The New York Herald Newspaper, August 2, 1861, Page 2

» , om co Se mi a clea of the poorago, OIL . vaste oa INTERESTING FROM EUR PE ii at eae i a aa Co Kis pension as ex-Socrotary of State, whieh is Yoar more—altogeihor, £9,000 4 year. OF cour: im office be has hig regular silucy of £6,000 a ye ponsion remaining in abeyance. “The time had ar when all parties in (he Honse of Commons were pr well sick of Lord John, and hie vomoyval to the House of Lards ita reher. cold cymieisin of bis character, de gpite its acknowledged purity and patriotiam, has made him more respected than toyed by the public gonorally Baron do Vidil's arbent in Paris hus, of course, boen a topic of intorest with uk. The Baron’s caroer is another instauce of the great advantago accruing lo a presentad pordon aud courtesy of manner. Here was a man wh whole patrimony nover exceoded a few hundred pounds, contriving to hook himseif on to an atiacheship of the French legation in Swodon, and from thence working bis way to England—that Ii Dorado of all adventurers, OF all people in the world none aro ao sasily captivated by a comely presonce and dignilled inanners as (ho Eng!ich OF course the appendage of Baron to such & person's name is of immenge importance, and 46 do Vidil'a fathor was a woll-to-do glovomaker at Nancy, withsome little electioncoring intorest, a barony was easily obtains ble from = Louis Phifippo, Count do Morny, his Swedish ambassador, ‘soliciting it on his behalf. ‘Tho term glove manufacturer, at Nancy, aa ap- plied to the Baron's fathor, must not be misundorstood. Tn France almost all glove sellers manufacture the article Did vond, and thus (he expression in ainply synonymous with keeping a shop at Nancy for the sale of gloves. Much has boon said about the Baron's Orloanist sympathies; but, in fact, in Paris he was just as much mixed up with the Bonapartist clique, and last yoar was invited to Fon tainobloau as ono of the select guoets. A Frenchman who has the good luck to marry into # wealthy English fatnily is certain to stand tolerably well with all partics wm Franco. M. Mires, you will have secon, bas appealed against the judgmont which condemas him to five years incarceration. Ho has it in his power to make many curious disclosures if he will, and many still think, unless his sontence be mitigated, that he will do so. From what I have heard, Tam inclined to think such is not probable, and that his. real hope of a mitigation of his sentence, however it may be confirmed, is holding his tonguo. ‘There are strong symp- toms of the ‘ murder coming out” in mauy other quar tera; aud when the stone is ouce set a rolling there is no knowing how far it may descend. ‘The apeculations of ARRIVAL OF THE AFRICA’S MAILS. OUB PARIS AND BERLIN CORRESPONDENCE, | THE AMERICAN REBELLION, Opinions of the English Press on Pres dent Lincoln’s Message, Satisfactory Results of the Bri- tish Mission to China. The Rumored Cession of the Island of Sardinia to France, CONDITION OF THE KING OF PRUSSIA. AFFAIRS IN HUNGARY, &., &e., &e. ‘Tho steamship Africa arrived here yesterday morning , with datos to tho 21st ult, An abstract of her news ‘Was published in Tuesday's Herauo, The following is the srncus Lise OF THE AFRICA, Giro & Francia 195 18 Brett, Son & Co £750 00 | the second empire will ove day constitute aa instructive Honry Stocker. 165 00 Order. 778 15 | chapter in the history of Use period. Abm. Bell’a Sons. 300 00 The King of Prussia’s attempted assagsination reminds Walsh, Carver & Chast 664 00 | ono of Orsini’s outrage. case the aszaasin’s ploa 339 00 | was emancipation of hi) Both German and . 247 05 | Italian unity seemod to these ministera of vengeance to 252 10 | demand a sovereign victin. In the Kmporur’s case the 664 00 | result was the Ttalian campaign and Italy as it is. Pras Jos. Wartou....... 500 00 | sia las beon publishing some queer works not very flat- «1,100 00 Wm. MeLean, 1,000 00 f tering to France. Will the narrow escape William 1. has met with galvanize her also into some iinitation of FROM HAVRE. I the Alpa and Adriatic policy ? Balion areender. 202,000 Schall & Oo...¥¥.150,000 | “tough the weathor is fax from. Cayorable—coldl easter. ‘Total, 3 Steere viele seeeee.$203,000 | '¥ winds provailing—Paris is quite doserted. Searcely a carriage is to be seen in the Be lier in “Rotten Row,’? In the Houge of Commons, on the 18th, Lord John Rus- ia daar ridin ‘@oll statod that most satisfactory accounts had been re- cvived from Mr. Bruce, the Ambassador to China, reporting that the mission had been received at Pekin in the most friendly manner, and that its relations with the authori- ‘toa gave a satisfactory prospect of establishing commer. cial intoroourse with China on a much betver footing than hag hitherto existed. Mr. “Gladstone gave some explanations as to certain charges which he had brought on a former occasion against the Grand Dukoof Modena, and which he had Deon requested by the Marquis of Normanby to with- draw. Ho regretted that these charges bad been con- #trued in a more severe light than he had intended, but ‘ho oould not withdraw the main principlo of the state- ‘mont he had made. Mr. Disracti rose to a point of order, and objected that Mr, Gladstone was using arguments which could not be replied to, as there was no motion be- fore the House. ‘Tho Spoakor said there was no objection to ® personal ‘explanation, but a controversy on this occasion would be irregular and inconvenient. ‘The gubjoct was then postponed. ‘The Bankruptcy bill, as amended by the House of Lords, ‘wes taken up, and after considerable debate the amend- mont striking out the appointment of a Chief Judge of Bankruptcy was disagreed to by a majority of 44. ‘In the House of Lords on the 19th the subject of Poland was dobated, and hopes were gencrally expressed that the Prugstan government would deal liberally by the Poles. Government promised to produce the correspond- enoe of 1881-32 with Prussia on Polish affairs. {a tho House of Commons on the 19th Mr. Coningham again presonted the petition of Mr. O'Malley Irwin, charg- ing Mr. Lover and others with fraud in the mattor of tho Galway contract. Mr. Lever indignantly denied the imputation, and ‘courted an investigation. ‘The petition was received by a majority of 21, and or- dered to be printed. Mr. Kinglake put some questions to government relative torumors of the intended cession of the isiand of Sardinia to Franco. e A goneral debate ensued, in the course of which Lord Jobn Russell spoke in strong terms against any such pro- jeot, the realization of which would terminate the alliance ‘vetwoou France and England, and could not be permitted without the genoral concurrence of Europe. He, how- ever, had faith in Baron Ricasoli’s statement that Italy would not cede another inch of ground. ‘The oxtraordinary affray in London between a Mr. Rob- orts and Major Murray, at the apartments of the former, had resulted in the death of Mr. Roberts, and Major Mur- ray, although progressing favorably, was not out of dan- ger. The cause of this mysterious affair remained a mys- tery, and aa Mr. Roberts was unconscious some time be- ore bis death, his deposition could not be taken. Mr, Bawin James, the well known barrister and ex- momber of Parliament, bad been formally disbarred by the bonchers of the Inner Temple, London, on account of ‘the scandal which he had recently given rise to. ‘The prosecution in the case of Baron Videl, charged ‘with an attempt to kill Lis son, had been withdrawn, the Our Berlin Correspondencs, Baran, July 17, 1861. The Late Attempt on the Life of the King of Prussia—De tails of the Affair—The Would-be dssassin—His Motive— Effect of the News Throughout Germany—The Incoming Gnd Outgoing United States Ministers at Berlin-~German Opinion on the Civil War, éc., &e. On Sumlay afternoon vague rumors began to circ about town that a telegraphic despatch hat been received from Baden-Baden with very extraordinary intalligence. Somo said the King hat been shot, others that he had only been shot at; but all agreed that au attempt had been made upon his life. The next morning an extra of the Staats Anzeiger confirmed the less alarming version, and gave some particulars of it, in addition to which further details bave transpired since thon, whereof the following is a stimmary:—It appears that on Sanday, be tween oight and nine A. M., the King was taking his morn ing walk from Baden to the adjacent village of Lilient! attended by the Russian Ambaasador, Count Flomming. When about half way he heard a sharp, quick report close to him, and felt at the same time as if something touched his neck. He instinctively turned round to soe what was the matter, and perceived a young man stand- ing behind him. Count Flemming rushed up to this