The New York Herald Newspaper, September 18, 1860, Page 4

SF te es ‘ States. She bears the tramp of men mus- Stands undismayed, confident yet in the patriotio instincts Of the American p cou ddent ia the fraternal regard ‘Of her Northern friends, but more comfdent still in her cen seit respec: ant courage—for she will never submit to be wronged and degraded, nor to eee her instita- tion brought under the ban of the government. She borrows tae spirit of the national song of Kugland, her other exclsias— mother, 4 ord, our God, arize, Scatter oar enemies | ad make them fall; (Amen.) Copfound their politics, Frus their knavish tricks— Oo thee, O God, our eyes we fix— God save the State! (Loud sponse) a ust defeat this flerce sectional league, wan the woverument from their grasp. | Why should fhe North be arrayed against the South * There is ample foom on this contivent for the expansion aud working of Sur eystems of civilization—systems which are not co fioting, but whica are admirably adapted to each oth for we consume your products, and we supply you w: the material for your iadustry. Lot the two systems Work side by side; the North is already powerful, an lacion is rapidly inn by a steady stream your population is rapidly 7 orn ll Dremigration which spreads all over your vast territory. | There may be disunioniats in the South, but leave us to deal with them and crush them out. In the same way deal you with black republicanism and crush it out, (Ap- piause.) Slavery will not go where it is not wanted; it is Zoverned by natural laws—of soil and climate;and we ere Sontent to leave it to it natural expansion. Above a ‘woll defined parallel of latitade it cagnot be profitably employed. It is madness, then, to seek to limit it by le- gisiation, by usurpation, by inflaming the North against fhe south, and by proclaiming bamanitarian doctrines, as eb ‘as they are dangerous. To God's providence this ¢ interest must be committed; He sees the sub- time march of nations—He alone can gaide our steps; and it is stupendous folly, as well as audacity, for our breth- ren of the North to pass away from the lines of tasir own social system in the vain hope of reforming ours. have said that it would be a groas viotation of the constitution 69 engl upon the goverament a dolicy hostile to slavery. Tt would be more than this—it would be a (lagraot breach of good faith. Does any maa believe that the federal government could have been con- stracted U it bad been understood that the powers were to be directed against slavery in the States? Why, it was expressly stipulated im the constitation that the fo- reign slave trade should not be probibited LA, gvera- ment for twenty years after its adoption. Why stipulate for the coutinued importation of slaves for twenty years, if it was to be the policy of the governmeat ia fatare to eradicate that insutation im the States? Why not forth- ‘with cut off all further supply of slaves from abroad? So reaolate were the framers of the constitation upon this point that the power to regulate commerce by a bare majority vote of the two houses of Congress was not granted until that clause in reference to the importation of persons from abroad was first secured. If, then, the government could not bave been constructed with a dis- tinct understandiog at the time that its policy was to be direoted against slavery, is it not both unconstitutional and a fiagrant breach of good faith to seize the departments of ‘tbat government—a government common to all the States—and turn them against that system of labor ia the Southern States? The constitution provides for the re- Presentation of slaves ag an elementary part of the ma chinery of the government; and it prohibits the cutting off a still larger supply of slaves from Africa for twenty .years. How, then, can it be asserted that this ts an anti-slavery government in its oa ture, @ id that tt was put upon the wrong track forty years since by admitting a clavebolding State tnto the Union. Ought not the peuple of a State to enjoy the privilege of framing their own domestic institutioas? Can hostility to slavery, upon the ground of its being 4 moral wrong, as Mr. Seward asserts it to be, authorize a statesman to direct the energies of a common goveroment against it, when the constitution not only confers no such power, but when its provisions actually are made to perpetuate it? Is not this adirect appeai to the higher law’ that the South asks is that the constitution be upheld; she demands nothing but that the government de ad- ‘ministered in the spirit of that instrumest. Her enemies are the enemies of the constitution, and they can reach her institutions only by trampling that under foot. She does not envy the prosperity of the North. She rejoices in the increasing wealth and power of a kindred people; she witnesses your rapid advancement, your wonderful growth, ‘with just pride, and abe bids you go on in your course of expansion and civilizstion; she sse8 your splendid cities with hearty satisfaction, and glories in your commerce, which bears the flag of the republic to the remetest seas of the globe; she is content wits her own lot, she asks no ‘special legislation for ber benetit; ail that she demands is ‘a full participation in the benefits of a common govern- ment, a full recognition of her rights, and « clear vindi- cation of her bonor, (Loud appiause.) Wronged, de- graded, excluded from the full beneflt of her own government, she wili never consent to be, Alt | NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 1860,—TRI tual dependence of one section upon another Reciprocal interesis grow out of sur geographi- | position, creating & common bond to kvep us a united peopie, if we should not wantonly apd madly sever the ties by which we are bound to- gether That we bave reaches a crisis in the history of our country, it seems to me, no oue can be so wilfuly blind as not'to see, It is, ia my jadgment, an alarming, a fearful crisia. A bold, defiant, well-organized, rampant, domineering