The New York Herald Newspaper, October 17, 1860, Page 6

JAMES CUOKROUS 46H ARKTS, EDITOR AND PROPRIKDOK OFFICE FB. W. CORNKE OF FULTUR AND KABHAU ATS. TRKMS, cash wok of the vender. Pi ney THE DAILY HERALD too THR WEEKLY HERALD ance. Money sev tage stampe wot we ti ALD, somants 4 and én the every da AMUSZMENTS THIS EVENING, NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway. —Kine Laan. WINTER GARDEN. Broadway. opposite Rond street — Gov Marwegine—ay Youn Woe amp Ory Umunetis —New Yorn As Ut fs-- ROWRRY THEATRE, Rowe: L OKLD'S 4 STAGE. wre Bows OF 'TO—AIL THE WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway.—Purog Wita KE. LAURA KEENE’S THEATRE, No. 6M Broadway.— Aicenn Anoon, NEW BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery —Devu's Oak—As- PUCORL—UaMEn OF 4 FI RARNUM'R AMERICAN MUSEUM, Broadway.—Day and Eveving—Joseru axp His GeRTURBN—LIVING CURIOSt: | Ties, ao. BRYA®TS! MINSTRELS, Mechanica’ Hall, 172 Broadway.— Bonsesaves, Soncs, Dances, Ac —Reenes at GUuNEr's. NIBLO'S SALOON, Brosdway.—Hoovey & Camrsxit's Mixerkeis IN Brutorran SosGs, Buuresauns, Dances, dv. Bigut- Mane CANTERBURY MUSIC Dancas, Bumiascves, HALL, 663 Broadway.—sonos, New Vora, Wed Addit news from Arabia, w rrived at I firms the previously received inte victory of the Garibaldians at Caserta over the forces of the King o' Garibaldi had made some changes in his Jit is stated that a i ween the Liberator and Victor Emanuel. The Sardinian troops we: to enter the territory of Naples, the them in person. t New Orleans we have advices from Mexico, stating that the Juarez government had ordered the restoration of the specie conducta recently d. It is also stated that General De- gollado had been deprived of his command, and had been ordered to be brought to Vera Cruz asa prisoner The Prince of Wales and suite, after passing the night at West Point, proceeded up the Hudson yesterday to Albany, where they were received by the military and @ general turnout of the populace. In company with Gov. Morgan, the royal party ri- sited the Capitol and other places of interest, and ing th vening dined with the Governor. The Princ leave Albany for Boston this morning. A large amount of business was transacted at the Court of Oyer and Terminer yesterday, as will be seen by our report in anothercolumn. Among the indictments presented by the Grand Jury were two against Charles Jeffards—one for the murder of Jobn Walton, in the first degree, and the other for the murder of John W. Mathews, in the second de- pected soc Kin By an 4 gree. The Grand Jury also made a presentment on the subject law relating to capital punishment, in which the following sensible remarks oceur Agreea to the charge of the” Court, the ¢ Jury have examined the law enacted by the last Legislature on the subject of death penalty, and they deem it their to the defee- hat act. Itis © doubts in th public atte phraseology of duty to tive unperte invi and ambig i crime of usly the ia of punishment of hasty legis rather than ex the utmost importance to the hat at the earliest practicable uld be revised, and its meaning g was held last evening, att t tional Democratic Volt = of the city, There was appointing and pres next meeting. from the var ominate a ticket for cou ion of n ng done, with the ex mittee to select candi w Convention at th were ap} A r committees to meet on Friday ever ttavorable telegraph rned . Owing te ports from cotton <irirute at the South, toucbing probable injury from bined With favorable Lews (rom Liverpool, the market wae firmer fony, aud clowed wt ab © advanee: tl { about 6,000 bales, 8 good portion of we we quote mid ng Lplance at Itc a 11 \e. per pound The receipts At tbe porte since the Lat of September ast bave reacked . 2100 bales, agaiost $75,000 for the same 1850, and 240,000 in 1858. ©The the mame time bare reached 92000 186.000 fm 1889, and 87,000 in 1858. awounted (© 588.000 bales, against 1.000 mm 1868. The news received ud was considered good. Flour was ay demand, with pretty free sales, closing Ormer, ston fr common grades. Wheat was in good tales arge, od im the main without change o privet. Corn wae unchanged aod sales Ne new meen pork were made at Ss $18 ET), and of new prime at 614 50 Cnceg to the aeeounte by private letters from Louisiana ./ of the late storm on the sugar case riot was active. The saire included do, 280 hbds. moiaco and to another place. Coffee was Rio, 1,200 « 1,400 do. Mare. vad 1,000 boxe firm, with rales of 3 caibe, and 180 Go Laguayra, at rates given in another column. Preight# were somewhat less active, white rates were quite sieady Ourreany oy Tammany Haut.