indi- vidual and asked him who fred. “LE did,’ was the an- awer. “At what or whom’? At the King—there is the pistol,” and he pointed to the weapon, which was lying in the grass. U pon this the Count tai hands on him im. mediately, ant he was conducted, without offering the slightest resistance, to the nearest police station. The King, who is said to have shown great presence of miad throughout, contiaued his walk Co Lilienthal, when it was found that the ball bad penetrated through his coat col. lar, cutting away a piece of the erayat, and producing @ contusion on the left side of the neck about an inch in diameter, Beyond this bis Majesty had sustained no injury, and tho bulletin published on Monday morning states that he had paseed a tolerably quist night, and that his general health wag not affected. Yesterday's bulletin iS equally favorable; he goes out as usual, and the effects of the contusion will probably be entirely removed ina fow daya. The person who perpetrated this murderous attack turns out to be a youth of twenty-one—a native of Odessa, in Russia—who has been studying for the last two years at the University of Leipaic. His name is Oscar Becker, and bis father is a gentleman of German extraction, well known in the scientific world by his works on Grecian antiquities, who occupies the post of director or principal of the Richelieu Lyceum at Odessa. On being questioned as tothe mo- tives that induced him to commit such a crime, be re plied that, personally, he had a great respect for the King of Prussia, but that he did not think him qualified to sur- mount the obstacles that impeded tho union of Germany, and thathe must die to make room for another more equal tothe task. It is evident, from his whole behavior, that the unfortunate young man is insane; for the least glimmering of reason would have sufficed to show kim that an act of this kind would be more likely to ruin the cause to which he seems to have devoted himaelf than to promote it. It will be readily imagined that this affair has caused the utmost excitoment in Berlin and through- son refusing to give evidence. lt waa uot known whether | out the Prussian monarchy. Assassination is eho Crown would prosecute. crime always odious to the German character, and especially when directed against a prince whose good intentions are universally recognized, and whose conduct, though open in some respects to well founded criticism, contrasts on the whole most advantageously with that of the majority of hia brothepgovereigns. A special meeting of the Berlin Common CMtinc!! was con. voked on Monday, to vote an address condoling with him ‘on the infamous attempt against his person, and congrat- ulating him on its failure, which will be doliverod to his Majesty, at Baden, by a deputation of that nasembly. ‘Thanksgiving services are beld in all the churches, tho Prussian flag is displayed from many houses, and the newspapers toom with patriotic poctry and other ex- pressions of loyal feeling. In spite of these manifesta. tions, however, people are not quite easy as to the conse- quences which this wretched business may lead to. There can be no doubt that the reactionary party ®ur Paris Correspondence, Pamus, July 19, 186. President Lincoln's Message—French Feeling in Regard to it—The Emperor's Health—~The Empress—Lord J. Rus- sell’s Promotion to the Peerage—The Barom de Vidil—His Antecedentsa—Mires’ Sentence—Probable Result of the At- tempt on the King of Prussia, dc., &c. ‘Tho vigorous resolve of President Lincoln to put down the robe! lion, cost [what it may, bas bad a sonsibie ef- feot on the Parisian mind. If a thought ever came across ft that thero was the most remote disposition to palter away the sacred legacy of the Father of his Country, the i will endeayor to make litical capital out notion is now effectually dissipated, More and more it | or it, aud the scribes of the Kreus Zeilungare already bogins to bo believed that this treason will now really bo } preparing their batterics for that purpose. ‘There wo trampled out, and that the United States will ride tri, ‘umphantly over its present difficulty. The meeting at the Louvre Hote! was a trumpet blast to tho world. England afd Brance alike awoke to those noble echoes of confidence have it,” they say; “that is whatwe get by coquotting with liberalisin. No doubt this Becker is a secret agent of the democratic propaganda, a member of the National Verein, who begin with professions of loygity, and end with regicide.”” Of course there is not the least foundation for such insinnations, as the National Verein bas invaria. and defiance, and it only needed the Presiden. | iy confined itself to ‘moral agitation, and altogother es- tial message to convince the most wavering | chews physical force or revolutionary violence. Besides that the great empire republic must —_jndis- | this, there jp no proof that the assassin, who is not even ut a foreigner from a far distant land, is at all ot ib that association; but it is not impossible that they may succeediin poisoning the car of the King, and persuading him that‘ some repressive measures are ne- cessary for bis personal safety. In his own interest, aud in that of the country, it is jo be hoped that he will got Nsten to such dangorous advice. Hitherto his policy, though timid and vascillating, has been in the main pro- gressive, and the Germans, who are a patient peopie, were thankful for the modicum of reform that was grant- ed them, and trusted to time for farther improvement but they are not ina mood to tolerate 4 revival of the vexatious aud oppressive system that has weighed upon them for so many years, and an attempt to reiutroduce it wand infallibly bring about the revolution which it was intefided to avert. I mentioned in my last that Governor Wright had pre- sented his letters of recall, and that the uew United States Minister, Hon. N. B. Judd’, had delivered his credentials. The reception they met with from the King was highly gratifying to them both, and bis expressions of regpect and sympathy for the United States must have been par- ticularly accoptable at the present crisis. How little Prus- Sia is inclined to profit by the difficult circumstances in which the great transatlantic republic is placed, and how anxious she ig to coment tho friendly relations that have aubsisted between the two countries for the last three. quarters of a century, is evident from the fact that only week before Governor Wright's departure he received a deapatch from Baron Schleinitz, abandoning the claim tothe military services of Prussian Subjects who have resided in America for ton years, and thus virtually settling a ques- tion which the ainhaasador had heen battling for ever since his arrival at Berlin. It appears to me that the Prassian government deserve great credit for such conduct at a time Hike this. It evinces a considerstion and delicacy of feeling which will be appreciated on your side of the wa- ter. Gow. Wright received quite an ovation at bis depart ure, which wes sue as much to the country he represented ag to his personal character. During bis four years’ go. Journ at Boclin he tins mate himself very popular among all clanges, especially among Whe agriculturiats, in whose pursuits he teok great interest, and who presented him, ea tastimouial of theirasteem, with tem head of the finest shoop raised in thia country, of the improved Span sh breed? combining the Chres essential qualitiog of large ness of fleece, fineness of wool and quantity of matter, whieh are aow on their way to New York If} am not mistaken, tao, it is to (he exertions of the ter that the lin is owing, upwards of four vundrad Germ in the prineiples of celigion ‘Tho Now York Staats Zeitung contains an article which putably hold her own in the face of any odds So intense is the intereat in American affairs, that subjects which would, wider other circumstances, havo atirred the very hoart of society now pase dom- paratively unheeded. Tho telegraph may recount the marrow escape from assassination of the King of Prussia; but all commentary is absorbed in the eager question; What from New York? and the threatened vengeance on Neapolitan reactionists, with the departure of the fleet from Toulon, is voted insignificant compared with the @nxious inquiry: What will be Goneral Scott's next step? It ia indeod ouly @ fact to say that the roal poace of the world fast now lies on your side the Atlantic. A very proyalent opinion exists that, let the civil strife ond any how, the result must be a bitter feaiing towards England, which France will have the advantage of. The North haa been too deeply wounded by British supercil- dousnoss ever to forget it, and the signal (rustration of the mad hopes of the South iseven now engeudering a state