The New York Herald Newspaper, January 13, 1861, Page 4

4 EW YORK HERALD. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, EDITOR AN PROPRIETOR. ———— OFFICE N. W. CORNEN OF FULTON AND NASSAU STS. TERMS, onsh in advance. Money, rent by mail wil? be at the viskof the ecmder. None but Bank bills current in New York taken. THE DAILY AFRALD, two cents per /, BT per annum. TUE WEERLE HERALD. cvery Masurday, al aks conde per conn, or Bh ver annians, the Eirvyerin Edition over Weiweutey, fat sia cele anon i any part of reat Brita, ¢ and Bet of exch mouth, a sie yer artnust JALD, on Wednesday, at four cents per + eee NO, 19 AMUSEMENTS TO-MORROW EVENING. NIBLD'S GARDEN, Broadway.—Damon anp Prrazas. WINTER GARDEN, Broad’ iy, opposite Bond street.— Ay Aven or Honom—Mazeri BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Tuaxon or tar Roan BQuestaian PYRrORMANCES. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway.—Puarina Wira Fine LAUNA KEFNE’S THEATRE, No. 62% Broadway.— Bevis Suen, NEW, BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Guincx at New Youx-—Tooras—Devin’'s OaK, UM'S AMERICAN MUSEUM, RBroadway.—Day and i wed Wru—Saues any Tears—Liviae Coat BRYANTS’ MINSTRELS, Mechani way -luatmsgues, SoxGs, Daxcus, & * Hall, 472 Hroad- .—Soines D Erniors. & CAMPBELLS MINSTRELS, Niblo’s Saloon, —Krmioriay Soxcs, Dagexs, Buaunsquas, do. 2 HALL, 683 Broadway, —Soyas, ‘3 Mixsrarns, , Sunday, January 13, 1861. The News. the sloop-of-war Brooklyn arrived off Charles- ton Lar yesterday afternoon. She has not visited that port for a hostile purpose, but upon a mission of pease. Reports from Charleston state that the Soath Carolina authorities had communicated, un- der a flag of truce, with Major Anderson, but for what purpose had not transpired. Rumors were cwrent (hat disaffection exists among the garri- son, and thet a surrender of Fort Sumter is con- templated. It is stated that there was good au- thority for believing that negotiations are going on with Washington for the surrender of the fort and a ce-sation of a warlike attitade. It is certain that Col, Hoyne, on the part of South Carolina, and Lieut. Hail, on the part of Major Anderson, have left Charleston for Washington, respectively with proposals and to obtain instructions. ‘The proceedings of Congress yesterday will be read with unusual interest. The Senate Chamber and galleries and lobbies were occupied at an early hour by a dense throng of spectators, auxious te listen to the long expected speech of Mr. Seward upon the rerilous condition of the country. The diplomatic corps were also in at- fendance. In due time Mr. Seward made his speech, which oceupied some three hours in the dclivery. A full report of it is given in to-day’s paper, and in the editorial columns may be found an analysis of the orator’s effort, with such re- marks as the occasion suggests. At the conclusion of Mr. Seward’s speech the Deficiency Appropria- tion Dill was discussed, and a resolution was offered enabling Commodore Paulding to accept of a sword and a tract of land given to him by the government of Nicaragua, in acknowledgment of his services in suppressing the Walker filibuster invasion. In the Honse a resolution was offered calling for information respecting the reported occupation of the federal offices at St. Louis by United Statea troops, but the repubtrouns refused to entertain it. A commanication was received from the Missis- Bippi delegation announcing the seceasion of that Btate from the Union and their withdrawal from Congress. The Navy Appropriation bill was taken up. Mr. Pryor announced the intention of the minority to oppose all appropriations for the army and navy, in view of the probability of their being employed to coerce seceding States. ‘The republicans refused to allow debate upon the subject, and an interesting discussion ensued. It was finally agreed that no debate should take place on the Navy bill, but that when the Army Appro- priation bill is taken up it shall be open to dis- cussion. The Navy Appropriation bill was ac- cordingly passed. During the ensuing week, therefore, a debate in the House on the crisis will commence, and it has been suggested that, by holding night sessions, the subject may possibly be exhausted in three days. The steamer Star of the West returned to this port yesterday morning from her unsuccessful attempt to land United States troops at Fort Bumter, The official account of her reception by the South Carolina forces does not differ ma- terially from that heretofore published. Seven- ecu shots were fired at the steamer, one of which took effect on her port bow, another on her star- board quarter, while a third passed between the smoke stack and the walking beam, but no dam- age was inflicted, save rome splintering of wood- work. The gunnery practice of the assailants is Gescribed as having been surprisingly accurate. A rumor was going the rounds of the city yes- terday that five hundred government troops had been despatched South from Governor's island, but we haye