The New York Herald Newspaper, October 3, 1860, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD. JANES GORDON BENNET®, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. OFFICE N. W. CORNER OF NASSAU AND FULTON 87S. Mono mat! will be at the Fotings ama aot resiocd as rbseription per annum. cents ‘TBRIS. cash rig Goonies F EARLE D Oss conte or omy. w THs WEAKLY EERALD, ery at ote as , oF ‘annum; the European Edition aM at sont ar covy, Bi per craton party gral Brin oF $6 to any Of the Continent, doth to ie fo 11th and Slat of each at ok THY FAMILY HERALD on Wedncaday, at four cons per $ REIGN COKRESPONDENTS AXE veo Sect ais Lerrens 4x0 PACe- news, solicited from any Bape ont “faatasrea 40 sous Gur UB. Volume XXV.. AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING. ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth street.—Itantaw Ore Ba—La Traviata, NTBLO’S GARDEN, Brosdway.—Hamier. WINTER GARDEN, Broadway, opposite Bond street.— Famio—Suocking Events. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Mose tx Catironxia— OCousm Tom—O'FLANIGAN AND THE F arurms. penne THEATRE, Broadway.—Piarine Wire 1s, LAURA KEENE’S THEATRE, No, 6% Broadway.— AlLKex AROON, NEW BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Ocran or Lirs— Cartain's Not 4 Miss—Warvoce or tmx Giey. BARNUM’S AMERICAN MUSEUM, Broadway.—Day and vows axp His Bustiasn—Livisg Conios- BRYANTS' MINSTRELS, Mechanics’ Hall, 472 Brosdway.— Bumcesques, Sones, Dancas, £0.—Scenus at Puaron's. NIBLO’S BALOON, Brosdway.—Hoorey & Camrseti's iimereeis ix Ermiorian Sons, Bunuasque Dances, do.— mmginia Munay. CANTERBURY MUSIC HALL, 663 Broadway.—Sonas TRIPLE SHEET. +. ren one New York, Wedmeeday, October 3, 1860, The News. By the arrival of the North American at Father Point and the Canada off Cape Race, we have Eu- | ropean advices to the 23d ult., four days later than the accounts received b¥ the Glasgow. The news is important. The report of the de- feat of the Papal troops, under Lamoriciere, by the Sardinians, is confirmed in every particular. The battle took place on the 18th ult., and lasted six hours. The greater portion of the Papal army, including the Irish brigade, capitulated. The ac- tion is regarded as a decisive one. The war is vir- tually at an end. Lamoriciere, at last accounts, was besieged and blockaded at Ancona, but it was thought he would not protract a useless struggle. Garibaldi had demanded of Victor Emannel the removal of Cavour and Farini from his Cabinet, and a fosce of thirty thousand men to garrison Naples. The King, however, without consulting his Ministers, declined, declaring that he could not comply with such strange pretensions from a man whose successes seem to mii him. There would appear to be an almost irreconcilable breach between the revolutionary leader and the King. It is stated that a manifesto by the Pope, an- nouncing his determination to withdraw from Rome, had alceady been prepared. There were reports in London of unfavorable news from China, but nothing authentic had trans- pired, It will be remembered that the first news of the British disaster on the Peiho was received through Russian sources, and the intelligence re- ferred to was probably received by the same chan- nel. The funds, both in London and Paris, had im- proved slightly on the receipt of the news of the victory of the Sardinians. In other respects fivan cial and commercial affairs remained without mate- rial change. Our Washington despatch contains news from the city of Mexico to the 10th and from Vera Cruz tothe ith ult. Miramon, aided, as it was believed, by the Spanish Minister, had rallied a strong body of troops to his aid, and would now be able to pre- sent a formidable array to the advancing liberal forces. There was great excitement throughout ti city * NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1860.—TRIPLE SHEET. | Suspension of the Artisans’ Bank—Com- | meneement of the Politico-Commerctal Crtats. The city was thrown into cousiderabie panic | yesterday by the sudden announcement of the | suspension of the Astisans’ Bank, from which institution the Oty Chamberlain, Mr. Platt, | (who is also President of Wie bank,) withdrew | the city funds, and deposited the same in the | Park Bank. It has been known for some time that the Artisans’ Bank was in some difficulty, and it is a fact significant of the timgs that its troubles did not arise from any legitimate com- mercial cause, but from purely political cir- cumstances. This is but the beginning of the politico- commercial crisis which is the certain conse- quence of the present disturbed condition of the country—the ungertainty of the future Prospects of the confederacy in view of Mr. Lincoln’s election, which seems to be accepted on all sides as a foregone conclusion, and a fear of the disruption of our whole system, com- mercial and political, of which evidences, too strong to be doubted fora moment, are fur- nished every day in the Southern States. It is a matter of grave consideration that even at this early period—before the issue