—Io this day's Tirrato we publish an interesting memoir of ‘ammeny Hall, which bas rendered up the pelitical ghe et and will ‘soon go to the tomb of the Cap It ia dead as Julius Cosar—dead without besefit of clergy, “unanoiated unan- old ete nesled.” It died in hardened impenitence— died in ite sins, waxing worse and worse to the lust. Rotten with corruption and a burthen to itself, ft put an end to its infamons nd miserable existence. it cut ite own throat, committed felo de and accord: ing to the usage of our snoestors it ought to be buried at a cros# roade, with a stake driven NEW YORK HERALD. wled, and they | NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1860.—TRIPLE when its fg vote settled President tions; whea even Andrew Jacksoa we de bt- | ed for bis election to its power, and the United States Bank fell by its fat. [a those days Tam moony Hall embooted the politioal power of the city wed State. For a quarter of @ century no eplit divided the councils of that compact and How bas the mighty fall- n so low that pone are go poor as to do No tears will be shed over the memory ofa filthy harlot who has been faithless io oll, end who has sold hereelf to promiscuous wickedness till ebe bas become the victim of ber own vice, and loathsome disease has con- _ sumed her vitals and rendered her euch an ob- Ject of aversion that even the corrupt Albany | Regency rejecta her caresses, and throws her of to die ina ditch. After using her to do its | dirty work, it casts the prostitute away, when | debauchery has rendered her too hideous and | degraded for contact. It is curious to trace the history of the de- | cline sud fall of this organization—how its vir- tue was first shaken and finally corrupted and debauched, and how it has proceeded from step to step in infamy, till at last its name stinks in the nostrils of all bonest men. There ia a remarkable identity between the Tammany leaders and their treasonable objects in 1848 and the present time. The slavery question is the fatal rock on which the organiza- tion was then eplit, and is now dashed to pieces | like an old pitcher. It will be seen that Franklin Pierce greatly contributed to the final demoral- | ization und dowpfall of Tammany Hall. But it was already rotten to the core, and poor Pierce's policy merely precipitated its diasolu- tion. We have presented the reader with a faithful sketch of its life and death By the ides | of November we expect to give some account | of the funeral, when the old sinner will have been buried darkly by dead of night, without | fife or drum or a farewell shot over her dis- houored remains. ization. potent her reverence, he Lincein Policy on the Disunion | Quecetton—signs of Southern Rebeliton. From the very suggestive article which we transfer to these columns from the Charleston -| Mercwry, it will be seen, first, that Mr. Seward | has * let out the important fact’ that Mr. Lin- coln, should he be elected President, will put | forth timely proclamation of such views as he | Inay deem essential to allay all opposition in | the Soutbern States to the new dispensation; | and, secondly, that our Charleston cotemporary | hus very little faith in any euch promises of peace. The South will only be treated as the Afrivans treat a captured elephant. “They dig ahole for him, and when he has tumbled in they beat him, and then bring him some grass; and thus, by alternate beating and feed- ing, they subdue bis spirit and he follows his master.” It is next contended that as our Northern conservatives, such as “the Barnards, the Hunte, the Cushings, the Winthrops, the Van Burens and the Everette,” have been thrown out and trampled down by the anti-slavery movement, “so it will be with Messrs. Lincoln and Seward -if they attempt to arrest the tide of sectional fanaticism and ambition, short of its great consummation, the abolition of African slavery in the South.” Entertaining this view of the subject, and that a black republican administration will be the establishment of “a sectional and fanatical dominion over the South totally inconsistent with the whole scope of the constitution,” it is not very surprising that the organ of the South | Carclina tire-cuters should recommend, with | Lincoln's election, the secession of the South- erp States as their only alternative of safety and deliverance. In this connection, as illustrating the real views and purposes ot Mr. Lincoln, an extract is given from a speech of his in Kansas, pend- . ing the late desperate contest for the Speaker of the federal House of Representatives, In this speech Mr. Lincoln declared, in bebalf of the republican party, that, “while we electa President, it will be our duty to see that you submit,” and that, “if constitutionally we elect ® President, and, therefore, you undertake to destroy the Union, it will be our duty j to deal with you as old Jobn Brown has been dealt with, We can oniy do our duty.’ The simple meaning of this is that, once installed in the government. the republi can party will employ the iron band of power in the eubjugation of the South to their de mands and their antislavery constraction of the constitution. Mr. Lincoln, in advance ot Mr. Seward, bas proclaimed the doctrine substantially that there is @ war, and can be no peace, between the | North and the South, until African slavery shall have been abolished. The aboliiion of siavery | is the plan of both Lincoln and Seward for pre serving and perpetuating the Union, They can carry out this plan under the forms of the con- stitution by excluding slavery from the Terri- tories, by admitting no more slave States, by enforcing the proclaimed right of the abolition- iste to freedom of speech and of the press all over the Sonth, and by various other acts cal- culated to drive out slavery from the Northern border slave States and to render “the cotton States’ too hot to hold it. The republican par ty. too, as a party of this “one the abo- lition of slevery— will be compelled to make it the main feature of Lincoln's administration. The bewspaper at Wash- ington, euppored spesk by an hority | of the Cabinet, has recently thrown ont | the opinion that there will be no imme diate danger to the South from Liocoin’s election, becouse, for the firet two years of his | adminietration at least, there will be an opposi tion mejority ageinst him in both houses of | Congress. Now we are inclined to suepect that this quieting hint le thrown out because of the apprehension at Washington that if the Southern mind is not quieted in advance some Southern movemeot of rebellion against Lincoln's elec- tion may call for the intervention of Mr. Bu- ebanan as the chief magistrate of the United States. We ave sure that Mr. Buchanan would | prefer to Gnish the remnant of his term af office | quietly and without any disturbance, but it is | possible that in this very aatural wish be may | be disappointed. It is possible that with the news of Lincola’s | election the State authorities of South Carolina idea” - nstitution to through its carcass. To what a base end do | may adopt some measures for the very purpose parties ns well as individuals‘come, when they depart from virtue and become slaves of profi gacy and corruption. Time was when Tammany Hall held the balance of political power in this great confederacy: when the came of “Em- pire State’ had « political ss weil as 8 commercial and «metropolitan sigolficancy; | of precipitating collision between the federal government and the State. Ail the Inte mani- featations of public sentiment in «aid S'ate be- | tray something of a resolution of this sort. In 1850 these Carolinians, on the secession ques | tion, agreed, after a etartling contest, to wait for the co-operation of other States In 1860 ber excited sons of nullification, in bebalf of cannes South Carolina, may prefer to strike while the | iron is hot, under the impression that it is only becessary to kindle the fire in order to set al! the cotton States in blaze of rebellion. In any event, the election of Liocoln is charged with the explosive combustibles of a revolutionary order of things. Hie defeat, on the other hand, will be an immediate gnuran- tee of peace, and of our financial and commer- cial safety. The whole issue rests upon New York. She bas the power within her hands to reverse all these late revolutionary Northern elections in a decisive casting vote for the Union and the constitution as they are, recog- nizing and protecting the blended elements of free labor in the North and slave labor in the South. Upon New York the whole responsi- bility is row thrown; and more than any other State is she dependent upon the Union and the constitution as they are. She can arrest this triumpbal march of black republicanism and change it to a decisive defeat if she will, aod ebe will, with proper efforts among the conser- vative parties opposed to Lincoln to bring out the dormant conservative majority of the State. It is useless to beat about the bush for help in other quarters. New York must be rescued from the republicans, or the headquarters of the anti-slavery alliance will be transferred from Boston to Washington. The advices received by the Arabia inspire a hope that the differences between CountCavour and Garibaldi will be arranged to the satisfac- tion of the moderate party in Italy. Whilst the Dictator is actively pushing on his operations against the royal troops, and gaining success after success, there are indications that, once the Neapolitan territory is freed from the preeence of the King and his adherents. he will be disposed to rest « while from his labors, and to leave to diplomacy a chance of completing the work which he has thue far gloriously con- ducted. In a communication published by one of the Turin papers from Bertram, his late Secretary, the latter denies that Garibaldi had given orders to oppose by force the entry of the Sardinian troops into the Neapolitan kiog- dom. He