reason to believe the whole thing to be © hoax; at all events, some of the persons con- nected with the island deny it in the most em- phatic mauner, and declare that there is no foun- dation for it. There is an order to pmevent all persons from visiting the island, so that perhaps gach a thing may be on the fapis, but we feel con- fident that it has not yet taken place. As we announced yesterday, the steamship Merion, which was taken possession of by the South Carolina authorities, has been surrendered to her owners, and is now on her way to this port, to resume her place in the line to which she be- longs. An account of the seizure of the ship is given elsewhere in our columns. In the Legislature yesterday the resolution of the Assembly providing for a joint special Com- mittee on Federal Relations was discussed and laid on the table. In the Assembly a bill to amend the charter of New York city was introduced: St abolishes the Councilmen, and provides fora Board of sixteen Aldermen, elected for four years, half each second year, after the plan of the Super- Visors’ election; the Mayor to preside over the Board of Atdermen, and have a casting vote, and @ full vote on all appointments; the heads of de- partments to be appointed by the Mayor and Aldermen; Messrs. Hows and Bronson to remain In office till their term expires, but all others to go out when their snecessors are appointed: the city Plection to be held on second Tocaday tn April, and the first clection to take plooe under the law next April, when Mr. Wood is leuidatea wut of office. The bill was referred to the Com mittee on Cities and V soe. Both houses ad journed till Monday evening. The Central Park skating pond lest ovening was brilliantly iMluminated, and many persons skated both by day and night. A large somber of Bleighing parties vieited the Park during the day, causing quite a lively scone, In anottier column will be found some few remorks on the origin of skating, as well as on the recent improvements made in skates, The Board of Councilmen made another attempt to effect a permanent organization last evening ‘The democrats, with the exception of Mr. Repper, answered to their names, but the republicans con- Rinued to absent themselves, Tt is understood, TTA c ,r w NEW YORE HERALD, SUNDAY, JANUARY 13, 186i. however, that a Presid. at will be chosen on Mon day evening, either by the democrats or the oppo sition, The proposition has been made by the democrats to draw for the presiding oflic , and there is no reason to suppose that they will con- tinue to prevent the organization of the Board, They will meet to-morrow at five o'clock The steamship North Star arrived # this port last evening from Aspinwall, She brings rather less than a million and a half in specie. There is ne news from Californi uth America, or even from the seat of war in New Granada, The United States sloop-of-war Levant bas not been heard from. The steamship De Soto, from New Orleans and Havana, with dates frou the latter to the 8th inst., arrived here last evening. There is no Havana news of any interest. She brings $158,140 in specie. By way of Havana the news of Mirauon's de- feat is confirmed. Some interesting details will be found in our news columns. ‘The cotton market continued firm yesterday, while the sales embraced about 3,000 bales, in store, closing on the basis of about 12%c., including some lots at 13c. Fiour was steady, and in good request; prices were firm and sales active.- Wheat was firm, with an up- ward tendency in prices, and a good export demand. Corn was firmer and tolerably active, including pur- chases {6r export. Pork was firmer, with sales of new mess at $17 & $17 25, and of new prime at $134 $13 1234. Sugars were steady, while sales were light. Coffee was in fair demand, with sales of 300 bags Rio and 1,400 do, Laguayra at steady prices. Freights for grain to Liver- pool and London were firmer, while engagementa were moderate. Mr. Seward's Speech on the Crisis—No Prospect of a Compromise, The speech of Mr. Seward, delivered in the Senate yesterday, on this great crisis of Union or dissolution, peace or war, is before our readers. We might properly apply to it the old fable of the mountain in labor, were it not that this delivery discloses something more formidable than a mouse. Withall its soft and silky professions of forbearance, patience, con- ciliation and compromise, wg apprehend that this speech closes the door of reconciliation, and proclaims coercion as the deliberately chosen policy of the President elect. Authoritatively introduced to the country as the Premier of Mr. Lincoln’s administration, there can be no doubt that Mr. Seward, in this speech, bas reflected the views of Mr. Lincoln, and indicated the full extent to which he is prepared io go in the way of peace offerings to the South. The burden of this speech is the blessings and the necessily of the Union on the one hand to both sections, and on the other the ruinous encumbrances and calami- ties of dissolution to all parties