The New York Herald Newspaper, January 12, 1861, Page 10

10 THE IMPEND’.AG CIVIL WAR. {OONTIN’ ED FROM T@IRD PAGE.) gress, is here “ging the claime of Samuel Hooper, of | rit of the mar -yer who is cast away’ upon a distant shore, seek for Wa@eriais with which to Suild apother ship, tbat | we may deco more taibane | andour ¢riende, But to-day we must face aud ackeow- fiesMs here; bat the Cabinet pew is full, and Hooper | led; } willy Massachub™.s, for Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, Hooper is elever ud able, and Davis i¢ a genius and bas many ‘an’t come in. the might present, that we may be ready for @ sv ‘Oharles Francis rged | future Which may be upon us to-morrow, Adame ia urged for the Cabinet by the | ar iaken, like Hee reat are entered into ouraystem, entire Massachusetts delegation. ind all demanding an enlargement of power, or are Ex-Seoretary Thompson has replied to the President's, { threatening vo Detter of acceptance of his resignation. While adheri ay @ his opinions formerly expressed, implying @ breac p of | States there is a desire, ‘@adinet faith, he speaks in the kindest terms of the Presi- @ent and of his patriotism. Mr. Shernsan said to-day, in the House, that after the mavy and army Dill shalt have berm disposed (£ the op- portunity desired by Seuthérn mes for debat-s will be af- Sorded ‘The Presttent has made a forma! ord directing the Beads of the variows departments co wéthdraw all their edverusing patrewage from “he Co:zdeution newspaper. ‘The immediate cause Qi this act is supposed to be the wencures of (het journal regarding the sending of troops ‘wo Vbariceton. | Wasuincrey, Jan, 11, 1861. y have “fue Bighest authority for asserting that Mr. Pancron mili not bewwember oF Me. Lincoln's Cabinet, "Besides, fhere is a ¢0vt whether Pennsyivania will have any reprosentative #icre whatever, a strong appeal being | made to that éffers’vy some of the leading men of that | Vnbappi the wi | the ban of empire, and which excluded the South from | alarge portion of the fertile domain of the United States. State, whoexprom a fear that after the difficulties grow- ng ob! of thé detat of Mr. Wilmot for the Senate, which yeeuted algo tr breaking up the Cameron Cabinet pro- gramme, ‘ttmt the selection of any man from Penn- wytvania for the Cabinet would only doopen the eomplicatiow: already existing. To this end a wtrovg Pemsylvania ssvor of Wiliam L. Dayton, of New Jersey, for .a piace | w'the Ga¥inet. There ie a strong influence at work, | umacr thevisad of the New York Yribune,to put Mr. Chase, # Obio, to the Cabinet, but there are several reasons | dsmcuibes im tho ways Tout F put otore | | the very — diference } to have "formed | constitution, | government was bound to | to abolish or suppress it wherever it had jurisdiction, why \t will not probably be done. First, Mr. Chase does wot care-about going into the Cabinent himseli, especially | wince Mr. Seward is going there, knowing that be (Mr. @hace) would thereby stand a chance tobe the adminis- | ‘tration jeader in the Senate. Beward Las decided to leave it. Second, it is understood | “that if Mir. Chase goes in that Mr. Smith, of Indians, will | “wet. Khir concentrates the Smith and Indiana influence | againrt Mr. Chase. in addition to my former despatch to-day about Mr. *@ameron, I am able to add that, after Mr. Lincoln tender- | “ed the position to Mr. Cameron, the Jatter, at Mr. Licoln’s request, went to Springfield, accepted the position and returned bome. The day after Mr. Lincoln read a letter fwom Mr. McClure, Chairman of the State Republican Committee, protesting in the strongest terms against Mr. Gameron's appointment. Mr. Lincoln subsequently wrote ‘My. Cameron, asking him to withdraw from the fried, which Mr. Cameron then done, and will soon make a pub- ‘Me etatement of the affair. Mr, Hickman declines acting upon the Committee on ‘reason, and Mr. Reynolds, of New York, has been ap- peinted to fill tho vacancy. 1 learn from a high source that the probability is that the Southern States which have not already declared themselves out of the Union -will for the present only pass prospective ordinances of secession. OUR WASHINGTON CORRESPONDENCE. Wasurxeron , Jan, 10, 1861. Necessity of the Telegraph Telling the Truth—Unfounded Rumors Relative to the Virginia Arsenals and Forta~ ‘The Real Mission.of the Steamer Brooklya—Major Ander- ton, de., se. | tive slaves. And at last it was proclaimed in It is believed Mr. Lincoln | this preaching a majority of the Northern States passed wouid prefer to bave Mr. Chase in the Sonate sineo Mr. | Liberty bills, the practi | means. Is it then safe for the South to remain under such B we are over to substitude for the present condition NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JANUARY 12, 1861 my trast in that goxt | sense which hes bewy characterised the American people. if we WO'yid doauything, sir, for we mus not sit idly disc" ssing publicafiairs; Dut in the hecoie sp'- sea and rexna our k \ wisely ae events of the day. To-day we must y and destroy the system. There are ions of this governwent now where (he population ig inning to press upon the means of subsistence, In all and th some there 18 a necessity , for further extension. ‘It is this which has led tothe warfare between two social systems which have been Drought together in our government, which has deen ‘waged with a bitterness and asperity hitherto unknows. This constitution was desi to unite two social sys- tems upon terms of equality and fairness, different ia their charatter, but not necessarily opposite. } ‘of these systems ought @ mutual unioa attraction, in stead of ¢i' rine t© an irrepressible conflict, ‘What one wanted the other coyld supply, and thus they would seem io have aflorded the material for a perfect system Of industry, which ought to have been stronger for mutual dependence and axsistance. Unfortunately, ‘ag those who ted. the non-slaveholding States in: creaged in Bumbers, they commenced @ warfare upon the other eystem, which had been introduced under the was jn 1820, when it was said the social system of the South was founded in sin, and be Fr ‘and suppressed by the federal gov" t in all places where it has juristiction. The demand was made that, so far as the Territories are con- corned, they should be given for the exclusive oxpan- gion of one of these yms at the expense of the otuer. iy; in that contest the weaker system went to ‘and slaw was passed which did put it under ‘ily all, Now sprang up a party which commenced a regular war- fare upon the syatein of the South, upon social tem of the States which tolerated the institution of slavery. tation ‘They commenced a system of throug! jegisia- the tthe pulpit andthe balls of influence is now exertod in | tion, Whose object it was to wound the self-respect ef the slaveholder, and to make bim odious in eyes of the world. They denied that there vould be pro- perty in slayes,and consequently maintained that this vent its extension, and They sought to put anend to the slave trade between the States, and in process of time they either evaded or denied the constitutional obligation to return fugi- halls that there was a law higher than the constitu- tion, which nullified its provisions, and practicing upon effet of which was to nul- lity Fugitive Slave law, which was passed in uureuance of the constitution of the United States. It is ut two years since there was an armed invasion of my State for the purpose of exciting a servile insurrection, yet not a State—and it is with the States alone that effectual remedies can be applied—not a State took mea- sures to