of bile which cannot fail to overflow on @ Otting occasma, France has ber own anti-British objects to accomplish, and ‘idea but her time. Already we sco the government or. ans discussing the matter of the island of Sardinia, whtch ictor Emanuel ts plainly told it ia bie duty to offer France; and it is well understood that England's anxtety about America will leave her little room for interference io the event of this or any other annexation. Something Las been rinping the round of the papers ‘about the Emperor's state of health; bull have the boat moans of knowing that there never was the slighteat foundation for aby anxiety. The Fmperor is at all times obligsd to be careful. Ho i® oocasion- ally sttacked with @ spinal weakness which compels ‘him to abstain from bore exerriss, and be is moreoyer of a dillous habit. But these tendencies haye always hither to aastly disappeared e! ttle rapose—ench as ha is now snjoying at Vichy. '$ asence the Empress holds Cabinet Covacils at Fontan’ and gives proof that she fas qu.te recovered her ancient s*\f pewsession. Tho Kar press ig one of those whose impressibility from any extraneous cause (@ happily evanescent. The altramon tane party bad undoubtedly once got hold of ber, ant her ecuind wes occupied with all sorta of vaganios, but evor since that trip to Scotland she has become sensibly better and never was more gay, bappy and healtbful than at the prasent moment >in w inst The promotion of Lord Joho uaseil to the | is copied into the German papers, efating that the now fionse Of lords seems almost a8 much a mat United States Ambassador has been comin ioned to re. tor of interest here as in England. The French | quest the Prussian pertain number potion is that it is an object to save the Foreign Minister joers of artill r the Amer from those frequent interpellations whick let the ¢ can service, prom p higher th rank, and world into & peep of what is going on behind the sconce or for their widows ‘Dut this isa d oath of the la The simple fact is, viat until th » Duke of Bedford, Lord 8 elder bro rt th ~ rape ye NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, AUGUST 2, 1861. the embassy here have strict ordera to refuac any auch offers. ‘They are coutinually besieged with persona desi: to entist, and have great difficulty in persuading thom that they will not be accepted. 1 presume the United States government have good and sufficient roasons: ining the services of foreign auxiliaries; but if should ace Dt to alter their policy in this respect, would easily he able to raise ® numerous and very winced the Prussial thorties would pot oppose any obstacles to its form In tho military circles of this capital the move ments of tho American forces aud of old General Scott are watched with the utmost interest. As yet bis operations are looked upon as extremely judicious, and they do not find s0 much fault with his apparent dilatoriness aa his own country men scom inclined todo, Thoy call him tho Amoricw: Fabius Cunctator, and are of opinion that in due time he will strike a decisive blow with the same cnorey Utat characterized bis Roman prototype. Opinions of the the English Press on Pre aident Lincoln’s Last Messuge. [From the London Tinos, July 18. “The President's Measuge is strongly warlike, Ho calls on Congress for 400,000 mon and $40,000,000." Such the last nowa from the United States, and it does not look like flinching or even like a disposition (o limit the objects: of the war Lo recovery of federal property, It is a straight forward and old fashioned appeal to the loyalty and pug- hacity of the majority of Northeruers againkt the fears and ‘scruples of some and the pockets of all, Such appeals have been addressed too often by monarchs subjects where dynastic interests were at bit we had been led to believe that they could never be rd with patieuce in an assembly of republicans. However, we have now an Americar war Dudget of European proportions. Nor is this the worst. ‘he old European resource of borrowing is to be frecty employe), a national debt is to be created, and the inte rest of this as weil aa the ourront expenses of the year are to be met, not by a sweeping income tax, but by heavy customs’ duties, aided by a “light direct taxation.” All this is a aad blow to our veneration for American insti tutions. Itseems to show that the Yankees ave men of like passions with ourselves, that they are not only capa bie of going to war for ap idea, and that a sufficiently un practicable one, but of stinting themselves and charging their posterity’ for the gratification of their martial ar- dor, * * * * * * ‘The sum which the Secretary of the United States ‘Treasury now proposes to raise by a loan is trifling com- pared with tho total amount of our national debt, but it is about equivalent to Lhat which the wars of William HI. nd of the Spanish Sueceasion entailed on this country, and at which Swift and his contemporaries si aghast. It is more than thrice as much as the wholo anuual revenue of the United States a few years ago, and more than five times ag much as the ontire outstanding public debt of the Union at the same timo. Moreover, the enormous burden of taxation in- volved in this financial scheme will not be borne, as be- fora, by thirty four States, but in the first instance by those, and those only, that atill remain faithful to the Washiugota government, Nor must we forgot that the productive powers of Uhis residue will be seriously impaired by the substraction of 400,000 able bodied men from agriculture and manufactures. Tt remains to be seen how the public apirit of the North will respond to the very severe test to which it will now be subjected, and whether the passion: ate desire to maintain the integrity of the Union will be supported by the patient self-sacrifice hat can alone re- concile # commercial people to the prospect of war prices: and diminished wealth. The military movements bitherto reported are ludi- cronsly disproportioued to t nitude of the result to ved, The skirmish at Great Bethel was avery Mair,except sofaras it must baye shaken the co "neo Of the federal troops in their officers. It is one thing to drive the rebels from the south bank of the Poto- icumond, but. another to reduce 1 hold in permanent subjection atract of country near. as large a4 Ruasia in Kurope and inhabited by” Anglo. sons. We never questioned the superiority of the North Sor purposesof warfare, but no war of independence ever ter- minated unsnccessfully, eacept there the disparity of force was Jar greater than it isin this case. Besides, so far as we can ‘at present judge, the Southerners are more earnest and unani mous, aril more deeply pledged to their cause than thew op ponents, with al] their ostentation of union, can posaibiy he. So loug as the slaves remain faithful the Southerners can give their personal services with less difficulty, and the further they are driven back the more they fight on their own ground, and the greater the difficulties of their enemy. But it is idle to multiply reasons for concluding that this controversy must ultimately be settled by some other arbitrament than that of arms. A victory ou either side in the battle which was expected when the last tele grams were despatched, might give the victorious party an advantage in negotiation, but it could no more turn the scale than the battle of Kdgehill determined the fate of the Hogtish civil wars. In thore days there was but one way of deciding a difference of principle, and the cost or probable duration of & contest was the last thing thought of. Perhaps we have grown wiser, or, perhaps, we have ouly learued the worldly pendence of calculating beforehand the objects to ‘ho gained by an indefinite expenditure of blood and trea- sure. Atal! events, mere animosity is no longer a casus belli in Europe, and tho present relations of Austria and Hungary show how possible it is for the most yital inter- nal questions to be discussed between two powerful sec- tions of the same empire without actual bloodshed. But, of course, after the rebukes we have received from our transatlantic relations we know berter than to quote this old world example for the guidance of a dashing young nation with its wild onts still to sow. Austria is almost bankropt, while the Union fs as flush of money ag a State with the wealth of a firat rate Power which has hitherto been content with a small establishment must needs be. Heavy taxation will be a new sensation, and no one will pay more for excitemeut and novelty than a genuine American. {From the London Times of July 19.) Prosident Liucola’s second Message altogether confirms the improsaion produced by bis firstr TU is an uupretend- ing and businesslike justification of his past policy, and invites