also states that it had never entered into his plans to occupy Rome at the risk of a conflict with France. These declaratiens, taken in connection with the report that the Dictator had invited Victor Emanuel to repair to Naples to assume the supreme sutbority, in order that he might retire to his home, would go to prove that he was disposed to yield to the advice of his well wishers, and to leave time for diplo- matic combinations to effect peaceably what he had aimed at accomplishing by force. Should these anticipations prove correct, it will remove a load of anxiety from the minds of all the true friends of Italy. They saw in the rupture between Garibaldi and Count Cavour a danger for her regene- rated nutionslity greater than any that has as yet threatened it from without. Intrepid and able as is the former as a military leader, it must be jitted that he possesses but little polit talent, and, unaided by the experience and caution of others, he would soon wreck the advantages he has gained. In separating his policy from that of Count Ca- vour just at this juncture, he disappointed the expectations of bis admirers. The objects of both were identically the eame, with this difference, that whilst Garibaldi sought to rush blindly on in the work of demolition, Cavour wisely paueed to reconstruct and secure what the former imperilled by his too great eager- ness to arrive at their joint ends. This was in reality the whole cause of the quarrel between these two patriotic men, un leas, indeed, we admit the truth of the asser tion that pereonal resentment on account of the sale of Nice and Savoy to France was at the bottom of Garibaldi’s demand for the removal of the Sardinian Premier. We entertain too high an opinion of the Dictator’s generosity of character to admit the correctness of this state- ment, even though apparently confirmed by ex- pressions reported to bave fallen from him. We believe those expressions to have been uttered in a moment of angry excitement, and not to have conveyed his true sentiments. No man living must be more impressed with the vervices which Count Cavour rendered to the cause of Italian independence, when it was perilous to bis master’s interests to manifest openly his devotion to it, nor can be be in- sensible to the exigencies which rendered the turrender of Savoy to France a point of inevitable policy. The truth is that Garibaldi, finshed with his military successes in Sicily and Naples, was for the moment carried away by too confident faith in his own resources. as well as the belief that he could disregard all prn- dential considerations in the invincibility of his personal prestige. It is probable that these facts, conjoined with the determination of France und Sardinia to op- pose the seizure of Rome, and to thwart, if pos- ible, his threatened attack upon Venice, have induced the Dictator to listen to reason. The remonstrances of the liberal press of Europe may also bave convinced him that by throw- ing himself into the arms of the Mazvini party, and bazarding all that hes been gained to fur- ther their insane views, he would forfeit the veneration and respect which his heroism and admirable disinterestedpess have bitherto won for bim. As the regenerator of constitu- tional Italy, bis must ever be regarded as one of the brightest names on ber historic page. Ae the tool simply of the red republicans, he would sink to the level of the men who bave wrecked to often the cause of political freedom by their wild and impracticable crotebets ‘The abstention of Garibaldi from the prose- cution of bie military plans aguinst Venice once secured, it is probable that what he sought to accomplish by force will be at once | peaceably effected. The demand of Spain for | » Congress, supported and, no doubt, instigated by France, would seem to furnish the solution | of the remaining difficulties of the Italian question. Austria will never yield Venice under coercion if she can belp it, but there are grounds for believing that she would not be | indieposed to part with it for ® handsome con- | tideration. Her exchequer is in such a bank- rupt condition that she must resort to this or some other extreme measure to replenish ft. | By selling Venice she not only refills her | coffers, but ehe gete rid of an enormous daily drain upon ber resources. The wisdom of Connt Cavour’s policy will, in our opivion, be | soon evidenced by the cession of thie territory | | en conditions slike bovorable and advan- | tageous to both the Austrian and Sardinian goverpments. SS EE EE eee ae te eee 22. eee Impertant Presentment of the Grand Jary—The Death Penalty Law Ke- buked. The Grand Jury made a presentment to the Court of Oyer and Terminer yesterday, which will be found in our columns to-day, of a very grave and important character. For some years paat the protection to human life afforded