of the coming election has been put on trial— practical illustrations of the direful conse- quences of republican success should be pre- sented to us. But, as we have said, the suspen- sion of the Artisans’ Bank is but the commence- ment of a revulsion which we fear is about to be felt all over the country, if the conservative masses do not rise up in their might, and at the ballot box in November next lay the foul spirit of sectional despotism which Mr. Seward is heralding throughout the country, and which Mr. Lincoln is pledged to enthrdhe at Washington in the event of his election, like another Lucifer in Pandemonium. The panic of yesterday is but as @ spetk of vapor in a tropical sky foreshadowing an approaching tempest. The political crisis at which we have arrived is not, asinmany former times, merely the turning point of fortune for this political party or that: the question involved is not whether this set of politicians shall] command power and spoil or the other set, but whether the whole fabric of the Union is to be levelled; whether the consti- tution isto be ignored; whether the commercial prosperity of the country is to be demolished; whether we are to live at peace as brethren united by a common interest and a single des- tiny, or to drag out a miserable termination to the American republic in internecine warfare. Such are the questions depending for solu- tion upon the result of the present contest. We see the first symptoms of danger in the ex- citement which visited this city yesterday; and this is but the beginning of the end. If the black ‘republican party should be elevated to power, and the programme of Lin- coln and Seward be inaugurated, we will see the banks at the North suspending, the mer- chants smashing up, the factories closed, the shipping rotting at our wharves; and in the South the consequences may be still more” | serious: the railroads thrown into disuse, and civil strife raging over the fair domains of that beautiful region. Let us take heed in time; let yesterday, but more particularly in Wall and Nas- | the people, forewarned by the evidences of san streets, caused by the announcement of the | coming trouble around them, leave the politi- failure of the Artisans’ Bank. The scene at the |. ‘ banking house, and the causes of this financial j Clans to purene their tortuous co ae disaster, are described in another column. The action of the directors of the Chicago and Rock Island Railroad, in pronouncing it inexpedient to declare any dividend at the present time, added to the excitement and led to a general depreciation of securities at the Stock Exchange. Mr. W. S. Lindsay, M. P., whose name has be- come familiar to our readers in connection with the efforts of the British government to obtain some modification of our navigation laws, was en- tertained with a complimentary dinner at the Tre- mont Hovse, Boston, on Monday evening last. It was a private, and doubtless a very pleasant affair. Mr. Lindsay left Boston yesterday after- noon, and will arrive in this city this morning. At the meeting of the Board of Supervisors yes. terday Inspectors of Election were chosen for all the wards except the Eighth, Eleventh, Eighteenth, Nineteenth and Twenty-first wards, the committee | not having determined whom to recommend for these wards. In another place will be found an interesting ac count of the taking of the oath of fealty by her Im perial Highness the Princess Donna Isabel, heiress | to the Brazilian throne, an event of considerable importance to all the parties immediately con- cerned. The day upon which the ceremony took place was the birthday of the Prince who has just entered her fifteenth year, having been borm on the 29h of Jaly, 1846, and consequently nearly four and a haif years younger than the iMlastrious Prince of Wales, born in November, 1841, who is now agitating the Northern limit of the great American continent, while his fair consin ts causing a little seneation and an object of observation in the Boothern. One might really agree with the o in the Chamb es, Who, in addr Emperor of B sion, said that, while mouarchies, monarchy ca of republics monarchy was taking str root.” ‘The bales of cotton yesterday embraced about 1,500 a 2.009 bales, closing steadiness on the basis of 10K e. « 10%c. for ‘ing uplands. The receipe since the Let of September last (at the ports) bayer reached adout 177,000 baler, against 170,000 im 1859 and 141 060 1p 1868, The exporte have reached 69,000 dalor, agvinst 72,000 in 1859 and 46,000 in 1858. The tock on hand mounted to 285,000, ageinst 100,000 in 13960, and 194,000 in 1858. The ‘Sour market opened with @ome irreguiarity, bet grew firmer es the day edrance!, and closed with @ good demand, cbietly for export, while sales were larger. Wheat wat heary, for common grades, aod Orm for red and amber Western with free sales bere and to arrive. Corn was firmer, ‘with sales of prime Western mixed at 690. a 70c., and round yellow at 150. Pork was leu buoyant, while sales of new meas were made at $19 19\ 2810 25, and new