party has sprung upon the poiitical arena, with a single idea as their bond of Union, and purely sec. tional in every characteristic feature, I cannot disgaise the fact that | am profoundly tmpressed with this con- dition of affairs. The opposition to this party ts divided into three fragments; these fragments if combined, have the strength und the power to overthrow this dang:rous and sectioual party, (Applause) I have deep and abid- ing convictions as to the party best calculated to har monize the discordant elements in our midst, and to re- store our distracted nation to peace happiness. [ have been ali my life a Mig, (applauso,) a wig of the Henry Clay school, (continued ap; ») and I am still ee and fealty to the one, and acknowledge my Principles of that great party, (A planse.) But fesliog ity of our government is paramount as Ido, that the | to all party ties, Ido not hesiiste to declare my wil- lingness to unite with all national Union men to crush out the epirit which vitalizes a most dangerous sectional organization. How this is to be best accomplished is not for me to say. I leave it to those who are best acquainted with all the local influences by which you are surrounded, to that mods of combination ‘Which shall be best calc: to attain the desired ond. Your motto of ‘Union for the rake of the Union” {a the motto of vi: ‘a8 well as of patriotism. (Avplanse) I have said, and I believe, that this sectioual republican we. dangerous organization. It ts confiaed to one fection alone. Its candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presi are taken from the eame section. It cannot poll one single electoral vote in all the slaveholding States. Appealing to all the fanatical prejudices agaiost slavery, and combining the perhaps equally strong element of the spoils of office, they are waging war against the rights and interests and prosperity of fificen States of this con- . 1do not ray that there are not conservative men who have attached themselves lo this party under ‘the vain dei sion that they can arrest the wild iatoxica- tion of a blind fanaticism. They are wofully mistaken if they think so. will be crashed to the earth, and thrown of as a useless incumbrance in the onward progress of this higher law party. As Henry Clay said to some gentlemen to whom he talked upoa a-kindred subject to this, “You cannot keep up with this party; if you attempt ‘to do it and have ulti- mately tq stop you will be denounced as a traitor to its jpn ov and fall far below whxt you would have been you had never united yourself to it’ I re: that ‘these conservative men in different portions of the coun- | have felt inclined to univ, from one course or an- r, with w party that I conscientiously believe to be the most dangerous party that ever arose in this govern- ment, or any other Srvorament, according to aay! istory that 1 bave read of any country upon earth. hat are the principles of that party? They say that they desire to prevent slavery going into the Territories; that that is the only distinctive feature they have got—that it is the one idea. Some of them say that, but one geatieman who came into Indiana, to the borders of Kentucky, to auswer & speech I had made there, attempting to portray the dangers of fectionalism, agreed, so I was told by a gentleman present. I ‘did not bear him my- self—agreed that slavery ought to go where it is protit- able, but not to the celd and frozen regions of the North, where every Southern man knows it camnot go. Mr. Seward, in the Senate cf the Uaited States, maid that the battle bad been fought and the victory od he says pow ina speech he recently made, that 'y cannot go into the Territories, unless you open the African slave trade, and import more slaves to carry there. Now there’ any probability of that? 1 tell you—and T am fro a Southern State, one called @ Southern State, from a siavebolding State—that among all my acquaintance throughout the entire South, there are nine men in every ten—aye, ninety-nine ia every ore hundrea—who aro op | posed to reopening the African slave trade. (Loud ap- plause.) Now, if that is their object, if that portrayed really and truly the principles of this’ republican party, if they desired only to save uorthern Territory where slavery cant go, then sectional as that party is, inju- | rioos ag it would be from its very sectional character, | there would still b® not so much eyti it. Bat look at the doctrines and principles openly and unblvsbing!y pro- claimed by the leading spirits of this party—the higher law as @ rule of action, to the proclamation made by the | Presidential candidate of this party “ that a house divid- ed against iteelf cannot stand, that we must hace all free or ali slave states"—to the irrepressible contiict—to the more recent proclamations of the mode ia which the war in to be carried on against slavery —the disbanding of the army and navy, because they might be used in suppress ing civil war aud rebellion by raids into the slave | bolding States, similar to the, of John Brown into Virgi- | mia, apd because the South bas an extended aad unprotec- ted’ caast, where alone the army and navy would be ne- | nor will she suffer her institutions to be, brought under the ban of that government. When we survey the wide picture of national power and glory and bappisess ‘t spreads out before us, we can hardly ro press our indigoation against those wild aud wicked agi tators who seck to destroy it; and we exclaim in the language of Milton's nervous and earnest prayer agsiast the enemies of the people of Eoglaud, “leave us nos @ prey to these importupate wolves, that wait and think till they devour thy tender flocks; these wild boars that bave broken into thy vineyard, and le‘ the priat of their polluting boots ou the souls of thy servants! 