by the law to the citizens of this metropolis has been of the frailest kind. Between the loose- neas prevalent in the administration of criminal law, the inefficiency of the Metropolitan Police and the influence of politicians of the lowest and most degraded character upon the admi- nistrators of justice, there has been literally uo protection at all to fhe lives of our citizens against the assaults @athe rowdy, and high. wayman and the burglar. But it was left for the last infamous Legislature to cap the climax by the enactment of a statute which, according to the clearest interpretation that can be given to it, permits the murderer to go free. The decision of the Supreme Court in Mrs. Hartung’s case, and the opinions of our most eminent judges upon the death penalty law of last session, leave it exceedingly doubtful whether any punishment whatever can be in- flicted under it upon persons convicted of mur- der in the first degree. We are glad to per- ceive that the Grand Jury havé taken cog- nizance of this outrageous law in the same condemnatory spirit in which we referred to it at the time of its enactment. It is, in plain words, a premium upon murder, and demolishes at once the only defence against the lawless ruffians of the community by abolishing the certain and speedy punishment for that class of crime. The Grand Jury refer to the number of cases of homicide which it was their duty to investi- gate as alarming; and who can wozder at this when, by a bungling or corrupt act of the Legislature, the homicide is exempt from the extreme penalty due to his offence, and more than this. by which the power of the Courts to punish him at all is rendered exceedingly doubtful. The Grand Jury point to the succees of the Fire Marshal in ferreting out cases of arson and bringing the offenders to justice as an example of what might be done by a similar officer charged with the special duty of investigating cases of homi- cide; but does not that duty specially belong to the Chief the Police Department and the District Attorney’ If there functionaries per- formed their duties faithfully, does any one suppose that citizens would be “assassinated in their homes, or shot down in populous streets as the Grand Jury remark, without any clue to the murderers ever being obtained: We think not. But the fact is that the administration of the law, whether preventive or retributive, is 80 disgracefully loose that the peaceful citizen is at the mercy of the rowdy and the ruffian. The death penulty law of last session was all that was required to give full and complete efficacy to the reign of terror which exists in this metropolis, and for this law we are in- debted to the republican Legislature, which, while it imposed ali kinds of burdens upon the Empire City, robbed it of all power to govern itself or protect itself against plunder by corrupt officials from the interior and the inroads of crime from all quarters. It has left us to be “protected” bya police force over whom our Cbief Magistrate, the representative of the people, has no control; to have our pub- lic offices filled by hungry spoilsmen from the rural districts, and, last of ali, it has enacted a law which throws the sbield of protection and impunity over every murderer whose crime is atrocious enough to entitle him to conviction ot murder in the firat degree. The Prince's Ball—The Good Society of New York. Four years since on the 224 of February last was given at the Hotel de Louvre, in Paris grand ball by the Americans then sojourning in that city. The number of subscribers was four bundred—just the same as that of the Genera! Committee of the bal! at the Academy of Music, There were present at that ball not only the Ambassadors accredited to the Court ot the Tuileries, but the special representatives of the several Powers then convened in Paris for the settlement of the Crimean war; there were also the military heroes, fresh from the scene.of their glory—all were in full dress, fairly glittering with their insignia. It was ad- mitted to have been one of the most successful and elegant assemblies ever convened outside the Tuileries. The deportment of the Americans present impressed the distinguished representa. tives who honored the occasion with their presence with a high sense of American deli- cacy and refinement, for the simple reason that there was no vulgar crowding and curious and impertinent staring. Undoubtedly all the note- bilities present were well scanned, but it was done in such o way as to attract no notice on the part of the observed. Now the score of gentlemen who got up and managed the ball at the Academy of Music—for the balance of the four hundred had no part or lot in the arrangements, having been selected after all the committees were named, and having never been convened or consulted at all—boldly announced it as intended