prime at $14 37) 8 $14 TS. Sugare wore steady and ia fair demand, with sales of about 1.200 hhds. and 90 boxes, fet rates given in another column. Coffee waa tirm. while alien were limited. An invoice, comprising 75 casks of new rice, wna sold at 4c , and 40 do. oldat 4Xe Bare Freighta were steady, and tolerabiy active to English porta; among the engagements were $0,000 bushels of ‘wheat to Liverpool, in bulk, at 12544. a 191d. and in dage at 194., and $5,000 bbis.. four at 3s. Wheat to Lon: 00 waa taken at 15\s4, in ship's bags, aod Cour at ds. Wane chief, and come forward in mass to save the country from the disasters which menace it by the election of some conservative man to the Presidency. Tae Merrorontay No: —Tur Star } ov Mozart Harn in Tax As Noant.—The re- | cent action of Mozart Hall as regards the coun- ty nominations is judicious and in the spirit of conciliation. There was great confusion as to the county nominations, but the fog is clearing away, and we are now beginning to see more clearly. The Mozart Hall nominations will | eweep the city, forit is the centre of the con- | servative uniom movement against the revolu- | tionary black republican candidate for Presi- dent. It owes its position to being first in the | field for nationality against sectionaliam; for last year it fought and conquered under the | banner of the Union and the constitution, | against the irrepressibles and recreant free soil Tammany Hall, led on by the semi-anti-slavery | Jowrnal of Commerce, It signally defeated them both. The best thing decrepit old Tammany can now do is to strike of three or four of the no- minees from its ticket, and replace them by the names put forth by Mozart Hall. It cannot hope to carry a single man; and the only way | to save itself from being drowned in the waves | of the coming contest is to hold fast by the | skirts of the vigorous young democracy of Mo- | vart Hall. Notbing can exhibit its imbecility | more strikingly than its rejection of a tried and | able man like John Cochran, in the Sixth Con- | gressional district. As might be expected, such 4 course excites general indignation among the people. who are only waiting for an opportu- | nity to crush out the nuisance. Its days are sumbered. The next election will probably be | the last of it. Its only chance of surviving for another year is its adoption of the ticket of Mo- vatt Hall; for then everybody will not find out how weak and effete the old corrupt hag has become. But let her stand on her own merits, and dewn she goes under the weight of her cor ruption, never to rise again. | As for the republican party, it isin such a | hopeless minority in this city that the leaders | have been merely resting upon their oars, in | the expectation that the conservative parties | would dispore of themselves in fratricidal | strife, like the Kilkenny cats. Now that that | hope is turned into despair, and that union has become the order of the day, the repub- | lican journals are frantic with rage, and ridi- cule fusion much after the fashion of the fox | who cried “sour grapest” to the ripe and clus- tering fruit of the vine which hung beyond his reach. The Bell and Everett party amount to nothing. They are only a few politicians emall enough to be contained in the breeches pocket of “Booby Brooks.” Lastly, as regards the men, there dught to be no such party; it is ridiculous in a county elec- tion. All sections of conservatives who want to be on the winning side must attach them- selves to Mozart Hall, as the centre of conser- vatism. It was the original nucleus of nation- ality in this city, and is now a great party. It has the prestige of success, and its vittory of last year is the earnest and the pledge of its triumph this fall. W. H. Seward and His Pligrimage to Kansai—The Republican Candidate for 1864, Our readers will remember the melancholy proclamations of the Chevalier Webb and Mas- ter H. Jenkins Raymond, from Sweet Auburn, loveliest village of the plain, with the first shock upon the nerves of Mr. Seward of the nomination of “Old Abe Lin- coln” by the Chicago Convention. Thus we were told that the mind of our ambitious Sena- tor had suddenly undergone a great change—a complete revolution; that henceforward party politics and the Presidency were as nothing to him; that Greeley’s treachery at Chicago had left in the heart of his victim “an aching void the world could never fill;” and that, in short, Mr. Seward, at the close of his present term in | the Senate, would withdraw from the vanities of public life, “hang up his fiddle and his bow,” and seek some compensation for his great po- litical misfortune in joining the illustrious re- tired list of such philosophical politicians as Martin Van Buren, John Tyler, Millard Fill- more and Franklin Pierce. These were our first dismal reports from “sweet Auburn” touching the nomination of the Illinois rail splitter over the head of the great prophet and apostle of the republican party. But, as the elastic young widow recovers from the shock of her great bereavement, and