Congress, without clrcurnlocution, ¢o provide *the legal moans for making this contest 4 short and decwive ove.” Homoly in langnage and somewhat apologetic in. toue, it shows the same clear though not very coupre- hensive appreciation of the point at issue, sad the same wacky of purpose, which have characterized Mr. {an- coln’s manifostoes. ' We can imagine the kind of State pa- per in whiea Pitt or the First Napoleou would have pro- claimed the motives and objects of a European war. But neither tho unflinching egotism of the ous noe the majestic argument of tho other would have suited the tomper of — the Amert public. They ragard the war as thoir own, in & sense which cau bardly be intelligible to tho subjects of the most limited monareby, and req of their chief magistrate, above all (hings, & sirict account of hia ste ardship. About athirdof the Message is consumed in @ vindication of the long forbearance of the government and ofthe measures subscquently taken by the Proaident on his own responsibility, such as the deliberate abandon- ment of Fort Sumter to its fate, the organization of the volunteer army, the orders establishing & blockade of the Southern ports,’and the suspension, “in proper cases,” of the writ of habeas corpus. Anotber third is devoted to the exposure of what our New York contempora- ries distribute under = the egnant headings of “The Noutrality Humbug,’ “The Secession Fallacy’? ©The Sophism of the Rebel’ Leader,’ aud ao (orth. The passages from which we cau cull any iudication of Mr. Lincoin’s present intentions are scanty enough, and are 0 involved with controversial generalities that we do pot feel as certain a& we could wish that he has maturely weighed all the chances or consequences of an internecine war. Men with arms in their hands will hardly liaten to distinctions, however just, between “secession” and “re. bellion.’’ It is too late to dixcugs the right of the South ert States to secede; the fact is that they have dow so, and the only questions that are now worth arguing aro whether they can be, or ought to be, recovered to the Union by force * * * * * What are these objects, afier all, that traascend the paramount importance of preserving peace between noigh- bors and brethren? ‘This is a point op which the Presi- dent's Message, with all its elaborate refutation of seces- sion theories, throws very little ight. One thing is clear, and that ia that abolitionism has little or nothing to do with it. The wor lavery’’ does not occur in this docu- ment, and the social question is entirely merged in the constitutional. In fact, if we are to take Mr. Lincoln as our guide, the English tories bave not greatly erred in regarding the American crisis as @ supreme trial of repub- lican institution, He expressly declares it to be 90, and, though be describes the object of that form of government in some vague and high sounding’phrases, equally ap- plicable to any other, it is well tliat the people of the United States should be jealous for the honor and in togrity of their constitution. The absurdity of main- taining that the instrument of confederation contained provisions for annullmg itself bas been amply demor- stratod, but what follows? Certainly not that it must be enforced at all hazards—at the risk Of ruining those inter- esta which it was designed to secure, of ostranging forever those States which it was designed to unite, of bringing into discredit these principies of which it was the earliest embodiment. We cannot think that Mr. Liacuin rises to the height of this practical, but not lesa lofty argument. Ho clings to the shadow of congistency by reverting agan and again to the legal merits of the question, and animal- vorts with commendable smartness on the pecuniary mat- versations of the seceding Siated, and on the arts of the ry agitators who ‘“‘sugarcosted have been druggitig the minds of their section for more thaa thirty yours,” preaches the duty of demoustrat ing to the world, and that, too, by rust. ing into war, tlint’ “ballots are tho rightful aud ceful successors of bullets;”” and makes several very pea effective retorts upon Mr. Jefferson Davis. He even per. #ists in dealing with @ movement which bas given birth toa constitution, a commercial system, & vast army and unbounded aspirations, as a half-hearted demonstration forced on the good people of the South against their will and doubts “whether there is to-day a majority of the fegally qualified voters of any State, except, perhaps South Carolina, in favor of disunion.””’ We will not say that this is mere trifling, but we do say that it goes some way toshow that Mr. Lincola and his advisers do not feel the full Coree of those cousiderstions which bave long absorbed afl others in the minds of Kuropean observers. ‘There ia ope negative feature in thie message which we must not pass over. It contains uone of the harsh cecriminations against foreign Powers Uhat we had some reagon to.apprehend, and which, proceeding from an offi cial source, might pave impaired, though it could not destroy, the sympathy that we have never coased to feel for the United States. The President attributes the tom- neary partiality of Europe for the rat Wwarnt the existence from American jouruals—to the extraordinary forbearance of his own government, lead: ing to an impression “that the early dissolution of our dational anion was probable.” We are quite ready to admit this or any other imaginary interpretation of an imaginary fact, and nt Accept with agond grace the charitable concession of a New York colemporary, which perceives “an improved disposition in England,’ so long as we are not forced to qv one friend because we will not quarrel with anc have not returned railing for railing, for wer sensitiveness of patriotism in the whelmning daager. We comment wu: acts of Ameri pan statesmen as we should comment upon those of our own, thodgh with greater caution and reserve; and when we prefer a frank recognition of Southern independence hyp the North to the policy avowed in the President's Message, it is solely becanse we foresee, as bystanders. that thie is the issue in which after infinite lass and humiliation, tie con must result, From the London Post (Lord Patmerstou’s organ) of July 19.) ‘The oorasion i9an extraordinary and momontots one for the American Union, A portioi of woat was cage (ig South—of which wef}. a —— United States, noarly oqual in extent to Kugland and France together, haa becn for seven mouths in existence as a Separate confederation. They are daily acquiring fresh force, consistency and cohesion. They have an army which 14 better oMcered than the army of the North, and they have vessels of war which aro commanded by experienced and enterprising officers. When it is remembered that for nore than three months Fort Sumter has been in the PoRSeAHION Of these KeCUDSsiOnistS, and that it was taket At a loa of Home two hundred moep—that Furt Pickens, com manding the eutry of (he Gulf of Mexico, is also in pos keasion of the South, which possesses Likewise forts tr Virginia, Maryland, and on the Delaware, and also the ar- scnal in ‘Now Albany and Kentucky-—it does seem to us that it ia rather late inthe day to” argue the logal right, as Mr. Lincoln doos, of the secessionists to separate, It is the idicat of all things at this stage of the quarrel to argue a question of logal rights. ‘The lotter of the law, and perhaps its spirit too, is against the purely legal right of the South to separate; but now that the blood of both parties is up—now that the South has constituted its re Si@—&nce intoadecided, palpable and formidable rebel lion, which has lasted fer more thas half a year and which grows daily stronger—it is for the North and the govoroment of Washington to put the armed reSistance Opposed to it dewn as soon as possible, without furthor arguing the logal question, Eventa have evidently already carried the matter beyoud auy considerations of mere legality. [ia now a question of who shall have supreme power and mastery; and when meu with British blood in their veins have such # question proposed to them, we may be quite sure that neither will sur- ronder without an obstinate struggle. What nations in Kurops have to remember ix that, in the history and growth of States, circumstances wholly unforeseen o¢ca- sionally arise which prove stronger than Laws, aud before which laws and cony sand charters must alike give way. ‘The Southern States contend that sneh circumstances have now arrived; aud though, as individual Euglishmen, owe sympathics ave with the opponents of slavery, yet we must also retmomber that a secession which has been medi- tated for seven years, and bas endured fur seven months, will not yield without au obstinate aud sanguinary strug, gio. Whether