to be an ovation to the Prince by the three thousand selected from New York's upper ten thousand; in other words, by the chosen “good society” or aristocracy of the city. It was so given out and so accepted by the public. No one desired more than we did tbat it should have been a success. We ho- nestly believe that the most democratic elements in the ci wished that it | should have been # “uccess, Bat we are bound to say that it was afailure, Not that there was anything lacking in the decora- | tions, anything faulty in propriety, richoess and elegance of dress, either on the part of gen- tlemen or ladies, bat it was a failure in this:— | ‘The three thousand aristocracy did not know how to bebave themselves. They stared at the royal guest; they crowded around the royal guest; many of them officiously obtruded them- relves upon him, rulgarly aske take his band, and it is even said solicited Jim to dance with their wives; and this in a » Picked aeeemblage of New York good society—a se verely aristocratic aseemblage, as it was pro- claimed beforeband. When the time artived for tbe Prince to dance, the end of the Aca- demy where he was to take his place was a compact masa, and not even repeated solicitations, londly announced, could induce the thronging, gaping “good society” to make ab peo epece for the qvadrilie, When we saw the ragged urchins trotting st the beels of the Japanese, we felt eorry tor the poor strangers ¥hove footetepe were impeded; but when we saw the three thousand “good society” presseg up in solid mass about the Prince, gaping, staring and elbowing, we could not but ask ourselves iv what, save dress and meney, New York’s best society is distinguished from the common vulgar herd. - It is deWdeacy, consideration of others, educa- tion, refinement and good breeding which we had always supposed were primary essentials to good seciety. We feel bound to say, there- fore, that the ball at the Academy of Music was a failure. We have no doubt that the appear- ance and demeanor of the hundreds of thou- sands of people who assembled to welcome the Prince of Wales impressed him more favorably than any such assemblage he had ever seen in any European city: the citizen soldiers, com- posed of young men commencing their career, must have surprised him as well as his attend- ante; and in the firemen’s procession, made up of the bone and sinew of society, he witnessed aepectacle truly grand—grand not only asa brilliant ehow, butas a moral demonstration; but we have not the least doubt that while the ball pleased -him as a ball, it failed to give him any very elevated opinion of New York's “firet society.” The truth of the matter is that, with the exception of a very few old families, who have preserved their wealth for generations, those who oc- cupy our stately mansions, sport their equipages and make 8 dazzling display of their wealth, are men and women recently sprung from the vulgar crowd they pretend to despise. Their children, perhaps, will be educated and re- fined—they can never be either. When their large fortunes are divided up among their children and grand-children, or lost or dwindled away by the vicissitudes to which fortunes are exposed, these will fall back among the modest, well educated and retiring middle classes. Struggling among this class are now the descendants of the millionaires of balf a century ago; and there, too, if not lower in the scale, will be found fifty years hence the descendants of the millionaires of to day: Unger our system, refinement, education and propriety are more generally found in the abodes of the modest and unassuming than in the mansions of the wealthy and pretentious. The Loi New York ion Times Press Once More. We have quite given over hoping for any- thing like fair and honest treatogent at the hands of the leading British journal. The Lon- don Times seems to have accepted the narrow, bigoted views of a clique of English writers and politicians who resolutely refuse to see anything good in the political and social insti- tutions of the United States. According to the cheerful British view of the matter, as once laid down by one of her Majesty's representatives at this port, the government of Great Britain is the only successful system of constitutional rule that the world bas ever seen, and the irre- sistible interence is that the very best thing we can do is to return to the allegiance of our grandfathers, and humbly beg to be received a3 subjects and obedient servants to the crown. Now, the fact is that all forms of government bave their absurdities. Lord Nincompoop on the Treasury benches is as ridiculous as the honorable Elijah Pogram on the stump or the floor of Congress; and the only test as to their merit is to be found in the condition of the governed. In constitutional governments like those of Great Britain and the United