concerned, but especially to the slave States. In the civil wars resulting from dissolution, they are to suffer the additional horrors of ‘servile insurrections. Upon these advantages and blessings of Union, and these calamiiies of dis- union, Mr. Seward mainly relies for the main- tenance and complete restoration of the Union. Conceding, however, the necessity of some repairs of the federal government machinery, he recognizes the propriety of, and proposes-— First—A faithful observance of the Fugitive Slave law, with such modifications of the law as will not oblige private persons to assist in its execution, and as will protect free men from being carried off into slavery. In this propo- sition is embraced the repeal of all laws of the States, whether free States or slave States, which relate to this class of persons (negroes), contravening the constitution of the United States or tha laws af Canarass {This man =6 repeal includes Northern Personal Liberty bills and Southern police regulations in refe- rence to Northern citizens of color, and South- ern State laws, present or prospective, con- niving at the African slave trade.} Second—A constitutional amendment forever denying to Congress the power to interfere with slavery in any State. Third—While he never will, directly or in- directly, give his vote to establish or sanction slavery in any of the Territories, Mr. Seward, after admitting Kansas with her anti-slavery constitution, would be ready to lump and admit all the remaining Territories in two other States, if the thing were practicable and could be done constitutionally. Fourth—-If these measures were practicable, he would prefer a different course, to wit:— When “ these eccentric movements of secession and disunion shall have ended,” and “ calmness shall have once more resumed its sway over the public mind, then, and not until then—one, two or three years hence’’—he says, “I should cheerfully advise a convention of the people, to be assembled in pursuance of the constitu- tion, to consider and decide whether any, and what, amendments of the organic national law ought to be made.” Fifth—He is in favor of two Pacific railways (as a lobby compromise), “one of which shall connect the ports around the mouths of the Mississippi, and the other the towns op the Mis- souriand the lokes with the harbors on our Western coast.” Having thrown out these propositions, Mr. Seward is ready to support the government “in whatever prudent yet energetic efforts it shall make to preserve the public peace, and to main- tain and preserve the Union—advising only that it practice, as far as possible, the utmost moderation, forbearance and conciliation.” This is all. But what does all this signify? Tt simply signifies the adjournment by the repub- liean party of any compromise with the South until these “eccentric movements of secession and disunion shall have ended,” say “one, two or three years hence,” and in the meantime “a prudent yet energetic” enforcement of the laws of the Union. Assuming, then, that the President elect, as the anointed head of the republican party, has spoken through his chosen oracle in the Senate, our suspense is ended touching the chances of a Union saving compromise from the republi- can party in Congress. Mr. Senator Trumbull understood what he was saying when he de- clared, in the early part of this session, that he had no compromises to make. It is official- ly decreed now that the republican party have no compromise to offer. It is manfest that Mr. Seward, Mr. Lincoln and the republican party in Congress comprehend but little of the causes, or the scope, or the spirit, or the tendencies of this disanion revolution in the South, Mr. Seward treats it as a mere rebellion of “sedi- tious combinations,” on aecount of the election of & republican President, when ft is nothtug Jess than a movement of the South for Southern safety against what Southern men believe to be an unscrupnious, fonntionl and powerful anti-slavery party about to step into the ocov- pation of the general government We now somewhat more clearly ¢ omprehend what is before us:—Viret, nothing in the shape of a compromise, Secondly, the inauguration of Mr, Lincoln as Prosident of the United States with even, or ten, or perhins even fileen of the States eut of and organized under another government; and third, the dis- covery by Mr. Tincola, his Cabinet and his party, that satisfactory securities to Southern institutions not at ainable in the Union must be conceded to the Southern coutederacy. Treland and (he irish—Siuith O'Brien Once More. ‘There are many among us who enjoy a per- sonal acquaintance wiih the cily of Dublin, and who have there heard “the top of the morning to you, yer honor,” uttered with a sweet, keen accent, in the manner character- istic of an Irishmen, and which delightful brogue is to him, whether ait home or abroad, a perpetual letter of introduction announcing the green island of his nativity. It were in yain for him to exclaim, as one of his fellow countrymen once