0, let | them not bring about their wicked desigas, that stand now at the entrance of the bottomless pit, expectiog | the watchword to open and let out those | dreadful locusts and scorpions, to reinvolve us | in that pitchy cloud of inforaal' darkness, where wo shall never more see the sun of thy truth again, never hope for the cheerful dawn, never more bear the birds of morning sing?’ repeated applause.) This ts @ grand struggle between nationalism and ism. The very existence of the Union is involved in it; mea of extreme opinions seek to grasp the reins of government, and if they sucoved they will plunge the couatry into irretris rain. They | must be put down. National meo—#tatesmen—who stand by the constitution and love the Union, and desire to see the laws enforced, they must be sustained, and to han is we must commit the government. Rash meu of | sectional views cannot govern this great country. A per fect illustration of what would fol ow is found in the cia sics, Phwton desired but for one day to drive the obs. riot of the Sun; he seized tho reins—in his feeble pands | the wild steecs few from their accustomed track. The | universe was threatened with destruction, and not aatil a | bolt few from the uplifted baad of Jupiter, hurling impetoous driver from his seat, could order be restored to nature. Betier far to keep rash, sectional, imcompe Went men out of the seat of power than risk the task to ths aroused majesty of the American people of | restoring order and burling them from their places. | (Applause.) It is not the drei time, it is trae, that the candigates for the highest offices in the repablic have been taken from one section of the Calon; bar it mast be remembered that ‘his election is made to tara alone on a sectional issue, every question of legitimate national | policy is ignored, and slavery is the ouly question dis | cussed Pproiaim war against another ‘eection—to denounce the institatiors of co-ordinate States—thia ix the tsaue before the country, this the policy exhibited to our view; aod it bas never Ull sow threatened to tace control of the government. If they come into power it will be the be. ginning of the end, this gorerameut canaot be admiais tered upon that plan The day that witnesses the elec tion of Mr. Lincoln, if that calamity is to be visited upon us, will witoess a Convulsion which shakes the inatitu- tions of this country to their deepest foundations. (Tre. mendous eothusiasm ) Pudlic confidence will expire— stocks will go down—property of every description fall suddenly in valoe—commerce wil! feel the shock as if a storm had swept the sea and reat the sails of mignty ships—and this grand republican system—this glorious confederacy of free and powerful States, seated in {riendily alliance upon a continent over which the gorgeous ensiga of the republic streams today, the symbol of peace, of union, and of strength, will the throes Of an earthquake. The martuer cin discover with his practiced eye the signs of the riving tempest, ad even far in upon the land « bird i# sometimes soon flying before the fury of the coming storm, which threat eas to sweep its billowy home, aud I do not doubt that mea of experience, sweeping the horizon with their ginases, begin even now to read the signs of danger in some Of those aspects which the times disclose to taeir view, while they eecape the observation of & casual observer. | I have always been for the Caion—I am for the Union to day, bot the dest friends of the Union may be overwhelmed, as a faithful 4riveo from hit post by the fary of a resistieas tempest. | Geatiemen, lot sce you arise like oue maa aad | 5 give three hearty cheers for our noble uaioa. (Tne whole | * mass bere ros with a commoa impulse acd cheer- | Mt ed right } ) Let os pat down now, and forever, sec' ci men; they exalt io the hope | of victory spread their Gerce legivas all about us, ae Lee army sbut ia Cromwell; let us, Mike that gre old Christian soldier, rise in oar impetaous st eth and cut their lines to pieurs. The | Calon must ved; glorious objecta lie before us; | our destiny as on i not yet fuldiled. (Loud appiaase.) | Mexico, Cubs— ‘ne great probiems—can oaly be sol by we = Earope @ wt cow rising wader the isepirit- ing teaching of our example. Let us accomplish | the grand and beneficent objects of our destiny as a | nation, Upon you, gentlemen of the State of New York, dependa everything at this orisia, do not be dismayed by | the magnitude of tbe taak which lies before you, thiak of your wast strength, tbiok of the glory which will crown you if, meeting the surging |\\lows which have just broken over the State of Maine, you say to them “Thos far appl to see great strengsh displayed in the be | nedcont work of saving, and not You can save & natlon—you Can rescee the re eS cap cover yourselves all over with Lacedemonians stond at tbe 2 wae restored — Gov. tiemer my heart for this manifestation of kindoem towards Old Kentecky. (Applause.) I appear before you to night in obedience to an invitation from the opponents of the ope? ican party. to contribute my bam. Bie towards ‘union of all nations! men, ageinst nectionaliam and | meni, To take’ candidates no@ from one section—to | thst we have one such man holmeman is sometimes | | tending it to the longest period. abipp: | alaves, Car cessary, in case we should provoke a foreign enomy to war. are some of the principles which « conserva | tive republican will bave to embrace or in the end be con- | sidered a traitor to bis party. Io the meantime aliens- tion of feeling must incresse between the two sections, | succeeded im the ead by bitter and hostile feel. ings. Human nature is the same overywhere The entire South feels as one man, that | equality is the law of their —existenco— that they kave certain constitutioaal rights, which with or without aa army and navy, they will protect and defend. They bave never asked or wisbed ap army or navy for that and it is the saddest mistake he ever mado, if the distinguish. ed gentieman whe bas promulgated this line of repabli- degree ef. the tonire of Southern property. (Appia we), ree ete ure y. (Appiaase). But it is lamentable evidenoe of the ‘ep, and duod, A