prevent any such invasion in times to come. tead, we heard it that there was an irre- pressible conflict between the two social systems, until one or the other pred 2 way. <A President has been nominated and elected by a sectional majority, who is known to haye avowed and entertained such opinions. A party has now come into power with ful) possession of the powers of this government, who have elected a candidate who has made such deciara- tion with regard to the rights of Is it surprising, then, that the Southern States should think it not safe to remain ina it which may direct an i \t of hostility against ua, and that should say that it is not safe to romain under a govern- ‘ment of a President who may misuse the power and pa- t for the very purpose of creating strife between us and civil war among us? It is known that many mem- bers ef the republican party endorsed and recommended 1a book which ad the extinction of slavery by such a government unless we can be ected? The Southern States have within themselves all the capacities of empire, ‘and ia it to be supposed that, when they are threatened in our ernment with an attack on the very system ich their social existence depends, that the: would not withdraw and establish another in whic! they know they can and will be ? The social eystem of a government isits moral being, and a govern- ment that would dwarf and suppress it is like a parent that would consign his child to vico and infamy. I have known governments that bave survived when their allegiance has been transferred, but I know of none which bas survived the sudden and total prostration of its social system. 1 say, therefore, that the South in ound to take this course, unless it can get some guaran- ef the country a state of peace—if we are ever to lay the | tee that will protect it in the Union—some constitutional Soundation cven (amidst our present troubles) of are- | Suarantee that will serve that end. Oenstructed Union—something must be done about the | ally u ‘The President has made an appeal to the people through | Gengress,-and implored that the question of Union or | @isunion should be transferred from popular assemblies Yo the ballot box. An earnest appeal might appropriately be made to all whe are concerned in sending news by telegraphic despatches to rise to a conscientious dis. charge of their duties as citizens of this great and gio. wious country, and send over the wires nothing but what | states shal) be admitted with or without slavery, accord @wy have ascertained to be the trath. ‘The Virginia dclegation were terribly excited by a port that all the arms and gmmunitions from every arse- na} and depository in the Old Dominion were to be re- oved North, and that reinforcements were to be sont ta aD the fortresses within We limits of that Slate. There was not the slightest foundation for this story, No arms + or munitions have been removed from the arsenals of Virginia, nor baye any reinforcements been sent to avy station in that State except Harper's Ferry, and there only ‘n compliance with the request of the Superintend ent. Another instance of misrepresentatiou is that of the egard to the Brooklyn, The falsehoods ‘The truth is she was ordered to Proceed to the without the bar, and if she fi driven back to give her aid Norfolk. If she found that vessel had succeeded in reac! jog Fort Sumter, then the Brooklyn was to return with oui them. . Major Anderson’s movements are also misrepresented by telegraphic despatches from Charleston, aud inflam- matory appeals are addressed to Senators, ‘through the wires, from men who have heretofore been willi enough to enjoy both the Iucre and the distinction Place under the federal adininistration. One of these despatches, from a man who owes all his consequence to the iM ‘requited kindness of the President, aud who fm indedte for his first introduction into the diplo matic career to the favor of Edward Everett, proves, however, in spite of his attempted glosses, that Major Anderson is doing his whole duty. No example of such a magnanimity and such sagacity, com- ‘bined with Bo much genuine patriotism and true, de. | @berate courage, has been permitted by fortune to be exbibited for along time in any crisis. If the ‘Star of the West reached Fort Sumter, it was owing to Be cool message Anderson sent to’ the authorities of ‘South Carelina, that, unless an explanation was given of ‘the attack on’ that steamer, and the act was dieavowed 3 |, be would fire on any vease! leaving the port Charleeton. ‘THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRE: BECOND 8ESBION. Senate. Wasmueroy, Jan. 11, 1861. ‘Mr. Bourn, (opp.) of Pa., presented memorials of citi. | and they are not quite ready to come inas a state, The of the Weat, but to keep | and shall be reco, : othe ; s whized and pretected in the other; pro- ad ‘the Star of the Weat | vided the law is sanctioned bes returning the soldiers to | This exception is intended to apply to eases when un. T now ask, what should be the naturo of the guarantee that would effectu- protect our social system from such asswults as hese? They must be guarantees of a kind that will stop up all the avenues through which they threaten to assail the social aystom of the South. There must be constitutional amendments which should provide, that Congress shall have uo power to abolish slay the States, or the District of Columbia, or the dock: te and arsenals of the United States. Second, Con. ess sha) not abolish, tax or obstruct the slave trade etweon the States. Third, it shall be the duty of each of | the States to suppress combination within its jurisdiction | for the armed invasion of any other state, Fe | ing to the election of the people. Fifth, it shall be the duty of the States to restore fugitive slaves, or pay the value of the same. Sixth, fugitives from justice shall be deemed to be those who have offended the laws of a State within its juriadietion, and have escaped there from. Seventh, © hill eanagaioe amd proto a> property whut ‘hel to be such by the. laws of any State, in the Jerritories, dockyards, arsenals, forts, and wherever the United States has exclusive diction. These are, of course, liable to exceptions. First, Con gress may leave slavery to the people of the Territories when they shall be ready to pess into the condition of a State, with the usual sanction of a majority of Senators from the non-slaveholding States, Thix exception is de signed to apply to those cases when we annex a country, | next exception is that Congress may divide the Territo: ries 80 that slavery shall be prohibited in one portion, yy a majority of Senators. peopled territory is amnexed and is subject to fair division between sections. Such are the guarantees of principle which it secms to me ought to be established by amend. | where would you get your Custom ments to the constitution. But I do not believe that these guarantees alone would protect the social system of the South against an attack to overthrow it by the supe- rior power of the North. I believe, in addition to these guarantes of principle, there ought to be guarantees of power. Otherwise, this social system might find iteelf in a position when the stronger party might construe these antees of principle away. and assert a higher law, make it secure, then, some power ought to be given to enable us to préserve the system in the Union. And here, if the Senate will bear wth me, 1 will proceed to suggest such remedies as 1 thibk onght to be applied. I do pot mean, by any means, to say that I suppose Fam suggesting the ouly means upon which a settlement could be made. Iknow there are others upon