exclaimed, “Shure, yer honor, and I’m a Frenchman.” His brogue would contradict him. Of those who know the City of the Liffey there are, perhaps, none that are not familiar with the Rotunda, It is a circular stone building, enclosing a cir- eular room, at the head of Sacvile street, and has long been celebrated as the theatre of political stage fights and other exciting scenes which seem so indis- pensable to Celtic felicity. Well, the Rotunda has been a grand centre of attraction for some wecks past, owing to the assemblage there of anumber of spirits congenial to Irish inde- pendence, half of whom are anxious to gladdon the heart of Mr. Smith O’Brien by making him king of his country, while the remainder—think- ing that the laurels he earned by his general- shipsamong the cabbages in the Widow Ma- lone’s garden are quite a sufficient reward for him in the evening of hie life—propose making Marshal MacMahon, of the French army, king of Ircland instead. We have here two distinct parties, equally disaffected. The one is the Gallicising party, With sym- pathies decidedly French, and aspira- tions in accordance. These are the men who, huving been much struck with the beautiful sweetness of MacMahon’s cast of countenance when they or their deputation went to present him with a sword, have since engaged themselves in tracing his pedigree to Brian Born and one of the largest of the once famous Irish giants, and who are now clamoring for him to step on the carpet which is to lead to the Irish throne. The other party is highly national, and, instead of having French sympathies, it has decided antipathies against any such invasion as the admirers of MacMahon are so eager for. At the head of this patriotic band stands Mr. Smith O’Brien, the great martyr in his country’s cause. We hear him solemnly rebuking the Gallicising f»:ction in language which is creditable to himself and his flock. He believes that an invasion of Ireland by the French would be of no advantage to the cause of Irish independence. His knowledge of the French as_ liberators does not lead him to thimk they would prove themselves as unsolfish and single minded as some of their partisans would make believe. They might, if placed in power, treat Ireland as they treated Venice and Poland; and what would be the Irish gain then? At any rate, the French would not be with.them always; and when the French left poor old Ireland would be worse off than ever. and anieraelvue! would be the general lament of the finest “pisantry” in the world. Moreover, it is highly probable that, in the event of a French army landfag in Ireland, the Irish Protestants would remain en masse loyal to the British crown, and that Ire- land would soon be rcbaptized in the blood flowing from domestic sirife. My. Smith O’Brien has paid the penalty of former folly by so much personal suffering that he talks much more like a man of sense than he did before his capture in the midst of the greens cultivated by the Widow Malone ; and, compared with four-fifths of the fanatics of the Rotunda agitation, he is 9 phi- losopher. That unity of feeling which is ne- cessary to secure national independence does not exist in Ireland. Ireland North differs as much from Ireland South as our own Northern States differ from the South. The country is split into two contending factions, and the bit- terness which exists between these is all the more extreme, all the iaore hostile and hope- Jess, because it springs from a question of reli- gion. What hate can equal religious hate, and where are the limits beyond which religions fa- naticism wall hesitate to go? Slavery has been made a religious question in our own coun- try, and we already see some of the results which, if not arrested by a pacificatory spirit and measures of compromise, harbinger the terrible and calamitous tragedy which must inevitably bligbt us forever in this, the strong and early manhood of our national exister ve. Whether the Irish had MacMahon or O’Brien for their king, one-half of the population would be equally rebellions against his majesty. If he were MacMahon, who is, we are told, a irne Catholic, he would be preached against by every parson in the North, and more or less reviled by every believer in the glorious and pious memory of the conqueror of the Boyne. If he were O’Brien, who professes to bo « good Protestant, he would be excommunic»ied by every parish priest in the kingdom as a here‘‘o, and brickbats enough would be burlod at his devoted head. Such a state of things could not lastlong. Ireland would be ia a chronic state of anarchy more desperate than that under which the Mexicans are suffering, or than threatens Naples or our own land. Let the Irish understand that, however much they may believe their country to have been sold by Castlereagh or downtrodden by Eng- land, she has done them the service of keeping them apart where collision would have been death. They, from the state of feeling in the two sections of their island, are incapable of governing themselves, and they will find it by far the better policy to bear the evils that they have than fly to others that they know not of; for assuredly they are better in every way un- der British rule than ever they were, or are likely to be, when in the possession of their so- called independence. Hevrer’s Lecrere to Cowen Orr.