determined hostility, of the great jer and this party, that he should boldly proclaim as republican policy, that the army and savy aoa be abolished, Cause they might be employed in preventiag free negro raids into slave states, to commit murder extite servile insurrection and civil war. Jamentable that national defence, detend itself South alone costly for the North to contribute to its defence. protecting ¥gis over all that a blow struck against the weakest and most defencelesg section, was a blow against y United States. Bat it seems not to be so considered by this great apostle of the Republican party. Suppose the army and navy abolished, apd a foe ahould enter the ‘bor of New York, scattering and rule in this great Empire city , | ask you if the remotest corner blic would not feel the shock, and I ven- suppose, any one living being \hrougbout the ‘whole South, wonld quietly fold his arms | apd say the ruin is north of Mason and Dixoa’s lice aad we cannot afford to support an army and gary to re el invasions north of that line. Gentlemen, { do not believe Thave an interest in every great y ea part and section is parcel of this republic, and Lam, and fou are all its citizens. The whofe of it, North and South, Nast and West, is our country, having the same federal constitution, aod bound together by that glorious n ‘bich you have come here to aight to rescue from the is of those who are fast hurrying it to destruction How different the feeling now from what it was when the form of goverement under «hich we live wa: first or- gunized. The total absence of that mad hess and wild imtoxteation which overturn and pro-trate ip the dust all the elements of socialforgenizttion left our country after the close of the revolutionary ta 8 coo | dition peculia to “ | the coantry against anotber—no more scheme of visiooary enthusiar\ to captivate the fancy. | The eoerention which framed oar coe-titation met in the true apirit of compromise, with the determination to make a more perfect union than existed under the articles of confederation. Savery, whea we became an in- dependant nation, existed in all the States. Wheo constitezion was formed, it trace war continoed by constitetronal saoction un- be year 1898 Some of the siavebolding States were oppored to the extension of it, to that period. Virgiats, Pparticulariy, voted to limit it to the year 1600, but Hampebire, Massachusetts and Connecticat were for 1g interest war in the North and thetr own slaves, or man; which they (mported bave found thet where the climate ts more where tbeir labor # more as hostility against ve: h for tweaty years wae thrown upon ae the saaction of the ton if it © ummatural if and ¢ t to epend the remnaat of my life—is loyal, in ery impulse of its great and patriotic heart, ‘lett etitotion and the Coin. We are alike be to the sectionaliam of the North aud the Sou! font ap oye Bim A pe ene ae seven battling, with all the ener; i oman, against the | 7 | | no safety and for Southern rights in ie “epee conflict” which must ensue between sections, and gy so far as to im disuaion ratucky is battl if, from its very nature, ite tendency is to weaken ties, in the of the Fatber of his Coantry, it is “hostile to the liberty and inde; of Ameri. ca.” Leonfess that | cannot help lookiag wy ites a kind of ation when I bear appeals made tn behalf of the Union by those whose whole course is fast hurry- ing it te the brink of an awful precipice. If the Souta should form a merely Southern sectional organiztaioa, such as this sectional Northern party, dividing the coua- try by geographical line, the first great efficient step for disunion will have been taken. | appeal to all the lovers of the Union, no matter what their past parties ties may bave been, to uuite for the purpose of preventing roa § calamity. (Eathusiastic applause). I am for the Union, (renewed applause) and {t is because Iam for it that I have pointed out some of ths dangers by which we are surrounded. if | have one feeling dearer to me than allothers itis that this Union may be perpetual. The whole people of Kentucky cheriah towards it an abiding love, aa unfaltering devotion, and thoy appeal to their Northera brethren to rally under a common standard for its protection and defence. (Great applause). To do this you must crush out sectionalism, North and South, banish disturbing attractions aad adbere to the constitution as it was made by our fathers. It seems to me that a voice is now arising from every battle fleid of liberty, invoking us to unite to preserve upimpaired the — heritage which bas been trans. mitted to us believe if the sun of this Union should ever set it will go down ip blood, and there will be no morning to the dark night of anarchy and despotism which will ensue It t ip wer toavert this calamity. Let the friends of the Union unite, with « proud and intrepid determination to maintain and vindi- cate and defend it alike against the attacks of open ene mies and the more insidious assaults of professing friends. (Cheering and applause.) Let them bear aloft the ban- ber inscribed with your motto, “Union for the sake of the Union," and march in one unbroken column to battle and to victory. (Loud and continued applause.) At the conclusion of Gov. Morehead’s 8; there were loud calis for “ Brady,’’ ‘* Cochrane’’ “ Van Burea.’’ ‘The Chairman introduced Mr. John 8. Holmes, of Bostoa, ‘saying that if they had patience, Mr. Cochrane, Mr. Brady others would speak; but Be felt assured they would give precedence to the stranger, and receive Mr, Holmes with @ hearty welcome, as he deserved. Mr. Holmes then addressed the meeting at length, aod was followed by Measre John Cochrane, and Wright, of Missouri. When Mr. Wrizbt bad concluded, there were several calls for ‘* Brady ;’’ but while the question of a selection from among several geptiemen who were prepared to speak was a8 yet undecided, Mr. Halsey, with a stento- rian effort, announced that the clubbists outside were waiting for them to-join in the procession, and as the pigbt was far advanced, and he was in favor of acceding to the outside pressure, he moved that the meeting ad- journ. The motion was carried, aud the immense gather- ing quickly abandoned the building. THE LETTERS. The following letters were reseived from gentlemen who, beartily concurring in the movement, were unable to attend :— LETTER FROM GEORGE LONT. Bostos, Sept. 14, 1860. Prr.ow Crrzews—I regret exceedingly that aa iliness, which incapacitates me for makicg & journey, prevents men of patriotic sentimen: unhesitatingly to ip ane 8 See shadow of power, and to thet to themselves or is im ible to mistake the ‘would tol- the tri: » The idea of disunion is ove w ‘only vaguely to inconsiderate minds. can be Drought about, and too often withoat pe pp bod Sy ag pong They llge o4 aspirations are ‘su0%ees party, selfishly refused doration to con- Feseat tbe hf ore te inte reee seceasion , ly because Eectn telcos Presi but an indication and didate for the Vice residency a most unlikely person in the the Republicans to shall not dwell upon the events £0 disastrous as tho=e wi ensue upon the election of sectional administration | to the pa gee this country tn clearer terms) course of the copfliet is plat. , but by the openly avow ne Chieago nominee, and of bis most prominent and advo If they do not mean thai the conduct the re- publican administration, which they are endeavoring to are utterly unw ‘any coufidesce. Tuowe who sup- port them accede to those opinions, which have taiea « a now never before urged in any Presidea tial election The great doctrine upon which the repuolican party stands at this moment before the country—that to whica ali others are eubordivate, and to which all others tend— i a0 ‘irrepressible coo!lict'’ betwees freedom and siave- ry, Grst announced by Abraham Lio-vin 7 licans and subseq: i ri i s ge : i g $ g g . g £ & & i ll E believe to be im thoo oF reek eas fanatic: men to the pablic car, oaly to abuse it. nent evil, both now and ver. ¢o it or pevermore. 5 " poem Bowe foe ,&8 One great Republic, secure and perpetual, ae they will be iNustrions. I am gentle mea, very respectfully, your fellow citiven. 333 fied 5 i s e 8 i A i Le ; i & ! & is i if s, Fa li if 4 i ad 2 5 2 i ran +H z things cannot be, and our government long exist, How is the evil to be remedied ? 16 a most im t question, and, it seems to admits of but one answer: The for- mation or organiza‘ion of a great Netiona! Constitutional Union Party, that will war against all factions or section ‘al parties, North, Souch, East or West. It is a matter of but little consequence to the people who shal! administer the govervment in the Presidential Chair, but of the most momentous consequence how it shall be adminis tered. A National Aaministration founded upon a policy ic which materially distarbs the reserved rights of any of the States, will ultimately, if continued, end in a diesolution’ of the Union’; whilst a faithful con- stitutional administration of the government will not only restore peace to our distracted country, but also insure its blessings to future genera- tions, I am a Union man, in the most comprehen- sive meaning and spirit of the term, yet I consider the Union of these States as virtually dissolved, unless bro- therly feeling and kindness can be restored between the Citizens of diferent sections of the country. We may live together for short time under the form of constitu- ‘tional union, but the vitality and _— is gone, and de- cay and final diasolution will soon follow. I look with folicitude to the course of New York in the ap- election, Standing as she does between the conflicting elements, North and Sonth, a beavy responsi- bility rests vpon ber to act in that calm, firm and digal- fied manner, 60 as to throw oil upon the troubled waves. Cement closer the Union of these States, and say to all factions who either desire, or whose policy tend to destroy this Union, “What God had joined Logether Jet no man put asunder.” With sentimeats of the highest GBO. R. CLAYTON, LETTER FROM WASHINGTON HUNT. , Sept. 8, 1860. Guwrizwen—I have received your letter inviting me to attend the proj Union meeting in the city of New York on the 17th instant. Other engagements, ia the game patriotic cause, will put it out of my power to be t- I persuade m: ‘that it ws scarcely Tor mae to aseure you jects OUTSIDE MEETINGS. Ten Thoasand People En Hasse—The Toreh- light Procession—Delegations Present from Albany, Paterson, Newark, Brooklyn, Jer- sey Oty and Elewhere—The ‘Minute Hen” Out in Fall Ferceo—immense Enthu- slam — Bells, Bonfires, Blue Lights, Speeches, and Things Generally. If the acene on the inside was exoiting, that without ta the square around Cooper Institute was positively be. wildering. At an early hour two sharp tongued cannon commenced their reverberating invitations to the city generally, and almost as soon as dusk set in, skyrockets went whizzing through the air ina brilliant profusion that ecemed to foreshadow the grandeur of the occasion that was to follow. Four stands bad been erected in dif- ferect localities for the beaedt of both speakers and hear. ers who had been unabie to obtain « foothold ia the grand meeting in the Institute, while bonfires, animated by co- pious applications of liquid tar, blazed high aod merrily ‘on every side. Until about nine o'clock, however, owing to a delay in the organization of the general meeting, no attempt was made to organize the crowd outside, but tn ‘the meantime the boys took possession of the platforms, and the spectators were regaled with a series of per- formances such as might have been expected from eathu- siastic ppecimens of Young America. Impromptu meet- ings were called to order, lilliputian resolutions were im- with the constitution, Union, niggers, Abe Lincoln, and split rails,as if they really stood in calf skin boots and broadcloth suits, instead of being barefoot raga- muffins with their shirt tails hanging on the outer walls, | territorial extent equals that