whiclt I could agree to ete, But I am suggesting the means, upon which I think the best settlement can be made. 1 do not believe any permanent peace can be secured unless we provide some guarantees of power as well Rs of principle. In the first place, I would resort to a dual Executive, as proposed by Mr. Calhoun, but in another form. I would provide that each section should elect a President, to be called the Fir: Second President, the first to serve for four years, and the President next succeeding him toserve for four other years, and afterwards be re-cligible. During the term of the First President, tho Second should be President of the Senate, having a casting vote in case of atic. No treaty should be valid which did not baye the signature of both Presidents and be sanctioned by two- thirds of the Seuate. No law should be valid which was not signed by both Presidents, or, in the event of a veto, sens of Puncaster county, Pa., for the restoration of | he puswed by the sanction of & majority of the Senators pence.and the preservation of the Union ‘We propositions of the Senator from Kentucky ; also threo memorials of similar import from Philadelphia, Tabled Sor the present. Mr. Camenox, (rep.) of Pa., presented eight memorials from citizens of Pennsylvania favoring the passage of Mr. Crittepden’s resolutions. All tabled for the present Mr. Davis, (opp.) of Miss. , from the Committee on Mili tary Affairs, reported a bill inquiring the expenses for the military establishments and forts. A debate ocourred about the order of business. Mr. Proikn called for the ayes and noes on taking up the Crittenden resolutions. Ayes 16, noes 21, as fol bows — —) m , Bright, Crittenden, Fitch, mest ga ied Mint fas, ear” eh Foeatpsots ‘igfall.15. Navs—Mesars An Baker, Bingham, (Cameron, homy, Chandler, Clark, Clingman, Collamér, Dixon, Dooliiile, Dar Peaieuten, Fitzpatrick, Foot, Foster, ’ Green, ‘Ovimen, =. Simmons, Sum: d in favor of | from the section from which he came And no officers | should be appointed unless with the sanction of both | Presidents, or the sanction of a majority of the Sens tors from whence they ure appointed. would change, © 7 the power, the mode ‘of electing thes Presidents, 1 would provide that cach State should be divided into Presiden. tial electoral districts. Rach district should elect one man as elector, and these electors should meet in one chatnber, aut the two men who, afier a certain number of ballots, should receive the highest aumver of votes should be ittod a# candidates to the people, auil be should be declared President who should have the majority of districts. 1 would do this to destroy the And, eirs, 1 chane: © of a combination for purposes of power and pa- tronage. | would substitute this instead of a National Convention. | would diminish the temptations to all such corrupt combinations for spoils and patronage, vy | the fact that one of the Presidents that would be elected | woukt have four years to xorve before be could take the | power. Meantime, he would be in training for four years | as President of the Senate, and using the veto power ‘The fact of such a division of the Executive power | would destroy, to a great extent, thie miserable system | of rotation in'of@ec, and make merit the test of place: wer, 3 wummbull, WadefWilkinson, Wi iy would bave another good effect. It would save us won: we all these agitatious, attouding Presidential elections, Prowate bills were considered. which now disturb the country. The election would | At owenty-five minutes to one Mr. Lane moved to tako 4 take place in one section at a time, aud would take 7 Ger Seni piace mn euch section but once in ight years. In this 1 Bike resolutions aforesaid. Cari way we aliould escape the agitations that ‘are now divid- Wr lee sement, (rep.) of IL, proposed au amendinent ap- Wing Ce conduot Of Major Anderson in withdrawing short Moultrie to Port Sumter; also approving the dete, Muation of the President to maintain that offietr in bis pi Cut condition, and avowing that we will suppor the Pr t#ideut in a constitutional measures for the eu force. Wt Of the lowe for the preservation of the Union. WERCn OF HR. WONTER ON THe CREST, Mr. Hy YAR, (OPP.) Of Va—Nir. President, I have not sought to, Weak Aitherto because 1 did got botieve the any good ¢ Mild be accomplished by sak in case soomed | 10 BO #0 deeply seated mat the gout radical, “emedies would suffior a the public thin Wof the North would be in» condition wo pe fron 1 het 0 ba ition. 1 don’t know that it iw ove coupes posi it is even _axcapl 4 HS ¥ would be willing to listen to wach a es . ‘gone can now doubt (he imminence and measure. Surely the extremity of th, Y4anger All must soe that the bond v6 hithert ? bound us together ax mombers of au pire dosnt Uke flax before the fire, and this fabric is reoling & ‘Ad Wottering in ibe storm, «o the not based Upon the solid foundations of | Hor iactalatiog. He ene ai and said wise in opi Organization there WOuld be reason to thiuk | nion—that whenovor this tax-consumity party got satire anes fall entirely. Refor s the end of this month it is | posecenion «lieanton would follow, rf the government en of the States wAl have | Must Coase or take an entirely diffoyent form. [say the certain that ix OF Re it is now n © MOre AQuestion of pre reall the tor re , dissolation, or by turning it into a despotism, in the amond: | | thero is a dispute it would be aptest to end in adopting The dis | to be glow, until some means could be found for con | ciliating and adjneting the differences. But I go ing and distracting ur mt believe that to this sye. tom the objections could apply, which have been urged against & dual Executive. [have bo idea we could get up two parties, getting around a second President, for the | second President could not exercise the veto power only | at the will of hie own gection, aud the rule would be the rule of justion, and the probability is that whenever | that course which cither was just or seemed to be just. Neither will it retard the operations of (he government in time of war. The operation would bo quick enough, And, | in time of peace, delays would only occur where the dis 6 was between sections, aud then {lhe movement ought further. I believe the workings of our t | executive system would destroy this government by end, if some iments wore not made. Tho work ing of this exegutive is such as to bring up a party whose very existenee depends spoil and plunder. 1 wve heard Mr. Calhoun say nm thet the conflict in ry government would be conflicts between pede ich he called the tax-paying party and the tax. consuming party—the one dependent entirely pon the epotis of oftiee, aud the other—the tax paying party— Which made the contributions to the government aud expected nothing in return except from the | bene working of Present system ie auch ax to give rie to such @ party in She country, and some change must be made or it vill eventually end in dexpotism, Now, Sir, the check which T prope not only remedies this evil, and gives e soctional check when a sectional cbe-k io neccesary, but it woWd do yuch to purify phe gene. isiavion of the country and repovate the wablic of the land. I do hebeve that this single change would do mere (4 give us & permanent govern ment (has Gal other whien could be made; wut it is uot the only check which ought to de introdaeed, for some of the most im L objects of this comstivution are now Jeft simaply to diseretion of the States. darge claes of rights: which there is po remedy, or Bext to none—those visions which are designed to secure free trade and free intercourse between the States. ‘Most