soon fallsinto the good old way of resignation and hope, 80 we were soon given to under- stand that Mr. Seward, though grievously wounded by the remorseless Greeley, still lived, and had no idea of giving up the ship. Thus the confidential Chevalier Webb indig- nantly brushed away the idle rumor of the hour, that Mr. Seward would not be a candi- date for re-election to the Senate, and gave his enemies to understand that he was not thus to be disposed of. The reaction had commenced. The fainting fit of the Senatgr had gone off, and with his first speech of his Western tour he doubtless caught a new and inspiring glimpse of the White House just beyond the rosy vista of Lincoln’s administration. Having made his appointed pilgrimage to Kansas, asto “the Holy Land of Freedom,” and with something, as he tells us, of that hum- ble veneration with which a year ago he had approached the Holy City of Jerusalem, Mr. Seward turns his face homeward, and after giving the Missourians in St. Louis a scoring on the freedom of speech, he proceeds to Spring- field, Illinois, the home of “Old Abe.” The train made but a brief halt there; but the peo- ple were clamorous for a speech from the dis- tinguished Senator, who, after a little conven- tional chat with “Old Abe,” came forward on the platform and made a speech with a point or two in it worthy some especial notice. Mr. Seward said, “The State of New York will give a generous, and cheer- ful, and effective support to your neighbor | Abraham Lincoln. I have heard about com- binations and coalitions there, and J have been urged from the beginning to abandon this jour- ney and turn back on my footsteps. Whenever T shall find any reason to suspect that the ma- jority which the State of New York will give for the republican candidate will be less than sixty thousand, I may do so.” Here we have the admission from Mr. Sew- ard that, although his confidence is unbounded in the vote of New York, our “coalitions” and “combinations” in the way of a union electoral ticket have frightened his retainerg, and they have been urging him to come home. This should encourage the parties concerned in this union ticket to persevere; for we shrewdly sus- pect that Thurlow Weed is ove of those watch- ful sentinels who bave been admonishing Mr. Seward to retrace his steps. But our enthusias- tic Senator next observes that New York“will sustain your distinguished neighbor, because she knows that he is true to his great principle (the irrepressible conflict), and when she has helped to elect him, by giving as large a ma- jority as can be given by any half dozen other States, then you will find that she will ask less, exact less, from him, and support him more faithfully, than any other State can do.” This declaration that New York will “ask less” than any other State was made in the pre- sence of Mr. Lincoln, and a private despatch on the subject informs ‘us that this was the espe- cial point in Mr. Seward’s speech on the occa- sion. We construe it to mean that he does not ask to be appointed to the Cabinet of “Old Abe,” but that he is looking ahead to the suo- cession. From New York, at every stopping Place all the way out to Kansas, the popular receptions which have marked this pilgrimage of Mr. Seward have been sufficient to justify him in the belief that he isin reality the idol of his party, and that the way is clear and smooth before him for the high reward in 1864 which slipped through his fingers in 1860. The “irrepressible conflict” thus looms up into a palpable shape. Mr. Lincoln is to pre- pare the way, and Mr. Seward himself, as the successor of Lin@bln, is to finish up the work. The sympathies and manifestations of the re- | publican party all point in this direction. Does | this look like a suspension of the war upon the | “slave power!’ Has not Mr. Seward, in every | speech of this Western tour, proclaimed that | the war must go on until freedom shall prevail | hroughout the Union? Is it not apparent that | he and Lincoln perfectly understand each other? And what is the remedy? The defeat | of Lincoln. And how can he be defeated? By the vote of New York: and her popular vote is | against Lincoln, notwithstanding our over- confident Senator's republican majority of sixty thousand. | The friends of Mr. Seward, who have been canvarsing the State and warning him to return to their assistance, doubtless understand the | case better than himself. There is a large popu- lar majority in the State opposed to the revolu- tionary free negro programme of the republi- | can party. [t is only necessary to combine the | various conservative factions com majority in order to turn New York against Lincoln. These conservative elements, too, are | combining, and wih anything in the way of | encouragement from Penneylvania in Oc , the voice of New York in November will lay | the disappointed scholar and the defeated rail splitter in the same political grave with their | ithout followers, and the whole concern i, sweeping scheme of negro emancipation. . Progress of the Revolution