the North will be victorious in the atruggle after a short or after a long contest, it isnot given toman, without the gift of prophecy, to proctaim before the event happens. But be the struggle lng or short, il is evident that nei ther North nor South can ever again be united as they were in 1776, 1786 or 1796. The Union, it is true, may bo oon. structed ona different basis; Dut if the {Foo States love the Southern marine frontier, if they lose Fiorida and Louisiana, the commerce of the Mississippi, the commerce of New Orleans and Mobile, and of the cities and towns watorod by the gulf and stream of Florida, is gone. For ourselves, wo look for a levgtheued aud, we foar, @ ro- lentiess contest. ‘The Southrons are frengied on the question of slavery, and the Northern States can never forgive the South the artful and treasonable manner in which they have bo- come possessed of the moneys, ts and forts chiefly created by Northern industry. fecling of a sorencss approaching to vindictive bitterness appoars in many pas- sages of the message which wo print to-day, having refer- once to Harper's Ferry, to the Navy Yard at Gosport, and to the Floridas, 11 appearsalso in the demands of men and money made to suppress a rebellion which will bo found more formidable than was at first believed. That the Northeroers will eentinue the war with cnergetic ve- hemence we have no doubt. Their desire of vengeance will be abetted by ar intensely commercial spirit which hag not abated their courage, or rendered them less apt for thecamp. ‘Lo Southervors on thoir part will meet the Northernors with passionate fanaticism, and will struggle to the death before they admit defeat. Happily and wisely Our policy is strict neutrality. While we lament the fratricidal contest, we desire neither to inter. fere nor to adjudicate on the justice of a quarrel of brothren speaking the samo language and inhabiting the same cone From the London News, July 19.) Prosident Lincolu’s message sets at rest, with the sim plicity of an unchangeable resolve, many idle rumors of a compromise between the so-called State rights of a rebel- lious minority and the fundamental principles of national union and national sovereignty which Washington be- queathed to the people of the United States as ‘‘sacredly Obligatory on all," as ‘the main pillar in the edifice of real independence," aa the support of tranquility at homo, of peace abroad, of safety, of prosperity, of liberty itself. Is that goodly fabrie of self ruling freedom to remain one nation, or to be split up into ay many mutually destruc- ive tyrannios aa the terrorism of rapacious minorities may catablish by virtue of a pretended right of secession? Mr. Lincola shows that the malignant fallacy of the rebel loaders means nothing more er leas than ‘the complete eatruction of the national Union. This was in fact the very fallacy against which Washington prophetically warned his fellow citizens in his farewell message. And if the national Union of thirty-four, inatead of thirteen States, is now assailed by a fatal combination of internal enemies, so much the more henious is the sophism, The Message of the President plainly treata tue war, whieh a league of parrivides bas provoked, as a struggle fer na- tonal existence. If the wational goverument Was unable to strike the first blow, it is now in a position to secure, by energetic action, the sympathy of foreign Powers with an inflexible purpose to maintain the Union undiminished and unim- paired, To make the contest short and decisive the Pre. it asks for legal meaps to take advantage of the irre- ble patriotiam of the people, aud to turn to the best account those lavish offerings of blood and treasure which almost perplex the discretion of the Executive. How fathfally Mr. Lincoln treads in the footsteps of the Founder of the Kepublic his argument against the pre- tended sovereignty of the several States beara witness. It seems impossible that this plain, unvarniahed speech of the republican President should not sink deep into the hearts and consciences of a people possessed of any moral sonse, of any reverence for the memory of the great founder of their liberties, of any hopes or interests beyond tho passions ar the appetites of the hour. ® * © There is not a free people, or a people aspiring to freedom throughout the world—much less is there a people with Anglo-Saxon blood in its veins—that is not concerned in the momentous crisis which the President of the United States describes, in the simplest words, as ‘a great lesson of peace, toaching men that what they eannot take by an aloction, neither cau they take by a war.” No lesson, it sbould be remembored in England, can be more copserya- tive, in the best and only true sense, than this, ‘The American civil war, t is 8 question of extending the area of slavery, of reviving the slave trade; but it is more than all this for the New World, and for the Old; it is a question, indeed, of “peace, safety, and proaperity,”” nay, of national existence, to that American Union which tho genius of goodness of a Washington created for an oxample. But for all free peoples it is a question of up- holding the eternal principles of liberty, morality and justice’ War-for such a Cause, though it be ctvil war, may porhaps without impiety be call God's most perfect instrument In working out a pure intent. ‘The apirit of determination to put down the Southern rebe}Jion which breathes through the President's Message, and the grand advance of the federal army acroas the Potomac, are closely connected. The government at Washington must have been long aware that not only in America, but in Knrope, there were many who doubted lr sincerity to carry on a civil war, add predicted a speedy compromise. It waa aeund policy, therefore, to demonstrate by some cogent proof that the republicans were really in earnest; and wo more cogent proof cowl have boon given than the message which bas just eet published, and the movements of General Scott. It is, indeed, assumed by maey that the task wiich that officer hag undertaken i impossible. It is confidently asked bow any rational man ean suppose that the egor ei territory ed the coer States, with their vaat Population, can be conquered and permanently gecupied. If thia were a true statement, # the problem” i ‘alilton might be bopoleas, Bot if Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet gro corregt in their opinions, there ia nothing aysurd in the idea that they can be carried into effect. Accordin, to the theory of the Lida Keeper men of Soutbsrthe piajority of whom conaist of the righ plante; hava Goon ovarfowCved, ‘The tral sin of the secoskion iats is Dot to vindicate any great principle, bat to create a new confederacy, in which those Southern politicians who uged to ait in high places may: still rotain their powor. ‘The cause of secession is not that aay con- Stitutional right has heen violated, but that the Southern oligarchy has been for ever over- thrown. ‘The gross treachery of the members of dtr. Bu chanan’s Cabinet for the time evabjey this dissatisfied oligarchy to organize a formidadle rebellion; but it ts the convigtion of the North that if the real opinions of the South could be ascertained, the majority of the South would declare against secesyion and in fayor of the Union. If, therefore, Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet are correct in their views, it is obvions that the success of the war de- pends, not upoa conquering or occupying the Southern States, but upon removing @he incubus which overawes the citizens of these States by. an imposing display of miittary power. It may be that the anticipatiens of the North aro mistaken; hut in the meantime it must be ad- ruitted that the measures whiob have beon taken by the government at Washiogton are weil adapted for the pur- pose of detuating the Southern army in the field, and gon abitag the Union party in the South to aasort their powor: If, the Taion is lo be restored, ik can only be.by force of arms; and to thatend the two oswentials aro an experi- enced commander at the Lead of a numerous aud wall ap. pointed argiy. igh the Creasotiable conduct of 30 Maly Sduthera officers of the United States anny. might have served as sume apology for the War Secretary if be had distrusted any officers from the South, still it is to the credit of Mr. Lincoln’s administration that they should have retained General Scott, a Virginian, at head of the federal army. To those who have ever seen that no- ble and gallant old,man, it can be no matter of surprise that he should exercise a remarkable influence over both officers and mea: and those who have watched his milita: oor, and observed hig eapacitins as a scientific Bol- r, can have no ditticulty in understanding