of'them are left to the lieve i aw! it was intended by the framers of the consti- tution that the States should be instrumental in restoring Augitive slaves, and we know it is in their power to ob- struct and actually to impede the government of the ral jee morale ‘United States, Now, sir, 1 proposed, in order to secure the wr enforcement of these rights, that the Supreme Court should also be readjusted so a# to consist of ten members, five from each section, the Chief Justice to be one of the five; and I would allow any State to Dring another State before it, on a charge of hav- ing failed to dischary its constitational obliga- tions; and then, if the t found the State to be in fault, then, Sir, 1 would have, if itdid not repair the wrong, that any other State might dény all privileges to zens, that all the States might tax its com- merce until it ceased to be in fault. Thus 1 would provide a remedy without bringing the general govern- ment in collision with the States. and I would give the States, in such oases, the right of deny: the discharge of ary obligation which may have incurred. In this way T believe these wrongs might be remedied, without pro- ducing ba collision or jarring. In order to make this complete, it should be provided that the Judges of tho Supreme Court in each session should be appointed by the President from that section, and that is the only original appointing power I would give the second President. ave presented in this scheme one which, in my opinion, would adjust the differences of the social sys- tems £0 as to be mutually safe. If this were adopted, I, for one, would be willing to regulate this right of , which, I think, if nota right expressly given in the constitution, yet results from the nature of the compact. J would agree that no State shall be allowed to scoede, unless by the will of the majority of the states of that section. Whenever a majority of the States in either section said there was cause for secession, could depart. But if they said the causes did not exist, the moral force of such a decision on the ‘tof her cou- federates would satisfy the State. I thinl — thus adjusted would enable us to establich @ pert nt gov- ernment, a useful and just government, that would ranked among the most permanent of alt human institutions, avd would enable us to rear up an empire that would exceed anything to be found in the pages of history. I know it may be said that such a distribution would not accord with the distri- bution according to numbers; but this rule does not ap- ply to confederacies. According to the principle of dis- tribution here, the distribution which now obtains is more unequal.’ It would not be more unequal than that provision which gives to the six New States twelve Senators and to the State of New. York only two. There would be nothing inconsistent with the foderative principle. If the slaveholding and the non- slavebolding States were to-day ind t confede- Tacies, there was a ition to unite them would any man be surprised if each confederacy insisted ‘upon 51 power and guarantees as would Ne it to defend its social system, to secure equality , and to secure full individual developement? But I do mean to say that ‘this is the only scheme upon which would settle. I would agree on ipa Mian would give us only @ truce, provided it was a long truce, and thea trust w public opinion and to truth to make @ permanent settle- ment. But 1 would prefer that we should now settle upon a permanent adjustment. I have founded Bu ‘ions on the fact that some of the States have al- ready withdrawn, and that the old Union is actually gone, and that there can be no way of obtaining a Union but by a reconstruction, for I feonipi B repudiate and deny the es If you attempt by coercion to restore Union, it would not be the old Union, but a very diffe- rent one. it would be a Union utterly against the Ameri- can principle—the union of a number of subjugated pro. vinces. I maintain that coercion, if it were possible, is not right, and if it were right it is not possible. I think it can be shown that it is neither right nor pos- An attempt at coercion would destroy all hopes of a reconstruction, and destroy all the hopes of the friends of the Union and the country. It is not, I be- lieve, because I believe in the right of secession mn a State. It is not my purpose to travel over the argu- ol b peoetn — 80 nt —— by my friend rom Louis ir. Benjamin). would ‘merely sa that to my mind £ lies in a nutshell. If it be true thet this constitution is a compact, and if it be true there is no common arbiter, and if it be true tl a bargain broken on one side is broken on all sides, then it results inevitably that it is for the States to say whether the bargain is broken. I do not say it is laid down in the constitution, but it results from the na- ture of the compact. Icare not what you oall it. Call it revolution, if you choose. If it be revolution it is or- ganized revolution, conducted by an organized body, so acknowledged by the constitution. If it be revolution, it is revolution which is managed by @ goverament which the constitution acknowledges to be a legitimate govern- ment—I mean the government of a State. How then, can this government use coercion? How does the general government derive its authority to act in the State of Virginia? From the people of Virginia, and the State of Virginia derives its authority from the same source. Pais government rests on the assent of the people of the differ- ent States: Then, if it be true that this constitution: has created a goverbment which cannot be administered without the assent of the people of a Stato, it would fol Jow that the constitution has declared by implication, that the authority of this government resta upon the pao: ple of a State, and when that is withdrawn there is no authority within it. 1 say that the federal govern- ment cannot be carried on within the — limits, without the assent and sympathy of its people. It depends upon the Legislatures of the dilierent States to elect members to this body. and if a malorify of the Paves chouht refise to coat Goantors Hers, YOR Woutd have lost one of the most important arms of the govern- ment, and have no longer a Senate; and, in order to carry on this government, you must have its judicial functions. How .can you carry on the government in @ State without the federal courts? Suppose a State repeals the law against murder, and if the State should widertake to obstruct tho course of federal justice in this way, where would the remedy be in the federal power of this government? Would you undertake to pass @ penal code for the State’ Certain! » could not do that consistently with the constitution, for you would have the-same right to pass peval codes for all the States, and suppose the State refuses \'s consent, yusee and your forts? Where would you have the loous in quo by which to administer the powers and functions of this government? Thus it would be constantly in the power of a State to obstruct and prevent the administration of the federal justice and the federal powers within the limits of her jurisdiction. The only mode in which you could protect the adminis. tration of federal powers in the State would be to set aside the State government entirely, and reduce it to ter ritorial condition, What would the resulty You would first deny the right of the State to secede, and then turn around and secede yourselves from it, by reducing. it to the condition of ‘a Territory. But 1 say that coercion is impossible, far if you attempt it upon one of the States all the slaveholdi States will rally around it to its