in the Roman States—The Defeat of Lamorictere. ‘The arrival of the North American at Father Point and the Canada off Cape Race, with three daye’ later news, confirms the report of Gene- ral Lamoriciere’s total rout by the Sardinians. The Papa! commander had shut himself up in Ancona, where he was besieged by General Cialdini, and would no doubt be shortly com- pelled to capitulate. With his surrender the revolution in the States of the Church would be complete, nothing thdh remaining to be ac- complished but the settlement of the conditions on which the Pope is to be allowed to retain possession of Rome. Although this has been guaranteed both by France and Sardinia, it is not to be supposed that the rights of its inhabi- tanta will be overlooked in the arrangement. No settlement can be regarded as permanent which continues the same despotic system of government over one portion of the Pope’s sub- jects that has been successfully repudiated by the rest. Whilst, therefore, the nominal sove- reignty of the Pontiff will be maintained, the changes suggested in the French Emperor's confederation project will undoubtedly be carried out. The inhabitants of Rome, al- though still compelled to acknowledge the head of the Church as their titular ruler, will have their liberties placed under such muni- cipal guarantees that it will be out of the power of the priesthood to again enslave them. This, under the peculiar circumstances in which they are placed, is the only possible solution that can be givento a question which has caused more difficulty and embarrassment than any of the other issues that have arisen in connection with the political regeneration of Italy. It is stated that efforts were being made by the Sacred College to induce the Pope to aban- don his capital and seek refuge in Spain or Austria. We know no more euicidal step that he could take. Should he quit Rome at pre- sent we can promise him that he will never re- enter it. Were he to do so he would find him- self at once reduced to the status of the Greek and Armenian patriarchs, and deprived of all political consideration whatsoever. Far better would it be for him to accept the po- sition which the French Emperor has projected for him. He would then still occupy the rank of a European prince, with the capital of the world as his residence, and an adequate revenue guaranteed to him by the Catholic Powers. If Pius be not utterly bereft of worldly sagacity he will not reject these ad. vantages to trust himself to the precarious bounty of sovereigns who may be themselves exiles from their dominions before the revolu- tionary changes which are at present sweeping over the Continent are brought to a stand. These events in the Pontifical States have re- lieved Garibaldi from his pledges to the Roman people, and enabled him to concentrate his en- ergies on the preparations for his threatened descent upon Venice. If the statements that reach us be not exaggerated, he will very soon be at the head of an army of 150,000 men, with a fleet of some five hundred vessels. Now, al- though Austria has assembled an immense mili- tary force in Venice, measured against such re- sources as these, and located in the midst of a hostile population, it is easy to eee that the odds are not so largely in her favor. Whatever advantage she may have in numbers will be more than compensated for by the enthusiasm of the liberating force and the magical influence of Garibaldi’s name. Although the resolutions ef the German Diet and the re- cent understanding with Prussia protect her against intervention’ by France, there is no such pledge of aid against a danger caused by her own continued harshness towards the Ve- netians. It is exceedingly doubtful whether, with the large invading force which Garibaldi will now have under his command, she will be able. to hold Venice against him. The fears that she must entertain upon this point, as well as ber miegivings in regard to Hungary, may induce her to lend a favorable ear to the sug- gestion made to her by the other European go- vernments, that she should sell Venice to Sar- dinia, and thus get rid of a fruitful source of danger, whilst at the eame time she would re- ernit her exhausted finances. It would bea happy thing for the peace of Europe, for the consolidation of the new born institutions of Italy, and for the interests of Austria herself, were Francis Joseph to be thus advised. It is certainly the only effectual barrier that he can oppose to the revolutionary tide that will sooner or later overwhelm him. The Pennsylvania Election on Tacsday Next. Of all the investigations which occupied the time of the Congressional Committees during the last session—which might well'be called an investigating session, for Congress did little more than exhibit the dirty linen of all parties to the public—there was not one which elicited more extraordinary developements than the cele- brated Covode Committee, as to the corruption and meanness of the politicians and the press of Pennsylvania. The amount of petty, miserly conduct, the