States, the governors are, after all, ot very little account, except in & purely representative way. And it is in this manner that we have received the Prince of Wales. Hereditary monarchies are, in our eyes, palpable absurdities. The pomp and show and glitter of royalty is a remnant of feudal barbarism. Still we recollect that the people of England bave eeen fit to preserve this ancient Jandmark of white slavery, and incorporate it as the first estate in their government. There- fore we respect it, and in doing #o respect the institutions of the mother country. It would, perhaps. be asking too much if we suggested the propriety of a reciprocal exchange of mugna- nimity, which is not eminently a British virtue, but we have certainly a right to demand that the truth sball be told about us. This right the London Jimes—through its special correspondent detailed to describe the Prince’s tour in Canada—bas sytematically ignored. In anotber part of this paper we have given a portion of the Times’ letter, dated at Toronto, September 15. In this letrer we find garbled extracts from the Hrnatn’s tele graphic despatches, the headings being inter- mixed with the main body of the despatch, and reveral expressions quoted as having ap peared in this paper which were reaily invented by tbe "Zimes’ correspondent, in order to strengthen his case and to prepare his readers for the outrageous falsehood that the New York journals, with one exception, are utterly unre liable “even for their outlines of the royal This correspondent has saved us the trouble of accusing him of intentional misrepresenta- tion, and stands convicted by his own band as 8 wilful and deliberate liar. We know that this is strong lauguage, but the occasion is not one for soft speeches. In the London 7 imes’ letter from Toronto, dated September 10, there is an account of the Orange disturbances at Kingston which tallies in its recital of facts exactly with our accounts. Here we are told that the Duke of Newcastle and the Governor General were mobbed in the streets; that the Orangemen were much exas- perated; that they threatened to cut the traces in case the Prince's carriage was not driven under their arch; that there were “great groans and hootings” at the Duke, and that had it not been for police interference “ his Grace would have run some risk of sus taining personal violence.” The narratives of all the reporters agree as to the facts. The English and Canadian press naturally toned their accounts down, and put as good a face as posible on the afuir, while the American cor respogdents described them with that graphic freedom and thoroughnem for which the iade- pendent press of New York has become noted. The fact is, then, that the 7} .s correspondeat— finding that be had been beaten out of the field by the New York reporters, whose accounts reached England 9 week before his letters, and were reproduced, of course, in the London p- pere— sought to console himself for his defeat by charging bis more rapid competitors with falsebood. Now, the London Times ecm in acingularly disagreeable dilemms. J conductors must retract the charges ageinst the New York preen, or else they must stand in the { same position where its it hate which @rapb, and therefore was es far behind the age @s the London Times, which fully accounts for the milk in that cocoanut. The English journals—the Tinnes eapecially— are never tired of preaching to us, of telliug us of our faults and foibles, of patronizing us, of assuming sirs of superiority, of declaring that the conductors of the American press are neither gentlemen nor scholars, and that the British journalist alone understands the nity of his profession. That this ia all etuff and nonsense the course of the Times and some of the other London journals with regard te this tour of the Prince fully proves. As for the leading journals of New York, they are known by their fruits. T).. system is not per- fect—notbing human is entirely so—but it is as infinitely better English plan as the express railv y tr .o is to the slow coaches of half a “y ago, Duff Green's Address to the People of the South. In another part of today’s Henao will be found a very interesting letter, addressed by DuffGreen to the people of the South, on the present crisis in the political affairs of the coun- try. Without committing gurselves to all his conclusions, we may observe that Mr. Green's address contains much valuable matter, and is well deserving of a careful perusal. There ia one observation of his in which we entirely concur, and that is that the South cam maintain her rights better in the Union tham out of it. But as to the policy recommended in the event of Lincoln’s election—which the writer appears to assume as a foregone conclu- sion—the policy of the South conceding a pro- tective turiff to Pennsylvania and New Jersey in order