assistance, and the idea that you can reduce seven, ten, yes, fifteen States, is prepos- terous. Tacknowledge you may make war, aud bring distress upon both sections, but as to acknowledging that ‘ther could subdue the other, so as to place its yoke and ws Upon it, Ido not entertain the idea for au, instant, How is this war to be waged? It would cost you $100,- 000,000. You would have to sustain it by di taxa. tion, Is it-to be supposed the would beer such burdens in such a cause as that? I betiewe they might submit to any just taxation in defence of their homes, but would they subm.t to such an amount taxation for the purpose of depriving their people of the right of oelf government? And whose would be the commerce to be preyed upon’ not the Soutnern commerce, for that would go in foreign bottoms. Which section offers the greatest temptation to plun- der? Where are the cities and the concentrated wealth of the community? You could poet steal our nigger’—your people would not allow it. How could you carry ons & war? Where would you fud the means? You could not carry it on for six months, T say, therefore, it is not possible, by any such means, to coerce the Southern people to submission I know there is talk of a blockade of our coast—that is, one which would collect the customs—nothing more. Where wouk) the ships come from which could block. ade the whole Southern coast? But you cannot, under the treaty, collect any duty on exports. It would not prevent the people from sending anything in foreign toms. We might prevent the people from using anything which was not manufactured among them- selves, and thus you would lose your most valuable customers, Would the customs bear half the expense of the blockade ’ No, sir. But a blockade, to be ef. fectual, must be a biockade to that which is going out as well as that which is coming in. Is it to be su that Fogland would allow this, when the existence of so many of her people depends upon cotton? It is not to be supposed for one moment. And there are other Powers that would prevent such @ blockade, in addition (© those which can be raised by the section it is thus attempted 10 coerce. Tsay it is idle to think of coercion. You may inflict wils by civil war; but will you inflict more than you vein return? Will you be benefitted by the opera tony —T think not. “Bat suppose you could suc d,and that you bad conquered the South, how then cise the powers of the government’ wily the doctrine that there can be no property im siaves? Jn that committee of 8,000,000 whites and 4,000,000 slaves, would they turn them loose by setting the slaves free? Would you repeat the experiment of the British in Jamaien’ Wontd you stand and see cultivated fields return to the bush? Would the great interests of civilization and humanity permit such @ result? Would your own interests permit ity It is not to be supposed that such a thing would be permitted. What, then, would be the result’ They would have to recognise and maintain this social system, aud to recognise property in slaves, If you recognire it as property, you must cause fugitives to be restored. And if you recognise it you must protect {i And if you protect it-n all these States, you must pro tect it wherever the government has exclusive jiris diction, What, then, would become of the policy of exclvsion® Would you shut up the negroes and allow all the white men to move away’ Tho result would be the mcgrose would accumulate, until you gave the negroes the best part of the continent, and the wi n must take the rest, Can this be ‘tolerated? No, not for amoment. And if this wonld be the reault, after a bloody and barrassing war, why not do it with. out these calamitie ? Why not do ft without the dread ful inconsistency which would be charged upon you? Why, then, create a civil war without any benefit or use to any one? Then, if this be #0, why not cole buck, the forts to those States that claim to have se. ceded? What do you want with them’ What do y want with the forts in the harbor of Charleston youdo not mean to coerce thom, they are of no vise. And if you do meau to coerce thom, you onght not to have them? ff you do attempt to use them for the pu of coercion, you destroy all chances of recon struction of another Union, which J still hope and trost may take place, and that it may prove to uso more it bond of alliance and fraternity than the one, whieh is fast melting away from war I say you have no right to hold on to these forts? Yiou could not have obtained them without the consent of tho Legislature, Upon what voutidersiign was thot consideration given? Ti was given tion woe? were to be ody State. you now them when they longer be used for eens the State, but for offensive purposes. If there were no tions, I consider the alitiona of you to de it. In no way can war. They £4 ave goverpment. could not inconsistency, 50 far ag their If they are an i to those forts, and if an a right to take them, if they jon of a ‘ebemy. You don’t admit the doctrine in which that resolution is a ‘ou in holding that doctring ground of Teyr AState which did not to secede mint apply for the r of these forts, and the re. ‘ocession might be granted, without ’ the least violation of the constitution, There is nothing impolitic in such cession, unless you desire to use them for the purposes of coercion, Y think the consideration of policy should induce Fac) to remove that bone of contention mediately, 1 believe if adrop of blood is once shed, there is no hope of reconstruction. 1 think you will soon see all the Southern States onto’ this Union. "f think it probable they will form @ government for the sake of the South; and, having done 80, 1 Dope ‘and trust they will call a ‘Southern Convention for the purpose of readjustment on proper terms. And if the non-slaveholding States will assemble in Convention to exchange propositions, { hope and trust that some accommodation may be bad, some reconstruction to make this government more permanent and more valuable to ua than it ever has been. Or, if it is impossible to a Union, it may yct re- sult in the formation of league which would se- cure to us some benesits, and leave tach free to follow tho law of its own genins, and develop itself. I suy, eo faras I can weigh the question, the Union is io more, and the only question of Union is a question of reunion, and to produce reunion it is obsolutely essential to allow the State to take possession of that which it ig obviously going to take, and thus we can afford all the time and give all the rtunity we can to these who desire a reconstruction of this Union. I am one of those, I believe the South owes it to itself to secuse protection. inter- rests of mankind, and her own interest, and the interest of her confederates, require that we should reconstruct & new Union upon the terms of equality and justice, But will this Possible if wo have a civil v? I ask if the republicans are willug to add civil war to the long catalogue of enormities for which they have to answer hereafter? Is it not enough that have marched into power over the ruins of the constitution. Is it not enough that they bave seized this goverument at the ex; of the Union? Will it not —, them unless they civil war? Mr. Presi- dent, I would ask if they are indeed willing to let loose the “dogs of war and rapine through this land? If they are willing that the spirit of the born Cain ehould reign over ev foot of land, and spread the fratricida) conflict over this once happy land, they settle their own consciences? How will they settle with humanity for having crushed the highest capacity for usefulness, progress to de 4 ment that