grasping after money, and the utter disregard of all principle and decency, which the evidence before that committee fast- ened upon the newspapers and politicians of the Key Stone State, is almost without parallel. Nor was the exposure confined to one party slone—it showed all parties to be alike rotten and corrupt. Here was Forney, of the Press, to whom some fifty thousand dollars had been given in the election of 1856, which was expended, no one knows how. Itis true that it happened that he was then working for a man who made | an excellent President; but we find him to-day | doing the very same thing for a candidate whose election will entail discord and disaster upon the country, whose policy of warfare up- on the South must shatter all our commercial interests and reduce our glorious system almost to chaos. What can be thought or said of the morality of men like Forney? Then we have an example on the other side, in the case of Rice, of the Pennsylvanian, who testified that his paper had received a share of the spoil. Nor was it denied that almost every other paper throughout the length and breadth of Pennsyl- vania, of all parties, was tampered with, subsi- dized or bought out and out with money. There is no doubt that the farmers, and me- chanics, and merchants of Pennsylvania are among the most respectable, industrious and incorruptible men of their class in any State of the Union; but, on the other hand, the politicians and newspaper men are the most thoroughly corrupt, greedy and pettifogging set of fellows in the whole coun- try. When an election of any kind is about to take place there they send of to New York, Boston, Portland, Providence, and every city im the North, begging for money. They send their alms collectors into every village and hamlet, and would levy black mailjupon the very niggers if they bad anything to give. This is the character of your Pennsylvania politi- clans, which experience has depicted and which the Covode investigation has confirmed. But in the election to come off next Tuesday there is an iesue set high above the range of the influence of mere politicians. It is a great popular issue which is to be’decided between conservatism and revolution—between the re- presentative of a disorganizing abolition fac- tion, whose success menaces every interest in the:Dnion, and the representative of the con- servative element in the masses, which is in favor of peace, continued prosperity and com: mercial greatness. In such a contest it be- comes the duty of the people of Pennsylvania to throw overboard all the politicians, despise their influence, renounce their admonitions, and vote for Mr. Foster as a matter of safety for the country. We do not counsel them to support Mr. Foster because he is a democrat—for the democratic party, for some years past, has fallen into diagrace as deep as any other political or- ganization—but because he represents the con- servative opposition to the republican party, the defeat of which in Pennsylvania will place an obstacle in its path to power which, once attained, will insure results deplorable to contemplate. Mr. Lindsay and His Sem!-Diplomatic Mission—American and Earopean Sys- tems of Commerce and Defence. The Hon. Mr. Lindsay, after opening his semi- diplomatic budget at Boston, has left the City. of Notions and come to talk with our merchants about free trade and sailors’ rights. We presume he has found out by this time that be comes at an inauspicious period to do any business in a public way here, and perhaps he may also have learned that he stands in the same category with the Hollanders, as expressed by his countryman Canning— In matters of commerce ‘tis the fault of the Dutca To offer too little and to ask for too much. Mr. Lindsay belongs to the class of free lances in diplomacy. Nobody is responsible for what they do, but everybody rejoices at the good they achieve. They are specially hated enly by the red tape diplomatists, with whose set forms and precedents they interfere woefully. These free lances—we call them fili- busters on this side of the ocean—in diplomacy have the special mission just now of clearing away the rubbish of antiquated legislation which trammels commerce everywhere, and of overthrowing the idols which fallacy bas erected in the commercial policy of nations. They must necessarily be men of more brains than the usual run of diplomatists, and men of practical knowledge of affairs, Thus Ashbur- ton, an ex-merchant, was sent over here some years ago to clear away the rubbish about the boundary and fisheries. Morerecently Cobden, a Manchester spinner, went as a free lance to Paris, and swept away a mass of old fashioned and useless stuff. What Mr. Lindsay can achieve here to-day is nothing at all, for we are in the midst of our quedrennial political revolution, and the administration is holding through what we here consider as an interregnum in the government. They can do nothing, for they are soon to go out, and the new administration will not be.in position until the 4th of March next. But