—tt ap pears that the author of the “Impending Crisis” has recovered from his recent disap- pointment, and has resolved !o deliver his lee- ture upon the “Two Systems of Lavor” on to-morrow evening. Welper has made one groat point. He has eatiefled the comunity that he really exists, that he is notan impal- pable myth, gotten up hy the philosophers of Spence street, and now he will probably have large andience. Two shillings to se tical Helper may be, withont disrespect, term el abestatels dog ebeap the i Historical Lessons for Limeolnm and Seward, Mr, Seward’s speech, in which he advises the country to wait for one, two or three years before snything is done to restore peace and harn.ony to the antagonistic sections, while re- voluti.n rushes on like a torrent, suggests the picture of a man waiting on the bank of the Mississippi till its waters flowed off, in order to allow Lim to pass over, he river will con- tinue to flow, and the revolution will con- tinue to roll on, Louis Philippe and his reeponsible minister, feeling secure in the fortified sirongholds in and around Paris, and relying upon the strengih of their mighty army aad navy, adopted the waiting policy in 1848. They would make no concessions till the revoivtion wassuccessful, They then offer- ed more than would have satisfied tie people at first; but they were answered in tones of thunder, “It is too late.” So, we fear, will it be with the new President elect ond his Pre- mier, They will be sorry they had made con- cessions when it was too late. Mr. Seward makes o powerful argument in favor of the Union, and points out the horrors of civil and border war; buthe proposes nothing to save the one or prevent the other. His own specoh, there- fore, is the most complete condemnation of the lame and impotent conclusion at which he sr- rives. Without sacrifice, or loss, or dxager, or dishonor to the Northern States, he could have presented a bill which would have been adopt- ed by both houses, and wonld have settled the whole question. He has done nothing of the kind, and hope seems to have bidden fare- well to Congress. Tn tlits impending crisis, on whose solution the future weal or woe of the country de- pend§, two men---Abrahain Lincoln and Wil- liam HL. Seward—hold its destiny in their hands, as the -Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert'Peel controled the fate of “the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Irelend” in the year 1829, when civil war was looming up in such formidable ‘proportions as to appal even “the hero of a hundred fights,” whose intrepid firmness in danger gained for him the soubri- quet of “the Iron Duke.” History has been defined to be “philosophy teaching by ex- ample ;’ but this lesson from the modern history of our own Anglo-Saxon race in the mother country is instructive in an eminent degree. The bold and brave way in which the peril was met in Old England did more to immortal- ize the victor of Waterloo than all the battles he ever won, and it is also the broad pedestal on which rests the lasting fame of Sir Robert Peel, his colleague at the head of the govern- ment. Happy would it be for Lincoln and Sew- ard, and happy for the country, if they only solved the difficulty now before them in the same heroic manner. The loss of one-third of the British empire was then at stake; the loss of one-third of the United States now trembles in the balance—with justice and peace in one seale, and the dread alternative of civil war in the other. For centuries the people of Ireland had been wronged by England, and one great element of injustice was that the Catholics, who constitut- ed the great bulk of the population, were treat- ed as slaves and pariahs, their religion banned, and none who professed it permitted to repre- sent the country in Parliament or hold any of- Bey Bee he yom 800 Flee oe ememeoowutut attempt of Ireland two years before to throw off the British yoke by revolution, the Irish Parliament was induced, by bribes in money, in titles and in offices, to commit felo de se, and vote the annihilation of its own independent ex- istence. The Catholic bishops and Catholic lay- men of influence were quieted and persuaded to connive at the abolition of the Irish Legisla- ture, and the establishment of a legislative union with England. by the promise of the emancipa- tion of their creed from the intolerant restric- tions placed upon it. But when Ireland was secured in the union, and her limited indepen- dence absorbed by the sister country, the pro- mise was forgotten, faith was broken, and it was necessary for years to keep down the in- dignant people from rising in rebellion by means of insurrection acts, disarming acts, and other coercion