was ever bestowed on man? Sir, what judg- ment will posterity @ronounce upon them for ‘their unhal- lowed ambition? "Will it not say, “You found peace, and established war; you found an empire and a Union, and you rent them into fragments?” And more awful still, what nccount will they render at the bar of Heaven? When from many a burni Hoody batt eld, a. spectral mag hen’ the i 5. shall arise from the depths of the grave, to make its feeble plaint against them, and the tears pleas women Plead against them, for we ; 3 i 3 be heard throu, it this land? I say to thom, it will be no excuse they have to wield a bar- ren sceptre over a Why is it these threats are made? Is it for the purpose of present Southern States ‘80, it has procipi- tuted that very event. I say for my own State she is consulting now, but I feel authorized to say that she ee ee ee ere ae be from asserting her rights by threats of co- ercion or fears os the result. in her past his- Sir, once honor, duty to do #0, and if the day ehall ever arrive when she can neither defend her ', DOr suppor! her rights, she will fall, and it will be better for her name and fame to perish with them. When the Spanish colonies were struggling for indepen dence we gave them syropathy and aid. When Greece was fighting her desperate battles we guve her the same sympathies and assistance. But we now refuse it to our brethren, and pursue them with fire and sword. I believe that an attempt to coerce the people in this regard will only meet with the general detesta tion of mankind, Such # resistance will be mado as has never been geen before in the history of the world except, perhaps, in the instance of the Dutch who hid ‘bebind’ their dykes and tlovded their land with the waves of the sea, preferring death in any and every form, rather than submission to tyranny. But I do not wish to pursue this line of argument, and do not wish to engage in any discussion which 60 much stirs the blood. I sland here to plead for peace, not my State has apy reasons to fear more than another, but because the interest of all mankind is for In the name of civilization and humanity, in the name of thirty mi hore lives, or hap- piuces depen Rae wR war, in the name of the great American experinent which was founded by Providence in the wilderness, and which [insist has not yet failed, Ishall appeal to the American people to prevent the effusion of blood. It is said that the very smell of blood stirs thé animal jons of men. Give us time for the play of reason, see, after the States have sec selves the see Hf we cannot bring together once mo:e our divisions, if we cannot close up our broken ra cannot find some plan of conciliation, And when those colnmns come mustering in from the distant North and he farther South, from the rising to the setting sun, to part in that grand review, there will go up a shont that will shake the heavens, and which shail pro- claim to the ends of the earth that we are united once more brothers in war, brothers in peace, ready to take our place in the front of that grand march of human progress, and able and willing to play in that game of nations where the prizes are wealth and empire, and where vic- tory may crown our name with deathless and eternal fame. (There was slight applause in the galleries as Mr. unter closed. Mr. Baker, (rep.) of Oregon—I should like to ask the Senator one question. If my party in this and the other branch of gress, by « constitutional majority, shall pass an amendment, to be submitted according to the form of the constitution, for the consent and ap- probation of the people, and if that be such substantially as those offered by gentlemen on the other side, will the Senator from Virginia, so far as he can, throw the weight of Virginia, und especially his individual weight, in order to maintain the constitution as it is, and the lawe as they now are, with the power of the government, until the people of the States shall have decided upon this amendment? Mr, Howter—I cannot answer for Virginia, [can only fay this—I voted for the proposition of the Senator from Kentucky oes Crittenden). tlemen believed that would be satisfactory. Rut whether the who are now seceding would wait to ascertain whether the States would aocept it og not, Lam not authorized to aay. ‘Mr. By xxa—But will the geutleman himself? ME. Hewren—if the Senator is uot sutisled, 1 cannot satiafy him. Mr. HARLAN, (rep.) of Jown, then took the floor, and ‘at length on the Fugitive Shve law. He opposed Pyke the South to control and govera the North; that the North must obey the South; that the majority must ess ae irierence of Se South. ern people 18 explaiiv Imitting the republican vic Seep'on the Gh November lan. Whey Ouiike to re righ the reins of the goverument to their opponents. ‘A message was here received trom the Prasident. Mr, Hartan concluded by saying that human liberty, o—_ of speceh, the preas and conscience, were all at stake. Mr. Witsos, (rep.) of Mase., moved to go into Execu- tive session. ard Adjourned. House of Representatives. Wastirweron, Jan. 11, 1962, Joux Cocunane, (opp.) of N. Y., presented the memo ral of the New York Chamber of Commerce, for mail fu- cilities, through subsidies to steamer tines, between San Franciseo and Shanghae, &e. Referred tothe Committee on Commerce. Mr. Levesoy, (rep.) of M1., asked leave to offer a reso lution, that as the judgment of the House in the present state of the country, it would be wise aud patriotic for the President to confer temporarily the power of com mander-in-chief of the army and navy on Licat. General —TRIPLE ‘SHERT.” MISSISSIP P1. | RESIGNATIONS IN THE CABINET, ARMY THE MISSISSIPPI STATE CONVENTION. + | question, “Should the Scott, and charge him to see that the republic receives no | detriment, Mr. Jonas, (opp.) of Ga., and others, objected Mr. Cent, (rep.) of bowa, suggested that the President could not delegate such power. ‘The SPKAKER Raid the Tesolation Was not received, but merely read for information, Besides, objection ‘was maae, j Peteons. Mr. Braxcn, (opp.) of N. C., boped that the resolution — would be voted on by yeas and nays. There were no further proceedings on the subject Mr. Hickman, (rep.) of Pa., ed and was oxoused from serving on the Select Committee to which was re. forred the President's Message. He said he had a great many reasons for the request, but it was not nezessary to repeat Private bills were then considered. * ‘The Houge considered the Civil und Misectianeons bills, including the one to support lighthouses, the establish ment of marine bewpitals, , While voting on the amendment, which was rejected, (6 increase the appropriation for a survey of the Atlantic | and Guif coast from $100,000 to $250,000, Mr. Hivoway, \opp.) of Ark., said he was auxious to assist the republi- cane in bankrupting, a8 soon as possible, a government whore purse and standard were goon to be used for subj 1 gating their brethren of the South. ‘The bil) was passed. Mr, Fromevee, (opp.) of Po, presented memorial from Philadelphia, from citizens of all parties, asking Congress to pass the Crittenden compromise. Navy Appropriation bill was merely read Adjourned. PETITIONS FOR SENATOR CRITTENDEN'S AMENDMENT. ‘The Baltimore Clipper says that the petition to Con. «ress, urging the adoption of Mr. @rittenden’s compro: mise measures, from that city, had a list of names 500 feet Jong, containing abont ‘10.000 signatures. Over $60,000,000 werg represented by the parties signing the petition, | AND NAVY SINCE NOVEMBER 6. CABINET RESIGNATIONS. The following resignations have taken piace in the Pre sident’s Cabinet since the secession crisis