Mr. Lindsay can learn much, and go home awiser man, able to prepare his friends for some future diplomatic filibus'er expedition to this country. In his budget there are two classes of wares—those he offers to us and those he asks from us. And there is a remarka- ble inequality between the two. Under the first head we class all such questions as those of the liability of shipowners for col- lision at sea, the rule of the road, signal lights on sail vessels as well as steam, jurisdiction over crime on shipboard, desertion of seamen, light dues, the measurement of ships and the issuance of register to those built abroad. In all of these matters, the adoption of simple and general regulations to guide, but not control commerce, will be very advantageous to all parties. In them there is nothing of particular advantage to us more than to England and the world in general. But under the other head Mr. Lindsay asks from us certain concessions which must be looked at in another light. He desires us to throw open our coasting trade, in- cluding that to California, and to put an end to the seizure of private property at sea. These are questions that require to be looked at in another light than as s purely commercial question. Our coasting trade comprises relatively a much larger portion of our commerce than does that of England of hers, for it is the interchange of the productions and supplies of half a continent, while that of England is limited to a few articles of domestic use, We have six thousand and England six hun- dred miles of coast line, and Mr. Lindsay himself gives us a good reason why we should not open this immense line of domestic naviga- tion to the English flag. He tells us that before foreigners can embark in the coasting trade of England they must come and live in her ports. Now the English flag would be as good as domesticated in our ports if they were open to it. We have the seafaring communities of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia at one end of our coast lines, of Bermuda opposite the mid- die, and of Nassau off Florida. Open our coasting trade to them, and where does Mr. | Lindsay propose to find an offset for the boon’ The California trade presents other difficulties; but first in importance is that of discriminating between the trade of different sections of our “a z great error, however, of Mr. Lindsay's mission lies in his desire to put an end to the seizure of private property at sea in time of war by national ships or privateers. This isa one-sided proposition, in which all the advan- tege is on the side of the great European Powers, and the disadvantage on ours. We have. grown up in the world a mighty Power without an army or navy, in the senses in which those arms are maintained in Europe. We desire te make no wars of aggression, and for defence we rely upon the volunteer system on sea and land. Ateea this can be used only through the pri- vateer system, and we must defend it so long as nations are ruled by men and not by angels, and dynasties foster ambitious projecta and hold great fleets with the power of blockade. ‘The restraint which commerce exercises over nations and rulers is held through the danger to the interests of their subjects which war its most powerful defence. Mr. Lindsay will be able to learn during his stay here that we do not consider it wise to abandon the volua- teer system of naval warfare while Europeaa monarchies maintaia mighty fleets, aad may possibly harbor ambitious designs. . Southerm Opiaion om the Success of the Mepablicam Party. Every voice which reaches us from the South, whether it emanates from the press, from the lips of the politician, or from the hearts of the people, is ringing with discontent, anticipa- tion of coming evil, and a spirit of resistance to oppression in view of the probable success of the republican party at the Presidential elec- tion, and the elevation of Mr. Lincoln to the chief magistracy of the republic. However we may condemn the extreme opia- ions of the Southern secessionists, and deplore the lengths to which their orators and spokes- men go in propagating disunion principles, it is impossible to shut out of view the fact that the public declarations of Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Seward and all the other agitators of the republican party are calculated to spread alarm through- out the South, and justify the people of that re- gion in assuming a defensive attitude. Nor is it possible to misunderstand the point to which the South must inevitably be driven should the republican party attain power to carry out the policy which its leaders openly pronounce te be its especial mission and purpose. Seceasion or no secession, revolution or no revolution, ae sane man can doubt that strife and bloodshed and a temporary disruption of all social order, as well as disorganization of the commercial relations between the North and South, must be the result of the dominance of a faction which enters the field of contest on a basis of warfare against one section of the