laws. A systematic agitation, which kept within the law, and professed only to influence public opinion in a legitimate way was set on foot in favor of Catholic emancipe- tion, and became at last most formidable. It was backed by the whig party in Parliament, who claimed equal rights for Catholics, but was opposed to the uttermost by the tory party, who insisted on “Protestant ascendancy in church and State” as part and parcel of the revolution of 1688. {n the front ranks of this latter party were the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Poel. A general election of members of Par- liament was held on this issue, and the result was the triumph of the tories. The distinguished Canning, who had been I'vime Minister, and hod proposed Catholic emancipation in Par- liament, was defeated by the party of Peel and Wellington, both of whom had refused to take office in his Cabinet because he was known to be favorable to that measure, and, according to constitutional usage, he was compelled to resign, and shortly after died of “a broken heart.” In England, in modern times, the sovereign is supposed to have no party predi- lections, and has no power; the responsible adviser of the Crown is the real ruler for the time being. The King, obeying the indications of the popular will, summoned to his councils the Duke of Wellington, who, in view of the storm that threatened the country, associated with himself in the Cabinet Sir Robert Peel, as his most trusty friend. Sir Robert was pra- dent, and in some respects bis genins resem- bled that of Mr. Seward. He was cold, caleu- lating and clear headed, but a man of cxpe- diency when statesmanship demanded the sacrifice of consistency. The difference be- tween the two men appears to be, that one was a great statesman, the other is a politician, The adyent of Wellington and Peel to power, 0 well known to be inimical to the claims of the Catholics, was the signal for an increase in the violence of the agitation, O’Connell and the priests ruled the roast. Passive resistance was everywhere offered to- the laws, on the ground that the people could not choose representatives in Parliament of their own creed. Their action very much resembled the proceedings in some of our Southern Siates. The excitement was tremendous; civil war scemed inevitable; and though England hod @ large standing army in Treland, it was doubted whether it could be relied on for co- ercing the people for such a cause, a very large proportion of the troops being Irish Oa- theltes thomeclyes What were the Wellington Cabinet to do rier these cireumstances?: By the adrice of Sir Robert Peel the Duke came to the rosolu- tion of proposing Catholic emancipation in Parliament, the Duke himself to offer the mensure in the House of Lords, and Sir Robert in the Commons. What- ever the Duke once decided upon doing he did cbaracteristieally. He resolved that there should be no halfway insufficiency or hes!iation about the act. As concession was fo be made, it should be made fully and freely, so as to satisfy all, and leave no rank- ling vestiges behind. In proposing the bill in the House of Peers he used these memovable wortls ~My lords, Iam one of those who have probably passed more of my life in war than most men, and principally, I may say, in civil war, too; and I must say this, that if I could avoid. by any sacrifice whatever, even one month of civil wer in the country to which Iam at- tached, I would sacrifice my life tn order to do it.” Such was, Indecd, near being the sacrifice ; for while Protestant sociéties wept over “the lost consistency” of Fagland’s greatest captain, Lord Winchelsea assailed him with such vio- lence jihat the Duke challenged him, and a duel took place, which, however, had not a fatal termination. And what did Peel sacrifice? His anti-Ca- tholic principles, which were so strong that he was nicknamed “Orange Peel,” and he lost the force of twonty years consistency. It was under these disadvaateges thet he introduced the very measure Lo hel so long opposed. It required great mort? courage, but he was equal to ‘he emergency. “He believed, with the Duke of Wellington, that the danger of civil war was imminent, and that such an event was immeagurebly a greater evil than that of sur- rendering the boasted constitution of 1688.” He held that se character of public men for consistency, bowever precious, is not to be directly oppoxed to the common weal, and that “principle” must give way to “expe- diency.” He did not wait for one, two or three years. The bill passed both houses of Parliament in a month; justice was rendered, civil war was averted, the union between Great Britain and Ireland was preserved by conciliation, and Peel’s party were henceforth known, not as tories, but “conservatives.” He thus created a new party, which saved the country and ruled it for many years. It was this timely measure which, twenty years after, bound Ireland to Great Britain in 1848. The Catholic clergy had won religious liberty, and they opposed an armed