to gain the alliance of those two States, and thus secure their own rights inviolate, we think Mr. Green overrates the effect of such @ measure, and that it would not arrest the “irre- pressible conflict” between free and slave la- bor fn those States, or in any part of the North. Instead of benefitting free labor it would only benefit capital, and give it larger profits at the expense of the general community. The rates of wages would not be increased, while the very workmen themselves would have te psy an advanced price for the manufactured article. As to the other measure which Mr. Green ad- vocates for the purpose of taking the wind out of the sails of the republican party, namely, the preemption right to a Pacific Railroad Company of twenty-five or thirty miles of the public land on each side of the line, instead of making a free grant and giving a bonus besides of hundreds of millions of dollars to a few re- publican leadere, as is proposed in their mea- sure, we consider this a more statesmanlike proposition, if guarded with stringent condi- tions; but how it is to break down the repub- lican party, if carried, we are wholly at a loss to see. It cannot affect the slavery question one way or the other, and cer- tainly cannot give any security to the South against inroads upon its rights and institutions. The oniy effect it could have, in a party point of view, would be to take away so much public plunder out of the hands of the republicans; but it would not settle the slavery issue, with which it really bas nothing todo. This great question must be met and decided, not by side winds, but on the direct issue and on its own merita, and it cannot be placed on a better basis than that on which Mr. Green himself pute it, at the end of his letter, when he says:— “As to the inatitution of slavery, the march of science and Progress of events are rapidly demonstrating® that it is a necessity resulting from the nature and condition of man, and te the whole people of this country one of the chief sources of their welfare and prosperity.” Mr. Green shows that the origin of the cru- sade against slavery is to be traced, im part, to the commercial necessities of Eng- land, whose statesmen discovered, after she became a great commercial and manu- facturing nation, and emancipated her West India slaves, that she had ruined those colonies, and that she could not compete in her East Indian tropical products with the products of the slave labor of the United States. Hence it was her policy to break down American slavery, and John Quincy Adams, who wanted to be elected President by the developement of anti slavery States in our Western Territories, embarked in a conspiracy with British states- men tosccomplish their purpose, and entered vpon an agitation which resulted in the Missouri Compromise of 1520. The scheme of Adams was to produce a sectional Northern party which would control the destinies of the coun- try, and Mr. Green gives some personal revela- dons touching its history, which are interesting and apropos at the present time. It was not from any conacientious scruples which the agi- tators of that day entertained against begro servitude that they risked the dissolution of the Union; but they used the ignorant fama- tical element for their purpose, as British agi- tators have done, and as American demagogues now do But now that England finde the institution of negro slavery to be stronger than it ever was in the estimation of all sound American states- men, andin the minds of the majority of the people, ebe falls back upon it herself, first by employing enslaved coolies in her colonial pos- seseions, and secondly by adopting a newer scheme of using the slave labor of Africa im Africa to compete with African labor in the United States. France is meditating the same design. and both countries will probably soom carry it into execution, The question is whether our negro slave labor is to be crippled and confined, if not abolished, while the two creat maritime Powers of Europe are seeking to develope a system of slave labor on an ex- tensive acale, in order to build up their com- merce on the ruins of the material interests of the United States? This is the vital question of the day, and it must receive a direct answer from the American people. ‘Aa to the bribe of land to landless foreigners offered by Seward and other leaders of the re- publican party, it will not go down with the intelligence of the country, and even the themselves know that it to ninety-nine out of every hundred of theme grant of free farm in the moon would be. about as valuable, whatever qpeculating land sharks might make ont of it. York Central Railroad, with the Albany Re- gency, are concerned, claims the attention © the reader, who will see why it is large edition of the bill of Mr. mended te be printed by a committee of