country. And in this light alone can the claims of Mr. Lincoln’s party be considered. They do not sbirk or dodge the issue; hostility te Southern institutions and the total abolition of elavery—which means death to the Southera States, death preceded by bloodshed and revolution—are the battle airs echoed from every stump and every newspaper in the service of the republican party. The South is not blind that it cannot see, nor deaf that it cannot hear, nor stupid that it cannot compre- bend all this. But it is not in the South that the mischief can be averted. With the conser- vative men of the North and Middle States it lies to put down this desperate faction whose triumph presages such dire results as are foreshadowed every day more and more in every quarter of the South. It is the duty of every man who loves peace and the existence of the confederacy better than power and spoil to resist the election of Lin- coln, and thereby avert the disasters which menace the country; and that duty must be performed by himself, and not through the pok- ticians, who are not to be trusted. We have faid before our readers for months past the expression of popular sentiment as we found it in every section of the country, and more particularly in the South. There isne mistaking its meaning. The success of the re- publican party will be but the signal for troubles and calamities which it becomes every “one to guard against, and which can only be averted by the defeat of Abraham Lincoln. To-day we publish a letter from Mr. Keitt, of South Carolina, in which he sets forth the posi- tion in which the South would find itself in case of Lincoln's election, and openly pro- nounces that disunion is the only alternative left the fifteen slave States, against which an undyiog warfare is proclaimed by the agitators of the republican party. Mr. Keitt is, perhaps, one of the most ultra men at the South, and we are prepared to"bear violent language and ex- treme opinions from such a quarter; but, at the same time, we think that no one who reads his letter can fail to see that he does not write strongly without cause, or that his picture of the position which the Southern States would occupy, in the event of the inauguration of suck & policy as Seward, Lincoln and the other re- publican leaders proclaim, is hardly overdrawa, coming from the pen of a Southern fire-eater. The truth is that the country at this moment stands in a very dangerous place; and the sen- timents of Mr. Keitt, like those of Senators Toombs and Stephens, to which we adverted the other day, are but the indications of a storm which is certain to break upon us if the eectional abolition party of Messrs. Lincoln and Seward is not defeated at the polls in November by the overwhelming voice of the conservative people of the country. A Panic in Irving Place—Both Opera Companies in a Crisis. A few weeks ago, in the course of some com- ments upon the war between the rival Opers companies at the Academy of Music and Nible’s Garden, we took occasion to say that the re- sult of the war could be nething else than ruin- ous to both parties. Without pretending to be 4 prophet or the son of a prophet, we can still claim in this instance to have had s small glimpse into futurity. The martial Servadio, after a brief campaign of two weeks only, found his military chest entirely empty, and fell back upon the provinces, putting his trust in Boston enthusiasm and State street bank notes. Like the late lamented Mr. William Walker, he left some of his wounded on the field of battle, and the groans of the sufferers were distinctly beard above the dying wails of Medea and the shrieks of the trombones. However, this sus- pension is understood to be only temporary. Servadio kept his troops together, and made a successful descent on the modern Athens, com- mencing operations at the Boston theatre on Monday. Meantime, the artistic skies of Irving place began to show signs of a. gatherisg storm, Prime donne looked “dark and cowld, like a short winter's day,” as an Irish poet delight- fully observes. An equinoxial was threatened among the tenors, and distant thunder was heard from among the bassos and batitones. There was a financial crisis, likewise mysteri- ous hints as toa rupture of the entente cordiale between the managers, and a cabal among the stockholders against Strakosch and in favor of Ullman and Maretzek, the latter always looming up, like a lighthouse in a storm, when there is any kind of a row going.on or about to be raised. Then there was a double company, snd prime donne must be kept apart, and #0 ssepa- ration of the “combined troupe” wae suggested; and that is the way the matter will probably eventuate, It has not yet taken place, although some of the papers have so stated. The whole affair is, as usual, enveloped in mystery, and its history haa as many versions as the Bible; but now involver; take this away, and ware of am- | the question of money seems to be at the bot- bition lose their strongest check, and freedom ‘tom of ft. Tye artists demand to be paid,