struggle for indepen- dence so effectually that the aitempi at revolu- tion proved an utter failure. Such was the noble and suggestive example of patriotism and statesmanship presented to Lin- coln and Seward for their adoption. The compact of the constitution had been violated by the North. The South was in a state of revolution. It demanded equality and protection in the Union, or the alternative of breaking it up by peaceful secession. Civil war was imminent. The President elect and his Prime Minister ought to have thrown party ties to the winds, in order to save the country by liberal concessions to the slave States, and they would have created a great conserva- tive party with a long lease of power. Lincoln occupies a position analogous to that of the Duke of Wellington, and Mr. Seward plays the part of of Robert Peel as ad- viser of the President. Had they pronounced at once, betore it was too late, in favor of gener- ous conciliation, all would be well. Neither their obligations to party, nor the sacrifices they are called to make, are so great as in the case of the English statesmen, whilst the stake is more than equal. But they have not the moral courage and the nerve to follow the pre- cedent set them by sueb illusirious men. Are they prepared to brave the terrors of civil war for an unconstitutional platform? Tae Crry Caaspertaty Controvensy—A New Cuarrer Wanrev.—The controversy be- tween Mr, Platt, the Mayor’s City Chamberlain, and Mr. Devlin, Alderman Peck’s (Acting Mayor) City Chamberlain, came to an issue in the Common Pleas Court on Friday, when Judge Hilton ordered the former gentleman to be confined in the county jail until he delivers up the books and papers of the office to Mr. Devlin. It is a lamentable thing to see the affairs of the city government—if a government it can be called—thus bandied about between officials and legislatures and courts, never settled and never stable. It is just this kind of management on the part of the selfish politicians that has brought on the present national crisis, and it is high time there was an end of it. We are now in- volved in a most unpleasant snarl in this city between Comptroliers, Chamberlains, Mayors, Supervisors and Aldermen, while, at the same time, the city and county finances amounting to some eleven millions in the year—-are knocked about like a shuttlecock. The Mayor hits them with one battledore, and the Aldermen knock them back again with another. The Comptrol- ler has his blow at them, and the Chamberlain has hie; the Supervisors are also in the play; so that between them all the people have no se- curity whatever for the funds of the city. They are reported to be in one bank to-day, and in another to-morrow, while the truth is that they are absolutely safe in none, and the metropolis may at any time become bankrupt. What between the conflict of authority assumed by the various officials, the grasping spirit which animates them all, and the attempts to rob the chief executive of half his power and a portion of his term of office, it were fur bet- ter that no form of municipal government ex- isted at all. There is but one remedy for this deplorable state of things, and (at is a now charter, framed by intellirent citizens, and adopted by the peop’ . It is quite evident that no amount of tinkering, peddling and squab bling will be of the least nse. We nmast start afresh with a new orgavization of the munici- pal government. Farnwent, Concaer ny Mapawe Asx istor.—This populir cantatrice has made arrangements for an extend- ed tour, and will give a farewell concert at Irving Hall t Friday evening. Madame Bishop will be asawted gnorn Frevzolini and other distinguished artists Inavguration of the Governor of Pennsylvania. Hanmenvre, Pa., Jan, 12, 1861. The Wide Awakes and military have made arrange mente fora civic and military parade on the iaugurn tion of Governor Curtin. The military are to have their varade in the morning, and the Wide Awakes their's in the evening. ‘The Death of Bishop Cobb. Mowtoownny, Ala., Jan. 12, 1861, The venereb'e ond eminent Bichop Cobb, of the Fp pul dlove ¢ of Alabama, died yea: NEWS FROM THE STATE CAPITAL, ‘Talk About Enlisting Age.inst the Somthe. ‘The Doctrine of Eternal Antagomism between the North and South Proclaim- ed im the Senate—Reply of the Deme- cratic Senators—Amendment to the City _ Charter, d&e., de. Aumany, Jan, 12, 1861. Every particle of news from the South is sought after with great eagerness by all parties here. The report in the morning papers of the difficulty between Gen. Scott and Senator Toombe created quite ¢ seasation; but ong feeling was manifested amongst democrats as well a6 republicans, and that was ono of condemnation of ‘Toombs, and that Gen. Scott could not, at this moment, afford to notice the secession Senator. His country had too great claims upon him at this moment for bir to en- gag in any personal quarrel. A number of the leading republicans are seriously contemplating the subject of tendoring their services to the