of the largest empires, whose. Several times these miscellaneous and villainous sur- roundings were driven heiter skelter from their positious by the thick smoke of the burning tar, which at times enveloped the entire place as with @ biack fog, but as often, until tbe dying out of the flaines, did ‘enjoy the amusiog scenes to which the young “rags, robert talis’’ gave #0 much zest. ao ae PLE SHERT. ee November next to the support of the constitution and | impose. The history of the world the laws. (Loud cheers.) a us what are the restraints of rritica law ‘ee Netsow Sara was then introduced, amid the cheering | opposed to the resentments and of party. of the crowd. The essions of Eagiand, be said, which | In a contest such as this, involving ty were endured by. the feevie eolonies of America, led to | whether the people of the Northern ‘States shall organise the formation of the constitation, aud the Union of the | a crusade against the Southern States, the citizens of the thirteen States, which was the germ of this mighty na- | city of New York cannot be iadifferent spectators. New tion, (Cheers.) There party lately calling them- | York is the metropolis ot the whole republic. Here are selves Wide Awakes—the republican party—the tendency | the homes of the natives of every State in the Unica. of whose principles was to break up the established insti- | Here ceutre the business interests of almost every com- tutions of this country; and the questioa for those pre- | munity in the country, To this city are linked the affes- sent to-night to decide was, w' jt can be done. | tions and the interests of every ofthe republic. The (Cries of “No, no.’”) When the Union was formed ali the | whole Union is in sympathy us, and throughout the except one had negro slavery existing in them; and | land the electric carrent flashes ineligmee, of ‘with that iustitution our fathers formed the | pulsation of our life, As the republic ‘advanced Union—a compromise Un! Union that should the front rank of nations,80 New York has taken her and perpetuate the institutions of (A | stand a peor emong the greatest cities in the world. ‘voloe— Good for Smith.” Laughter.) It wasa contract | With a municipal govermment confessedly inadequate, between those various communities under which our fa- | the national governmeot bas thrown its protecting thers, ery which the motenaaen Sate ease said ym cronnd wt, en seledt, New York to grea to principles of slavery in those days were winds of beaven, for wherever they go the genius of the leas willing to adopt the pi for Union re- | American republic hovers around them. Our commeres Cognized that institution, provided they could live in . | fearlessly tracks every sea, every inlet and river ‘That was the sentiment of 1774. Toat was the iment | upon the globe, ‘the American navy, that the of the Declaration of Independence, which, ia uojustly, | ox of war would spring into colossal power, pre- w cited by the republicans that’ {t was the spirit that time that the negro was equal with the white man. But all intelligent mon wiil readily perceive that the words of the Declaration, which they misrepresent, were never intended to apply to the negro. It is unjust for the republican party to put such au erroneous construction ‘upon it. A to their cotemporaneous ‘was po agitation about the negro at the time of the forma- tion of the constitution, Tne declaration that ail men are cqual was called forth by the oppression which the people of the colonies endured from the Britieh Crowa, and had roferenbe to the people of England and the le of the colovies. It never for one moment was intended to apply to the negro. (Cheers, and cries of “Good.”’) Passing from this topic, the speaker alluded to the principles of the republican party, which, if carried out, would array one portion the Union against the’ other, and the fanatical leaders of that party would not stop till one portion was subdued. These pria- ciples were tp direct hostility to the ples of peace under which the constitution and the Uaion were found- ed. (Cheers.) Mr. Smith dwelt upoa the iniquitous at- tempts of the black republican party, and their Oxed Sovmrsanastion 10 agitate the question of negro sutrage, us placing the megro upon perfect equal 6 white ow ‘Should this be the case? he asked. (Voices— “Never!” “No, never!) The ideaof the Union man was, ‘The constitution the enforcement of the laws!” Therefore, in concluson, he earnest; all apy to Union loving citizens, a'l Douglas, and Bell, aud Breckia- ridge men, to stand upon one common , and to act io ey upion, so that at the ersaing election the: might defeat their common enemy—the republican neat. nee, Old Abe Lincoln. (Loud clieers.) Fonser L. Vee was the next speaker. He was ‘at the outset with great enthamasm. Ho the beginning of the fallacy of the policy which the republi- can party pursued in always agitating the questica of the eterpal nigger. For himself he bad nothing to say about that matter further than that it was beaeaeh common sense, Common decency and men of intellect to discuss the miserable question of what shall be done with a few niggers. (Cries of That's so” and cheers.) Bat it was for all intelligent mea rather to say what shall be done with our Common country? It was now in peril in conse- quence of the spread of republican priveiples. Jt was through the democrat'c party, under the lead of Jefferson ‘and Jackson, that all the bicasings wifich our people now enjoyed bad vouchsa’ed to the country, (Cheers. ) ‘The republican party had never brought any benefit to the nation. This black republican party was now no more nor less than an abortive attempt at Federalism. After remarks from Hon John Cochrane, Heury Arcula George Campbell and others, the meeting adjourned amid much enthusiasm. THE WESTERN ‘STAND. SPEXCH OF ELI P. NORTON. A meeting was organized at Clinjon Hail, and a number Of speakers addressed the multitude from the balcony, among whom were Bi P. Noxton, of the city of New