why Mr. Lincoln and bia Cabinet should place unbounded confi- dence in bis military judgment, and abionid allow bim to conduct the war in whatever way lo thinks best {From the Londoo Horald (Lord Derby's organ) of Suly 20. We lay down tho President’sfessage with a strong fooling of disappointment, {1 ia far trom aqual to the oo: ow Mere awkwardness of atyle and form wetake no agoonnt of. Tue age of cultivated American statesman. ship bas long passed away. The rofined intellect of the United States aow shuns political life. Tt would have béon absurd to expect from a man who has passed the Dost part of his life in the backwoods and the wooden capital of a new State the elegance and lu type ich dis: tinguish the State papera of the first firey rs Union, But we looked for @ distinct enw policy which the Peasident proposes to pura seceded States, and an authoritative expo relations with foreign Powers wikch have been so groasiy misreproaented by the American press, ‘The information allurded on these potats is of the scantiest and vaguast racter, Instoad of frankly stating what he wishes and w he proposes todo, Mr. Lincoln indulges in a rhetorical exercitution in which he refutes the secession doctrine very much to his own satisfaction aud to very little use. ful purpose. It is easy to show the logical absurdities to which the principle captended for by the sacessioniste would lead them; but the question has now passed ito ner ont of those narrow limits, Tt is no longer a aiming for itself the right to determine w: the coustitution has been violated, or whether {ts p institutions are threatened, ‘The kitid of argu: Mr. Lincoln indulges was wet! enougl whon rolina first sey J, aud i followed ap by ener fetic moasures woutd doubtiess have brought back that Stats tothe Union, Bet now we have more thau a third of the States wh nosed the Union de | Glaring their withdrawal from it, aud the dis me (0 be ow tu water potrat ution | ma of the und the salus of cach State, and assumes something of the character of a logitimate struggle for independence. {¢ mattors very little now which side reads the con- stitution right. “The question is not now one of technical right or wrong, but of practical policy. Can the North conquor thie South? and if it can would it be worth its whilo to doo? The rebollious colonies aud the English government both thought thomselyos right in 1778, and both in somo respects were right. ‘The grievances of the South may be much sunatler than those sustained by their fathors at (ho hands of the British government, but they have «tdoubtodly ag stroug a desire to oscape from their counection with the North as the original thirtoen States had to thraw off the Brilish yoke. If the federal govern. mant bs reason Lo believe that ata slight expenditure of blood and money st can bring back the seceded States to the Union, and do it, moreover, in such & mannor ay to make thom prosperous and contented mombers, it is to uudertake the war: but unless tt has well grounded ex- pectations of this sort a vigorous prosecution of the con- test ia both a blyader and a crime, Mr. Lincoln taiks vaguely of suppressing thagebellion, ‘The constitution gives Lim the right, and Congress, he expects, will give him the means. But ho really seems to have no more idea of tho interests of the whole country of which he ig still the nomiual headgthan Mr. Grow, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, who, in an ex- travagant outburst of psendo patriotiam, declared that ‘no fag alien to the sources of the Miaaissippi will ever float permanently over ita mouth till ita waters are crim soned in human gore, aud not one foot of American soil can be wrenched trom the jurisdiction of the United States until it is baptized in Gre and blood.” If the President and bis advisers foresee @ bloody struggle before they can subjugate the South, they bad much botter lot it go at ones, and not played over again on a larger scale the foolish part Mogland play in their War of Independence. Mr. Tincola recommends Congress to provide the means for ‘this contest a short aad decisive one, those means consi cin men atid 400,000,000 dollars. He tt, be far better aware than wo can he of the yoamper aid resources of the North, and, we may assuine, relies upon its willingness aud ability to satisfy these enormous requisitions. But we must confess that the hiatosical parallel which he draws seems to us rather cal. culated tO tighten the purse atriags of those aubstantial Northerners whose patriotivm does not couduct them 0. an abaolate sirrendor of all their worldly goods, He observes that “a debt of ax hundred million dot. lara is now a less sum por bead than the debt of our revo- Intionists when we came out of the struggle.” Ominous reference; for the patriots who parted with their money and goods for the paper of the Confederation got from their ungrateful country only fortieth part of tte uomi- nal value, Mr. Lincoln says, “surely each man has as strong a motive now to ‘preserve our liberties 4s wach had then to establish them.’* The Liberties of the North are much safer now than they would be aftor a deaperate war, in which some succegsiul soldier would come to the top as dictator, and during the continuance of which the arbitrary measures already oxceptionally employed would become gouoral; and as for the South, its Liberties will certainly not be strengthened by con- quest. It is a terrible prospect for the North which tne President holds out. They may raise the four hundred thousand soldiers, but the eighty millions sterling will, wo fear, overtaak the energies and devotion of the people. Mr. Lincoln i# more successful in ing the steps ho has taken siuce big accession to office than in fore: shadowing his future policy. He assumed bis functions wader circumstances of peculiar difficulty. The culpable noglect of bis predecessor had allowod a movement which might have boon easily and legitimately crushed in its conmmeacoment to aasame proportions which made civil war or disruption of the Union inevitable. ‘The new President was utterly destitute of tho means to vindi cate bis authority or stay the march of secession. The policy of inactivity was for him @ necessity, as, after the fall of Foré Sumter, an oneggetic one, No one can blame the Prosident for calling on the difforent States for troops for the defeuce of Washington; and no very severe cen- Kare can be passed upon any of his acts up to the assem bly of Congress. The suspension of the haboas corpus act was readered necessary in Maryland by the power of the secessionists in that State; and Congress will, no doubt, indemnity tho President for this and other neces. But it i@ not about tho past that the world is anxious. Our concern ia ail for the future. Does the President pro- pose to conquer the South at any cost? Lt looks very much as if that was his purpose. But such a crusade requirea some better justification than the mere right accorded by the totter of law; and the President seems to feel so, for a large portion of bis message iv devoted to the attempt to prove that the old constitution is better than the new one of the South, and that it is very shabby (or the latter to go out the Union without paying ite portion of the federal debt. I may be quite true that each reginent of the fedorat army could supply ‘a President, a Cabinet, a Congross, and a Court"—whatever that may be; we may admit that this astounding dovelopment of political capacity is en. tirely due to the peculiar government of the United States; but all thess advantages might be still preserved if the South were allowed to take ite own course. The coustitu- tion of the Southern Confederation ix certainly open to the reproach that it i# mot exactly like tho old one; but Mr. Lincoln would do well not to Ax atteation upon the diferonces. Whatever may have been the perversity and guilt of the South in seceding, it is undeniable that in their constitution they bave signally improved upon thé old ove, by providing for all the defecta which the expori- ‘once of its working bad disclosed, Jt may be true that there are large minorities of unionists in the seceding states, but 40 thove wore large minorities of loyalists in the re. belfious colonies—a circumstance which, in American judgment, lessons in no degree tho guilt of the British gov- eromont in trying to retain its authority over them. In fact, all this kind of argument is idle trifling. No one out of the Southern confederation douies the legal right of the United States government to reduce the secoting States to obedience fagliahion generally would bear with great satisfaction that the attempt had been made, if thoy could think there was a chance of its succes ina short and comparatively bloodiess campaigu. But neither the Presi- deat nor his most sanguine friends veuture to believe that tho supremacy of the United States can be reestab- lished except alter a bloody and savage contest. The best friends of the United States are those who hope, with us, that this disaster may be averted by a peaceabic arcange- meat. {Prom the foadon Star, July 19. ‘The Prosident’s Message to the federai Congross om- braces a history, au argument and a declaration. Al- thongh the former aima at @ vindication of tho con ency of the federa! Executive throughout these troubles, and aaauines to reconcile the earlier policy of acqniesence with tho aubasquent vigorous marshalling of force to sup. press the socessonist government, it will scarcely suc. coad in modifying the conclusions of foreiga observers re- specting the events of the last four months, By the bom. bardment of Fort Sumter, says Mr. Lincoln, tile assailants foreed pon the Union the distinct issue—imme. diate dissolution or blood; and he recalls the statement in his imaugural address, that “You (the socoasiovist#) can have no confhict with ‘out being yourselves the aggressors.’’ On this ground the mthtary action of the federal Exeoutive immediately following the fall of Sumter ia justified, and an attompt made to prove it part of a aettied policy to be resorted to only on such & contipgoncy aa this. But such reasoning will blind no one beyond the atmosphere of those furious passions which bow rage on the North American con- Vinoyt. Od the principle contended for by the Unionists and fopresented by Mr, Lincolp, the secossionists, long be- fore their attack on Fort Sumter, had perpetrated flagrant acta of sion. In seizmg all the forts, arseuals, dockyards, custom Louses and the like, within the secadod States, ‘all the property connected with them, and in pre Ac eaineatieg doc hwry dette! Gal siontal ly made thomse!ves as completely ‘ag- greagora’’ ag if they had bad to bombard all these places befdre capturing them. This waa the condition of things: in Marob, whon the new Rxecutive entered upon office. Al that time jf was plainly seen that the Confederate States wore if owtnest. If President Lincola and Mr. Se@ard y not perceive it, they baye proved themselves singuldti# deficicat in perapicacity. They did nothing—ab. solutely nathing—to oy ‘that ‘open hoslility’’ to their government which, Mf. Liucoin saya, was al that time exhtbted by the South; and if the Cabinot really enter- tained hopes of bringing back the gecaders by friendly means, the Qublic opinign of the North did agt share tuo. On the contrary, the feeling that prevailed waa, “Tetthom go.” R k ‘Thore is ng in the rosort of force to compel sub- mission at Tne 5 prvetament 80 uttorly opposed to the feelings of froedor eo. subyorvive of the only grounds on which free State cai Bland, that Mr. Lincoln inatinetively feels compelled to attempt a justification, even when neither party Ww the strife cares @ jot about it, Abroad, of cours, these arguments '» beon examined, and, according tothe quarter in which they may be con: sidered, will they be accoptad or rejected. ‘The worship- ors of goverument authority will appland; they who look upon the wilt of the people as paramount will condemn It is more folly in Mr. Lincoln to talk of the people of the Confederate States as ‘a few discon- tentod =mep'’ His call for an army of 400,000 meu and a treasury of $400,000,000 to conquer them gives the lie Ww that phrase; for, as is known, these Confederate States are united and powerful onough to oppose military resistance toa great army. Aa little can any one believe that they had not sufficient reagon for taking the step they bave done—whether the real roagon was the ong pul (orth mattora not. Three millions of man do not Wiberately change their government, and em. bark on an! arduous, dangerous and exhausting enterprise From caprice, Whatever their reasons, on the broad princi- ple of 7 sovereignty, they hada right to do what they did; and to hear Me. Lincoln quoting the constitution of the United States, made eighty years since, and elaborate. 2 rm ‘pe few to he inteatious of ita foundera, against the'right of secoysion, ruminds ono of the high tory doo. trines among ourselves, inder which the sottlement mada by ono generation, in it4 own interest, is beld to bind all future generations, whether for their intorest or noi, * * e * * * « « If the savguinary speach of Mr. Grow, of Pennaylyania, the now Speaker of the House of Ropreacntatives, be takon as an indioution of Uke purposes of Congross, Mr. Lincoln will get hig 400,000 men and bis 400,000,000 dollars, and should tho South pot give way intimidated, there will bq no doubt blondshad enough to emulate the slaughter of tha worst campaigns of the worst European despots, Despots naually go to war for dominion aud territory, and from the same speech of Mr. Grow we see that that purpose ig hot absent atall events bis miad. The Preaient’s atre' g of the law, or rather his superseding of it hy martial jaw, will receive the udemnity be asks, and tho roll of bills introduced’ by Senator Wilson to enlarge and better orgapise the military powars of the Exeautiva Will be passot, If the South can be conquered, this administration, backed by the wood ant treasure of the the Noth, will do it. But the possi fity of conquest (still remains a problem” while the sacri of property, the introduction of a ious sytem of taxution, the accumulation of debt, aud, worse than all, the demoralization of a free poople trained only. to military defence by the os pliguinent of standing armies and the sproad of a spirit ary ponquesta, are melancholy certainties. Sup 2 the Confederate States subdued Or intimidated, tows ever; what then? Mr. Lincoln says the eonstitution and laws will simply be administered a8 heretofore. But that is easier said than done. The constitution and laws of the € framed4or and can only be adménis who voluntarily thom of carme it not the way to win the minds athe Southern States are subdued and ijugation by fi of men, avd ¥ disartmcd it will be found vecessary to enforce the laws— until uow, ta & groat extent, Selfadiminjstored—by a milftary organization moved trom Washington, The ra sult will \ufailibly be subject States, uot iv, bul under the Voion. - ay {From the London , Tuly 10.) Besides the startling moasures announced by the Presi- cent of the United States for the prosccution of the war, his Message to Congress om ing this extraordinary 6eSsion comprises a historical gl at the origin of civil war, an explanation, au argument in favor of owu policy, and an announcement for tho future. historical retrospect is chiefly remarkable for the admissions which are involved, though they are not tonded. The express object is to show that the Statow which profess to have seceded bave “rebelled.” If any art is used inthe composition, it is entirely employed im the endeavor to diminish the show of power, resolution, and unanimity amongst Confederate States. Six States “aro named ag having joiaed the Confederacy; Virginia ik of av if she wore still balancing betwoen secession and Union, consenting to make herself ‘a nest for im vadera”’ from tho seceding States, Mon who have been im the federal goverument or Legislature, or in the federal army, and have joined the confederawon, are 9e described as a knot of conspirators, aiming to carry muskets belonging to the contral government, and to put ® pressure upon their own individual States in order te suborn public opinion, In short, the aim of the ig to represent the confederation as limited to a small ter- ritory, minority of maicoutonts within that torritory, and a clique assembled round President Jefferson Davis at Richmond, the said Richmoud being moutioned as if tt wore still within the United States. ‘This is by far the best part of a message which reminds us, unluckily, of the worst compositions have emanated from the White House at Washingion. A roceut dccu- pant of the Presidential chair had restored some- Uhing of the correctness and elevation which at onc time marked the mossages sept into Congress. Somo fow presidouts before Mr. Buchanan accoded to office bad aes been very bappy in theiPstyle; bot we must confess that the least folicitous of them never bordered upon the very unsatisfactory character of the document now before us. ‘The second portion is a volunteered explanation of the reasona why the federal government defended Fort Sum- ter. We do not remember that Mr. Lincoln and hie frionda have ever been assailed by the chargo against which they are now #0 anxiously defending themaolyes; aud their pleading is as curious as their thus sponta- neously standing in the dock. If they had not defended tho fort, they say, ‘the act might hage been construed by many ‘as “a part of a voluntary policy; while, at home, it would “discourage the friends of the Union, emboidon its adversaries, and go far to insure ty the lattor « recognition abroad—that, in fact, it would be our national destruction consummated.’ It is diffloult, to imagine any more exaggerated or impolitic admission than the one wo have here—that if avy portion of the Union could be “recognised” as an indopendent State, “our national destruction would be consnmmated,"” $0, on the strougth of that fear, President Lineoln did venture to defend Fort Sumter? ‘The third and longest section of the mossago is the Pleading against the right of secossion, conducted in @ fashion which would not obtain much credit in any dis- trict attorney's office there or in the Old Bailey here. ‘The socession of the States “commonly called the slave States” is again mentioned ag an offence, which is beg- ging tho whole question at issue, and at the same time confessing how incapable the federal government haw shown itself of retaining any hold upon the Southora mombers of the late Union. Yet, as our readers are well aware, the Southern States have been only toe anxious to keep open a path for friendly communications with the North; while it is the federal government which has broken off communications, and has rendered the se- cession 80 thoroughgoing and complete as it is. One ar- gument upon which Mr. Lincoln and bis friends appear strongly to rely is, that the States never existed inde- pendently, and that therefore they cannot lawfully an@ peacefully withdraw from the Union ‘without the consemt of tho Union, or of any other States."’ This is an assertion directly in the tooth of the constitution, which provides for any amendment even of the constitution itself, om vote taken by the Legislatures of the States, or by @ Convention to be called throughout tho States; that is to aad, auy amendment of the constitution would become a law id it were affirmed by a specified majority cither of the State Logisiatures or of a National Convention. Yet Mr. Lincolm makes the astounding assertion that no State can with- draw from the Union if the withdrawal be votoed by any ‘oug State. Perhaps he does not mean what his words ex- press, for we must always make allowances op the score of his manifest inexperlonce and inaptitude in wielding the pen. The argument, however, against the independence ef tho States in auy poriod of their political growth is oar- ried to the pitch of the sublime, and the proverbial trife beyond. If Mr. Lincoln had read the bistory of Virginia for himself, he would know better than to put on recor@ this ludicrous essay for the ridicule of poatority ‘The personal idiosycracy of “the Exoontive,” aa the Preaidout calls himself, comes out tully in the concluding and shortest section of the mossage, where ho profeases te anuounce what isto be the course of the goverumens after its victory inthe present civil war. If there is te be coercion and conquest or subjugation, he docs wot “peresive” that there is, to be any suck Uhing ‘in any just sense of these terms,"’ * * e 1 is indeed impossible to follow the Presidontiat bua- gling through all its intricacies, for, while Mr. Lincoks is uttering for each State this broad and unqualifieé right of dictation, be allows that “the people themscives, and not their servants, can safely reverse thelr own deliberate decision,” which is precisely what the seceding States’ prociaim. If it is Mr. Lincoln's = to mitigate the mistrust an@ hostility Which his adtuinistration has raised tm the Southern States by explaining what course he should pursue after the conclusion of a peace, he haa most ludicrously failed to carry out his own purpose. On the coutrary, be hay just alluded to the subject sufficiently to show a consciousness that satisfaction ought to Be given to the public on both sides of the Potomac, while irritating at least the Southoro States by withholding the information which be promises. ‘We can imagine one reagon for this reserve. Frome latent sense that it is at discord with the majority tm the Northern ag woll as the Southorn States, Mr. Lincotn’s party bas done its best to suppress the friendly overtures: of the Confederate government; and now it 13 endeavoring te conceal from the leading men in the South the growing dtspost- tion in the Northern States to reopen the question of peaceful me- getiations. Hence, undoubtedly, the astoundingly vagucaad prevaricating language which he employs, at the very time that be prot se8 to alleviate the unoasiness inthe mind of candid men, by intimating what is to be tho course of the government towards the Southern States after the conclusion of the war. But he promises that the war shall be done cheaply, he will contract to get it finished off-hand at ‘only’ Cour hundred millions of dollara— “only'’ two-thirds of the expense incurred by the whole War of Independence. And he thinks that his 'cute sal jects will duly believe thoir oncle apd autocrat, ‘‘the Exccutive,”’ unqueationably making up thoir ininds thet tho bill offered to them before the beginning of the war will procisely tally with the bill to be presented at end. The Yankees may bes very obediout 10, we doubt if they are yet quite so much euslava’ ag Me Seward aud hia President seem to think. France. Tatters from Vichy report the Emypmncy ee (race poorly, but nevertheless deriving benefit from tne wavera of that place. M. de St. George, formerly Director of the Imperial printing office, and whose disappearance on account of joavy embarrasamonts has been already reported, ma@ D appointed French Consul in Australia. M. Rdgar Ney bad beon sent on an extraordinary mals sion to Berlin. ‘The Paris Pays aaserts that thore is no truth in the re- port that the Freneb army at Rome is to be increased. The light cavalry at Paris were being practised rapid establishment of telograph wifes during @ uj engagement. Thy wires are fixed to lanocs. “ie Monin contains a report aronnd by the tate Marine to the Emperor, which is followed by an fem- rin! decree approving of tho conclustons of the report, 2 ordering @ levy of mon for the navy as follows From athong those gailors who haye not yot served the State. : 2. In case of an inauffciency, from among the onan who have served the shortest time of their period of eer vice. ce = Another decree establishes bounties for those ig ce enter the vavy after their period of aorvice haw exp ep Foe ae as There wero rumars of the Pap of Senaio’s being raleed from 30,000 francs to 50,000 francs. ‘Tho Bourse was inanimate aad drooping. Rentes closed 67. Toe. & Italy, The Count San Martino had left Naples. Tho Nationalities asserts that whon King Vietr Emanuel had read the Emperor Napoleon's letter, he aald ‘Tam happy to see that my august ally approves the Ie of poltey which my government has followed. Tho pews which you bring will GU all true frieads of with joy.” ‘The Coisintory, which was to have beon hold at Rose ou thy bad been poatpoued till the 23d of Jhiy. Prussali Fartber particulars relative to the attempt om sbi of the King’ state that Oscar Borkor, tte map who the pistols, ia suppoand to bp a political Inpatic. Ho twee saluted tha King on the promenade without any notier boing taken of him. He passed the Kinga third time, and, rusping at hit q One hullet penotrated the collar of the King's coat tore his cravat, causmg a slight contusion in the néoit bis Majesty, THE LATEST NEWS. Losvon, Jal ‘Vie Qowaxstows, July WY thes } ‘The Observer saya Lord John Rassoll will rotain in bie earldom the uame of Russell, Me has not tho slightest notion of giving wp public life Sle G. Lawia will take “tha War Office. Mr, Cardwelt will have tha Chancellorabip of Lancaster. Mr. Fortessue will be ooretary for Ireland, and Lord Hartington will Am Mr. Fartesaua’s offtce. I¢ iz understood Lord Paimoraton will ropregant the Foraign, Department ia tho Reuse oF ve ie Vianna, July 20, 1861. Count Moritz Raterhany bag been appoluted Minister batt id Panw, Joly 20, 1961, ‘Towlay M, Mires lodged an append against bia trial. The jou by fire in the property roamA of the Grané@ Opera House ix estimated at 1,000,000 francs. ‘The per- formance will be interrupted, aa the scenery of the plooes to be played this weason ware Mm, tho Opera House, i ona wera injured at the Hepes Peern, July 90, 1861. The Reker Lloyd of to-day says Counts Apponyi and Haylath will for the present remain at their posta, Count Torguch, the now Chanceltor of Hungary, has de- clarad to the Council of the Antic Court his determination to act according to the wishes of the nation and to the comatitu! an A circular to the Osbarg Bourse is in course of propara: tion, urging thom to agres to act Ju concert in accordance, to the conatitution . hero. aa!