hag assumed apy considerable consequence, viz:— Hon, Philip F. Thomas _ The latter succeeded Mr. Cobb. ARMY RESIGNATIONS. Capt. A. C, Myers, of South Carolina, graduated at the Military Academy at West Point, June 30, 1833; promoted brevet Second Lieutenant Fourth regiment of infautry July 1, 1883; Second Lieutenant December 31, 1835; First Lieutenant September 6, 1837; Cap- tain of the Staff (Assistant Quartermaster) No- vember 21, 1639; Captain Fourth infantry, February 16, 1847; vacated regimental commission, February 16, 1847; promoted to brevet dlajor, May 9, 1846, “for gal- lant and meritorious conduct in the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, Texas. He was at the time of Quartermaster General's Department at Washington. Captain Heary C. Wayne, of Georgia, graduated at the United States Academy at West Point, Jnne 30, 1838; pro- moted Second Lieutenant, Fourth regiment artillery, July 1, 1638; transferred to First regiment of artillery, July 12, 1838; promoted First Lieutenant May 16, 1842; Assistant Instructor of Artillery and Cavalry, of the sword exercise and of infantry tactics, at the Military Academy, from December 12, 1841, to July 1,1843, amd Quartermaster from July 1, 1843, to June 11, 1846; Captain's Staff (As- sistant Quartermaster), May 11, 1846; brevet Major, August 20, 1846, for gallant and meritorious conduct in the battles of Contreras and Cherubusco, Mexico. He is the author of an excellent work on sword exercise, ar- ranged for military instruction. He subsequently held a re- sponsible position in the Quartermaster General's Depart- ment at Washington. In December iast he was kppoinced Inspector General of Georgia, which position he now ils. Captain Jobn Dunovant, of South Carolina, is nota graduate of West Point, but was promoted for meritorious services in the South Carolina Volunteers in Mexico. He was attached to the Tenth infantry at the time of his re- signation. Captain Barnard E. Bee, of South Carolina, graduated at the United States Military Academy June 30, 1645; promoted Second Lieutepant Third regiment of infantry September *21, 1846; wounded in the storm- ing of the enemy's entrenchments on the heights of Cerro Gordo, Mexico, April 18, 1847; ‘promoted brevet First Lieutenant April, 1847, for gallant and meritorious conduct; promoted breyet Captain September 13, 1847, for gallant and meritorious conauct in the battle and storming of Chepultepec, -Mexico; appointed regimental Adjutant July 25, 1848; promoted First Lieutenant 1851; Captain Tenth regiment infantry March, 1855; acting Lieutenant Colonel while on duty in Utah from Decem- ber, 1857, to September, 1868; resigned his commission December, 1860. First Lieutenant George S. James, of South Carolina, ‘was recently attached to the Fourth regiment artillery, (U. 8. A.) stationed at Fort Randall, Nebraska Territory. Lieutenant James was a volunteer in the Abbeville company of the Palmetto regiment, and served through the whole of the Mexican war, having borne part in the siege of Vera Cruz, and in the batties of Controras, Che- Pultepec and the Garita. Before the close of the war he was promoted to the rank of Sergeant Major. Second Lieutenant W. H. Gibbs, of South Carolina, was recently of the Sccond dragoons. Singe his resignation he has accepted a Captaincy in the South Carolina secea- sion army, and is now stationed at Castle Pinckney, Charleston harbor. Lieutenant James H. Hallingmet, of South Carolina, graduated at the United States Military Academy July 1, ‘1858, and was promoted Second Lieutenant of the Tenth regiment of artillery February 24, 1859. NAVAL RESIGNATIONS. Commander Henry J. Hartstene, of Arctic fame, in com- mand of the gunboat Pawnee, bas been detached at his own request. The reason ho assigns is that he is a South Carolinian by birth, aud as his vessel may be ordered against Charleston he prefers to abandon active service rather than fight against his native State. Some of the naval officers justify and commend this conduct upon the part of Hartstene. Lieutenant J. H. North, of South Carolina, late Light- house Inspector, entered the vavy in 1829; resigned January, 1861. e dacuvcuaue A.M Warley, of South Carolina, who has just resigned, had written his letter of resignation previ- ous to the sailing of the Richmond for the Mediterranean, which eft the United States about three months ago. Lieutenant William G. Dozier, of South Carolina, late waiting orders, resigned in December, 1860. Lieutenant Johm R. Hamilton, of South Curolina, of the steam sloop Lancaster. Lieutenant Henry Rolando, of South Cerolina, of the steam sloop Hartford. ) Master William E. Evans, late of the steam sloop Pensa. cola, resigned in December, 1860. Midshipman John Grimball, of Charleston, bas resigned his place in the navy, and has tendered his services to Governor Pickens. Acting midshipmen William Wilkin, Richard Hays, Benjamin F. Perry and Francis M. Thomas, from the Nayal Academy, Annapolis, Md, REPORTS FROM MARYLAND. Baurimore, Jan. 11, 1861. The Convention of. delegates from the various counties of Maryland to consider “the crisis, reassem- Died this afterncon and passed resolutions requesting the Governor to issue’ proclamation for the people of the State to vote, on the last Monday in January, whe- ther they want a State Convention called or not, and if the question is decided in the affirmative, to hold an election for delegates (o the Convention, to meet om the first Monday in February. They also unanimously passed & resolution approving of Mr. Crittenden’s proposition, and then adjourned. It is understood that a meeting is to be held of certain fibusters to-morrow, to oppose the government troops entering Fort McHenry. THE PULPIT AND THE CRISIS. DR. RAPHALL'S SERMON TO BE REPEATED. A number of the leading gentlemen of New York city have addresged an invitation to Dr. Raphall—through Messre. John A. Dix, J. J. Cisco, Angust Belmont, Sidney ¥. Morse, Royal Phelps and others—to repeat his admira- ble Fast Day sermon upon the system of Jewish slavery and its relations with our own. Dr. Raphal! hae accepted the invitation, and the sermon will therefore be repeated at the Historical Rooms, Second avenue, on the evening of Thursday, the 17th of January. A very large audience may be expected, and from the interest taken in the ser- mon @ much larger hall may be selected, THE PERSONAL LIBERTY BILLS. MASSACHUSETTS PERSONAL LIBERTY BILL. ‘The mombers of thg Mercantile Library Association of Boston held a mecting on the 8th instant to discuss the Massachusetts Personal Liberty Law be Repealed?” The subject was debated pro and Co, and it was finally voted that the law ought to be re- THE PENNSYLVANIA PERSONAL LIBERTY BILL. Memorials have beeu presented in the Logislature of Pennsylvania praying for the repeal of the laws which stand in the way @ the execution of the Fugitive Slave jaw. These memorials have attached to them 456 feet of signatures, embracing the names of over teu thousand MAJOR ANDERSON. (Yrom the Lonisville Journal } As one of the members of the Anderson family is at | this time somewhat prominent in the public attention , it may not bo uninteresting to the country to know a little of the antecedents of the gallant geatleman. Major An- dereon’s father aud mother were both Virginians—the former, Rictard C. Auderson, « lieutenant colouel in the Continental army at the end of the Revolutionary war; and the latter, a Miss Marshall, a cousin to Chief Justice Marshall. While « captain, this officer led the little band into New Jerecy on the inemorable Christmas night of 1776, which threw the Hessian forces, at Trenton, off