York, who addressed the meeting as follows:— Beyond all question, fellow citizens, the American people have devolved upon them, at each recurring Presi- dential election, political duties more dignified ana more our national constitution, are submitted questions which relate to the welfare and destiny of a republic whose rapidly,increasing population—now thirty three millions— extends to its rem otest boundaries, within which bounda- State, without reference to the preponde- rance in population, however immense, of other ‘States. Crs the guarantece for the ‘ation ph oa te Sapreme Count, x paved hy was ‘whose decisions tore to. be faal upon all questions relat’ tng to the the ternal rights, Phize our fathers suppdeed they bad so wel |, wi our s so guarded, are now endangered. A powerfal party bas arisen in the Northern States that threatens to seive upoa ‘the national government, and use all ite functions without regard to the devisions of the Supreme Court of the tag the inatieation of dlavery Se tassitutfon existing ta eo stand which had been previously erected at the junction Siion Bates of this Union, censatial $0 a2 - #4 expert saseally « product several huadred mi!\iocs of of those States believe, civi- people around them with humorous ead ludicrous exhibi- | lized communities. mistake the Ss which | poi ican party. Ly avows its a le a not of x , and that ready mombere of the association assumed its undisputed | slavery shal! oot exist in Salted Possession. The banners and the torches were plased | States. The Supreme Court hai — tapes the piatform, and the enthusiastic oscupants car. | jt urcontne repurtican party in po Reade ey ried out a joint resolution with the crowd below to keep | of the Seaste, llouse of Representatives aud P'reaideat of ps conttaual Joliifeation. Alderman Cornell was | the United states. Let us suppose law prohibiting slavery c chairman of the meeting, aod without coa- . that the President adopts the of his suming time with any introductory remarks, farther | as to the Sopreme Court and disregards its decrees. Who than those of thaakfulness for the favor, he introdeced | shall the people obey, the repub'ican President or the ExJudge Taowrsox, who fae grocted with load ap- Supreme Court, Would it be possible to avoid « collision plause by pe tates cae pues acdieace which hal ‘An OXCiled peuple the forces of a President bow assembied tn of and around the platform. He oT AT peed he Ree gehe ph ES the fact th eaty | bad proocupeed upcoastitatioual, aad which they deemed United | bamiliating and oppressive. Bot it may be said that bo earth | this manifesto of their tmtention to enforce tho probibi guaranteed liberty to man, for enlightened Eagiaad op. | tion of slavery in the Te’ritories ie merely intended for pressed evea her own subjects to the coloues, At the political effect, aad wii! not be made a part of their policy. voice of the country the friends of the constitution met | when in power. If that is their jatention, honest mea there 00 this oor aston, under circumstances of momeatous | sbould not aid them ia the conte aplated fraud. But what importance, to show their devotion to the greatest and | Seearity bave we that the republican party will not pass bert government that had ever existed upon earth. | and attempt to enforce such a law, aad indeed make an (Cheers, and erios of “That's so."") Thire never wasan | aggressive war upon the ineiitution of sisvery! Abra- Hy ya -F 2 citizen: had asso bled ther | bam Lincoln, the republican candi tate for President, has in ‘ork to show fF devotion to the Caion. (Ro | declared that “this Unio cannot be perpetuated one hal’ newed it wed him i recent devotion Med leader them to ie coal Go the most towarde defeating the Boston, that Ai Tasesin tad bimosit were ‘estdione election “We will”) As the French | in the cause of the law and the die con. end bog'ish soldiers took the Malskod of Ras- | flict betweee tents tok doer ‘item wa, 0 the Bell aud Douglas and Breckin. has alsodeciared that the mission of Malice ef repobitaniom. (Cheers, and crce of good") | toual ‘goncrsment tothe sestructise ef saver » ries of “good."") | it for the destruct: pe ge} vy tL condidetes of who is to defiue, those constitutional Sectional 4 . thera te was proper! deny tue sathority of the Supreme Court represented in the Chicago Convention which ‘bom nated } fren, bat) the limitations fixed by their them. | The policy of a sound constitution is that all sec | But thet there may be no mistake aa to the asture of this tons should be fairly represented in convent.cus, aad yet , contest, the campaign documents, the faroe of thie republican convention recently convened Coy are “Helper’s Impend! at Chicago, wasa direct violation of that acknowledged | | and | @ speeches Principle. The ples of the oe party were these documents are Pierre con majority of | republican party The opecches of Governor tewart, that » they could not send their orators South. Aud if | are now delivered, are over the country they Could pot even disouss their obnoxioes principles at through all Avences of publication—spreches filled ‘the South, what would the i With sentiments that, to bave beee imputed toe pablic were pat into practice? Lorne rat thom dows.”) man would have once been considered slanderous. What line of woald the republican candidates pur | When but now, when the minds of the of the North ue if they cle stea’ First, they would repeal | are eudered to be filled with bestinig” sgatens the Of Modify the fugitive slave law. This wae clearly indi South, would ao American Seustor, « statesman cated by the republicans in their platform: for th their claiming for himself as his special ‘right the chief reset ae ol aerert that “the fugitive magisiracy of the American republic, have dared Miave act of 1860, i# repugnant to the constitution, to the | to advocate the abolition of the army and navy be- ay of the common 'sw, to the spirit of Christian! cause of their eupport of « of the sister . to the