Shocking Tragedy Philadelphia. Pomaveurs , May 19, 1002, ‘A shock! tragedy occurr this mornu vad Twentieth ward. A Gorman tailor, named Peter Ober: tron, shot his wife aud then committed suicide, Arrivals and Departures. ARKIVALS, Conkcoa—Bark Venus—Wm Etamerson, Jr, Riehd Hoyer. Axrnyo, PR—Brig Wm Mason—Thow and James Hutchine - gon, engineers, Nassau, PR—Brig Lucy Darling—Mre and Miss Hazeard, . Mr and Mra Disney, Mr and Mrs Sheppard, Mrs Smith and three children, Mrs Jeniius, Mrs Meeker, Messrs Keily, Oole- Loovis, Longmire, Jr, Capt Macy, Mr Ryan, Mrs Plath wo chiliren, Capt Brown, Viera Croz—French war steamer Montezuma—Vice Adml- - ral Jurien la Graviere, TamrtcomSchr Zerro Colorado de Vella~Joseph 2, SHIPPING NEWS. Port of New York, May 19, 186+ aor SEE FIFTH PACK, iia RIVED, Bark i (Brom), De Hurae, Sumeee, April 7% with» sik with goat rrin & Oo. Pan Shoals, was boarded by U.S steamer Day ne ‘all well; 16th, lat 36, lon 75, spoke sehr B © Baltimore. cia BELOW. A Prussian bark, name unknown. Wind at sunset N, very lieht. Foreign Ports. Tarico, April Wie Aim vesse! in port, American Ports, 8. iM, May 16—Arr sehr Sani sh, Thompson, Calais WICKFORD, Moy 17—Atr sloop Margaret E Wells, Baker, PP okwen