their guard, when the great attack was made, In this battle he was one of the tew officers who were wounded. He was also in the battle of Brandywine, and in other actions in the North. But his services in the South are ‘of more interest to%is at this time. He was at the si of Savannah in 1779; and in endeavoring to scale tl ramparts was thrown OF fell from such a height, that he met with an injary by the shock, from which he never recovered, On the death of the gallant Pulaski, he feceived, as a gift from the dying hero, his sword, which was for « long {ime in the possession of the family, but was unfortu- nately Jost by the burning of a honse in which it was do- posited, Tn 1780, the Colonel, then a Major, endured the siege of Charleston, South Carolina, and was, of course, taken prisoner, remaining there in that condition for several months, but being exchanged in time to be pre- sent at the siege and be mete of York. On this occasion he served as an aid to General Lafayette, who, it may be remembered by many citizens of Louisville, recognized the Colonel on his last yiait to this country, at his arrival at Portland, 98 his old friend and companion-in-armea. It is nota little singular that the son of this ofcer should now be in defence of the eame city for which his father fought cighty yeurs since, but against enemier bow dil i an | Kis resignation holding a very responajble position in the | | ties to support, and who are pi We published in Monday's Henatp lists of the dele- gates to the Florida and Alabama State Conventions, now in session. We add to them the list of the delegates to. the Mississippi State Convention, which sito commenced. ite session on Monday :— ADAMS. LAWRENCE, Josiah Winchester, A, K. Farrar. BARRISO. D.C. Glenn. INDE, Wiley P. Harris, Warren P, Anderson, W. B. Smart. HOLMES. LOWNDES. Geo. R. Clayton, W. 8. Barry. i wee. Co-operationists (in italics). LOUISIANA. MILITARY ACTIVITY IN THE STATE. ‘The New Orleans Picayune of the 3d inst. eaye:—AT- most every parish in the State has formed its company or battalion, and New Orleans will have a forco — tionate to her population, It is to be hoped that le ure will not Jeave half done the work so well come menced, but will encourage and foster, by every moans, this di sition of the people, regulating it by such disci- plinery laws as will make the more effective and durable. DISTRESS IN NEW ORLEAYS. We take the subjoined extract from an article in the = pad Bee, relative to the compition of affairgim that city:— The severity and duration of the. present financial troubles, the ‘extreme depression in business of every kind, the stoppage of various channels of trade, and the nearly total suspension of the customary demand for labor, have, for tic first time within our memory, occa sioned a state of things in New Orleang slightly approxi. mating the distress and privation annually to be wit- negssed in the large Northern cities. Within the past two or three weeks we have had occasion to remark an ex- traordinary amount of real destitution anJ poverty, Theo are 1 our Knowledge large numbers of abie-beaied and even intelligent men who ask for sothwg better than work, and are unable to cure it—men whe would almost rathor perish with famine than beg their bread from door to door. Such we know to it substantial claims to the sympathy of the public. We speak not of street mentconis, whe are mostly impostors; of seemingly mu implorers of clecmosy nary benefactions; of the apparent~ alt, deaf, dumb and blind, who make New Orleang wir winter haunt, and live cosily at the expense of @ misdirected benevolence, betaking then.selves on the approach of summer to healthier climes. ‘Ve allude to honest and willing paupers, many of whom have fami- by the crvelest privas tions, even to the point of lacking food end shelter, This is no common spectacle in New Orleans, but that it now exists is indubitable, Our own office has been at times almost besieged by the applications ef ducent, re- spectable looking individuals, representing 5 no doubt truly, as in absolute want. A few days ago @ mercantile friend of ours had a ton of cou! omptied im front of his oflice. He informs us that in ordinary times he has to wait half a day ere he can find soine oe willing to carna few dimes by carr; it in. On ths cccagion im lees than one hour he received somewhere ebeut applications, mavy of them from persons who had ~ dently seen better days, and whose langwage aud of education and revrement. KENTUCKY. a rane or Ege LOUISV:L.LR, cording to usage, january is eet apart the occasion for hiring out slaves for the year. Ag beth owner and hirer feel an interest in the matter, we have taken some pains to obtain information i» refe to “the nigger.” from the adjoinin; Nelson, &e., bave home, and thas not be thrown upon the market to-day for hire, As = Poy ops _ grees i be py demand in for several years a an evidenc: of the rate of hire asked and obtained, there was an instance day in which a young woman, a good was taken for the year at $171 Bumber «° men hired at from $126 to$175, and a sprightiy voy years of age, was taken at $86 for the ) car.—-Lowisntlg Journal, Jos. 1. = in. ners exhibited marks MISSOURI. THE POSITION OF THR GOVERNOR Fi.rcr. The Hon. C. F. Jackson, Governor elect of tbe state of Missouri, has written a letter to the Lexington Eapositor upon the engrossing issues of the day, We copy the con- ba raphe :— Had actiig Governor of the State | +)ould have called the Legisiature before now. ia or- der that they might consider the question of a convention, and at the same time, if » to despatch a Comt + fo Seuth Care- Tne” Georgian, &e., asking them as wde Bot to go out of the Union by any hasty » but re- main with us and meet us in conventien, and, if go we must, let us all go out or. Tae Ue the means in our power to maintain our rights in the Union; let us ve the ¢ verument if possibly in our pow! after having ‘ied all the remedies within our gras, if these should (uii—as T fear they will—then I say let us dissolve the connection and maintain the rights which belong to us at a.! hazards and to the last extremity. da any arguments »pon jact I have thought it a waste of words an) ues the abstract right of secession. To ws matter whether it be a constitutional ren “What right has the black republican or bis «i lectures on coustituttonal rights after bay ing v impunity the plainest provisions cove more than thirty years’ I pray that our fr: be betrayed into any rash acta or meas’ be no threats, no bravado, no gascona bet and determinedly let as take our position © the and stand by it to the last. PENNSYLVANIA. THE MILITIA AND ARMB OF THE + rATR. be tof the Adjutant General some interesting facts and 1's: iDg mmary of the uniformed 1, Number of divisions Nomber of brigade: Number of compan} The rej Aggregate of br ‘Kemper of field Brass four pounder: NEW JERSEY. ‘The mechanics and laborers of Newark, New smiion through the etedte Of the present pr tical cr, ton t] iti have fg hE ped ype yy ly day, lo apprint a committee to draft a petiti toc — Phat body to adopt the amendment of Senator Crittenden for the conciliation of (he Souths and harmonizing (be entire Union. ‘This measure is looked upon ase plonerr movement among the starving mechanics ef other cives of tye North. of hunger and preveble 4 CONNECTICUT. In New Haven the carriage business, owing © thé troubles of the country, has been almost des Many hundred mechanics are out of work THE SHOE BUSINESS. A Haverbill, Mase. corr lent writes — There no improvement in the shoe business. Very fow shoe are being made, and none baye yet beep sol."