sentiments of the civilived world. Wo, States of thie Union’ Who weds tayo delieved. that therefore, deny its biading force upon the American William A Seward, who bas been loaded with honors by Pe grt Gy total repeal.” This | the ; ee ee ee ae withdraw themes tm direct locality to the ‘laws of the mand, country, ths ps san of he austen way ont wr And ay fg i ye a Ly “EE 8 great arme of the tie cores’ be nothing more an overt act of treaaom. | whose have made the name of American illustrious (Cheers.) The republican party, should Jos. and honored throughout the world, as corruptors aecendéancy in the government, would also Wwoexcinde | of the public virtest And why thas denounced? a Brae the Territorics, against the spirit of the | What fuspiration of this taealt to bis chiral om, and no matter what the will of the people | ric and brave countrymen, tabaditing the fou might be upon that question, Thas | tion to ‘A nericw peopie, fet at nought the decision of the highest jadicial | of only ‘the emanation in the country, and regard the Died Scott deci- | demagoquet “Hatred of the fio ae dots notion—a more dogma ae they eall | dence to the intention tt, whee they deciare “that the new dogma thatthe | the republican be cons tation, of ite own force, carries slavery into any or | to leave no ‘ioubt, this" Presidential ail of the territories of the United Stace in a dango. | all the uaneme of party are Tous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provi | utmost M4) elected to alter sions of that instrament itself, with cotemporancous ex- | of the New York, and pince, Position, and with logisiative and jadicial precedent, ie | upoa an equality with white mon. A revolutionary in i ‘radency. ” ieaanen ber of the New York Constitutional fay of the country.”” om to deny | said thai at our time parties io the of New York Vey GY ‘or of & Territorial legislature | were so Dalanoed that three hegre voters oa say Piveorica at tal Geen aan a gave the law to the people of our ’ an soces- ney the Territories of the United States, B. Sica to the repablicen party would’ be the of the = the asaya Cava rin hey pt. IO our midet! What would ensue. i & voles, “they | mente their upoe consesvative men in the rank and file of the republican in thie great metropolis to aot im |, but the leaders are who excite the voters inthe rural districts, hal thay" may de rary ditsree by conn‘ bas, , 5 zene, however of Massachusetts, New York cannot be the char. Sots tice: | Sos ee, meine me — an not diemembder the Of the abolition soctetiea of 185 latent: sae Would produce a shock upon the country whieh Arthur Bis confederates never, re- have dared to d al ~ cover, For continue there | ercion wes disdained. Hew the pop would be no in | tose the enert all ite mre sige oveunt | Rew elsbae saves eta See sso ull ene rs of demo. soch limitations as , eacontrolied by the prinetplee om the 6th of ' Guprome Court, may we constitution fo t fanaticism for philantaro; the fall ailignity of American ‘citizens, men, with a due. | rate of the rights of sister Staté’, having for th: | er law’? an unreserved alfection for every section of | THE MIDDLE STAND. SPEECHES OF MESSRS, JOHN T. O'FLYNN, GILCHRIGT, GODFREY AND OTHERS. | Shortly after eight o'clock a young man, who ooga- sionally practises law in the Special Sessions, asceuded the stand erected in front of the Cooper Institute and pre- ceeded to address bis fellow citizens. He was very mach intoxicated, and as the “great unterrified”—cspeciallg the juvenile portionsof the democrdcy are overtlowing with the mirthful element, they could not refrain from embracing such a favorable opportunity to have a jolly time. Fellow citizens, said the orator, shal! you not be independent? Shall you not be first, second, third, (Voices—« We will,” “We will.” “Go it.”) This, fal- low citizens, ts the land of the free and the home of the brave. (‘It is,” yelled a.crowd of juveniles, who were crowded around the stand. Another democrat ia- informed the speaker that the nether ‘portion of rn outer garment was visible, or in democratic ‘Toe tail of your shirt is out.” Another out ‘nree cheers for the Little Giant,’’ which were given with great enthusiasm. Still another free American citt- zen requested tebe eons champion of demrcratic prid- cy wv“ geuerous democrat eed hime take another drink. sak Fellow citizens, continued the orator, after ial silenee ‘wes restored, I'como bere to-night ts adarese you te er balf of Union and vic' , io of everythi democratic, in neal of crap that was soma te 46m, and every other ¢- iam. (“Good fellow,” “Speak to’us about whisky,” “Can't you be aisy,’’ “Go in, rail splitter,’ were some of the brief speeches of , wi of course, with the constant boom! the it arrival of aod ebube, and the Yalling and''cheartag of tee wi jubs, yel ‘cheer: t , Fondored 1 imaponsibis for tae. Epeamey ‘Confuteon was 80 cheers for the Union, nothiog but the Union. He wee for equality and justice, but excused himself from ° ing, hoping they would take the will for the deed. A 23 j to in his 4 would be They “! wer— those of the — obilviea ce ese and bare "tat te” Baten Es a] tf =] ie “They toving men to right of tbe oaly tenet beee bented with ths ap rename nee wakes im weee —- | the fortune man other ‘bes, all advocating the union of patriots the election of the sectiveal candidate, Korean Linoote, THE OTHER STANDS. At the two otber staads speeches were also made by Dumbers of individuals in the same strain as those above or elght thousand, im and out of uaiform, the route being around Cooper Inatitate down the Bowery, up Broome THE BROOKLYN AND NEW JERSEY DBLE- GATIONS. About nine o'clock Inst might @ delegation from ose ef the Bell and Everett clabs of Brooklyn was eres advancing ap Fulton street from the direction of the ferry, by & wagon, from which Romea candies were incesnaatiy dimebarged. The advanced guard consisted of young mea, dressed in white capes and caps of some glaze! material, i cveded Er to the zi | Ht i #i F #3