government, to assist in putting down rebellion im the South, Among-the number is Speaker Littlejohn, who declares bimself in readidets to buckle on his ‘word when the hour for work arrives. ‘The irrepreswible conflict of to-day has been over the resolutions to appoint a Joint Committee on.Federal Re- Jatious. The debate took a wide range, and was prinoi- pally upon Robingon’s resolutions. Mr. Colvin made n Stormy Kpecoh in favor of compromise and doncilliation, and wanted to see the republicans now take the stand ae that the country Can see who is reapensible for the de- struction of this glorious country. Senator Hammond replied in a reguiar irrepressible conflict speech, with an impending crisis, stating hig position and declaring that of the principles af the re- publican party to be such that, if we be- Neve the truth of the assertions made; alt hope for peace is gone, and that, too, forever. He de- clared that this discussion now going on throughent the country was only a part and parcel of the contest for freedom "at the world; and,as proof of his poai- tia, cited the revolution that.is now and has been going on in the nations of Europe for the past year. The re- publican party went into the late contest upon'a princi- ple, aad were successful; and they would not now give up one iota of those principles, even if the Union could not ‘be saved in apy other way. This, ‘as well as all other na- tions, are now movi 7 Se eae mE ai Sk Aco is an external antagonism. a licensed system of slayery is Drought faco to. face frecdom, and the only barrier to prevent the North to mone if arme: forces is the barrier that has been erec' Hinge ; Dut he would say 128k natn an wi rea Ae rani tale ‘at the et ee a Cnion could only be ga) the Pca nae Paar preserved, and let it Bog oh: ple and the destiny of the party, fay it now a5 to walt longer; they had Mie Coles replied that the sentiments uttered Senator that the fears of the Sonth tentions of the North wero correct. the accusations that had i i é 2 44 af i Ue PH Hr Bia Ulttietall Bide iere(iiedctsts Geta 4 = 3 z 5 i 288 E a i : E E Sea pesSe2aisee de Ferre aa aan culelitets Marries EE af i E B q nator Goss next took the sloor, declaring other side wished to preserve tho country they throw down their abstract principles and meet the men epguged in treason at the South with the musket; it was the only way to restore peace, and the sooner tl de. cided to take that course the better. FE ie bad one sentiment would prevail here, but ho would say the republican Senators that re seend to the abolition rarer of Horace Greeley and hia conntry in no ‘way than upon the fanat utiered here, then he would say ay h~ Ke not 6x. ir nasivtance, Coivin’s, his remarks ‘The movement in the Sennto this morning was the first ‘that has taken place that could furnigh a correct index to the Senaters occupying seats in that body; but as the most rabid republican members of the House first gave ‘utterance to their sentiments, and ex- ter portion of the rg, waa Sot the abae Low in anciher direction, comptomiso and. covollation stant tenfold better chance in that than they did beforo the fanatical themselves. Now that world the platform that he will yk. --, cia ocet Of the New York Times, a position that he is. t0-All after the first day of May next, it is to be that a more conservative course will be taken the balance of the republicans who wearing Senatorial robes. The speech was probably the blest speech, an oratorical int of view, that he ever made; but in polnt of prinlple 6 dis. the Common Couneit, and has only six- ten Aldermen, to hold their office four years, the Mayor to he the President of the Board. It loaves the Cor] and oe in office unt!) the - tion of the term for which they were elected, but abo- lighes the Mayor and Gommon Couneil and fixes their election in next. I» introducing the bili Mr. Bird. all said he not wish to te understood sa end: it. Senator Robertson bas again introduced his Oyster bill amensure that large portion of his constituents are deeply interested in NEW YORK LEGISLATU RH. Senate. Arnany, Jan, 12, 1861 Mr. Hammon reported favorably to nd the act se curing to creditors a just divimon of the who assign. Mr. Ramsey (for the consideration of tho Seunte) report ed to amend the bill relating to divorces, The following bills wore introduced —— By Mr. Romoasox—Making tho planting of oyaters in aby watert of the State, except ov natural water beds, free to ail citizens. Mr. Lawnxser objected to tho introduction of the bili yeaterday, dhd if wne introduced ov previous notice, Ry Mr. Freno—Reserving the steamboat piers wholly to the use of steamers, ond prohibiting the assignments of Dertls for veesels thereat, . Mr, Ramsey presented petitions for the ald of the State to the Albany and Susquehanna Railroad Mr. Coryry called from tho table the resolution of the Assembly requesting the Senate toappoint a joint com. mittee on federal relations, and spoke in favor of tho reso tition. Mr, Hawxoxd made slong argumout nguinst the row