The New York Herald Newspaper, July 23, 1860, Page 2

2 perty stand in Nature and God, and every invasion of them is . The only legitimate function of civil government is to protect these rights im all their original fulness and sacredness. But the Vice President is a slavebolder, and in self defence he must assert the power of civil government to destroy the rights of per- Sons. So too he must assert its power to destroy the rights of property, and to abolish slavery. For to abolish slavery is, as he holds, to destroy those rights; and he Clearly gees that if civil government cannot abolish sla. them to the recapture of the like cause, is Gen. Houston reconciled to it. jets, in regard Ww the wrongs done the Indian, he is a8 der as ® womac. One can hardly fail io bis social inter course with the General to be pleased with him. Mr. Doug. 5, (00, would have the flight of the slave arrested, and all | the greater is the crime in him from bis having been edu- cated in Vermont and New York. But I have seen pleagant thi in Mr. Douglas, anda relative of mine, who bas long lived near him, told me years ago that even fugitive slave. 80, too, from ‘Nevert: very, then upon his own principle it cannot create it. | Mr. Douglas is eminently kidd to the sick and suffering The Vice President has made a mistake. The only posi- | sround him. Alas, vet the other Presideutial candidate tion at this point on the sido of slavery, which he could | does also stand agains of by the side of, the poor, have taken with consistency, he has failed to take. In | trembling imploring | And yet, in to One breath be makes property in mau to be as full as pro- | temperance, ie Liacola is reported to have a very clear Lay 5 wy thing else—as proper { whatever kind.” |-yision. Moreover, 90 man bas spoken more sublimel; another breath he admits that the State can abolish pro- | than himself on the ‘ Deolaratien of dence.’ Perty in man. What if bis State should undertake to abolish property in the matchless biue grass fields around his Lex , and in the highly improved breeds of cattle that graze upon them—wouild he not resist such abolition? From what I personally know of his spirit and intelligence, 1 ven How painful to see in one, who bas 80 many claims to our respect and admiration, 80 wide a departure from justice and mercy—and that too in the very case where justice and mercy are most called for| But however worthy may be the gentleman I haye ture to affirm that none would be before him in declaring | named, I must not vote for any one of them. However that God and nature have said what is property, and th mitigated matpe the crime of their pro-slavery by the their authority is paramount to that of Ken! misleading of their education and circumstance:, | - neverthe eas am not permitted to vote in their darkness but am bound to vote LW Tae) light. Not their Ln b tease cekiae anaes of slavery, Wat pe my vote, pro-slaver, rend not be excused at ‘the last day” on the ‘my candidate did not know the sin of slavery e it would be condemned on the ground that I did know Should an; Of the five Presidential candidates be elected, and ¥ bhould see itn applying his official powers BOAT? back his trothers and sisters to the horrora and hell of sla , I should. be distressed. But had I voted for him I should die of remorse. For I should feel that his oepecialively! giver” ‘work was my work—I bi made it vance by my vote to give him the of- fice, wi ‘Twell knew he stood ready to use for this moat ical re. In that case the summons of the President for military or naval aid to the kidnappors - would be my summons, and the guilt of it would crimson my soul as well as his. For the stripes and tortures that would await the returning captives, I, as well as he, would be responsible, Responsible I, as well as he, for their doom of a led and unrequited life-long toil. And the thought that they were no more to have right to husband or wife, tor child,and no more to be permitted to read the Bible or spell the name of Jesus, would be the excruciatiog thought that to this possible and even probable end ‘hid I cast my vote, when Icast it for one whom I knew to be in favor of consigning them to this fate. No, 1 must not vote for such an oae, If others with their views can, I with mine cannot, If there are others who can afford it, neverthe- less I cannot Some there ig Pe dhin w stock of righteousacss is so large that a would be left them even after voting (as does every voter for a siave- catching Presidential candidate) to wet the whole ory and navy of the United States against the innocent fugi- tive. But { have no such surplus ess to vote upon, and therefore for me to cast 81 an unrighteous vote would be to reduce myself to utter and immediate moral insolvency, 7 Christian, were Jesus again on the earth, would you vote w have him lead the forces for returning the poor slave to the disabilities and tortures from which he bad escaped? The bare proposition is most abhorrent to you. How, then, can you consent to yote for Mr. Douglas, or Mr. Lincoln, or auy other man, who virtually tells you that he is willing to lead them! Has uot party spirit blinded you? Nay, has it not corrupted you? is too abominable for Christ to do is too abominable for any man to do; and thas would you yourself decide in every case where the spirit of Christ and uot the apirit of party prompted the de ision, I said that I must not vote for a slavecatener. My pro- fession of deep and tender interest for the slave is a fie: long one. To turn now and vote against him—to vote that if he escape from chattelhood to manhood he shail be thrown down again from manhood to chattelhood— would not that be giving an emphatic lie to this profes tion? Again, when men get to be as old as Tam, they have an especial reason for not adding to the number of their sins—particularly of their great sins. Their “space for repeutance’’ js reduced to a narrow one—too narro# to supply all the penitential tears which even one such enormous sin ax votiug aman back into slavery calis for. But I am asked whether I would withhold my yote from @ candidate because I foresee one official wrong in him, and yet feel assured that he wil! be guilty of no other’ Certainly, if that wrong is the murdering, or, what is worse, the enslaving, ot bis fellow men. The w rong done \o one man is not cancel! d by right dealing toward even all other men. Moreover, 1am not at liberty to fecl as- sured that he who is pledged to commit the mos tflagrant injustice against one man will not, when as strong temp- tation calls for it, be guilty of as flagrant injustice toward have been consistent, then, he should not the right of the State to abolish property A admitted a distincyon between Blave property and other Property; and if not so wide as that the republicans claim, nor even so wide a8 that acknowledged by the Douglasites, sufficiently eo, nevertheless, to give countes nance to each, and to deprive his opposition te each of the dignity and force of a contest for a principle, “The only contest for a principle, at this point is that which the @bo- litionists are wait against republicans, democrats, Dougiasites and al co enemies and despisers of human rights. The sound abolitionist in no circum- stances the claim of property in man. He respects God, ‘and cannot consent to sink to the lewebot made in His image, os anal President Buchara® in fit speéeh Monday asks what he “as a Peonsy!vanian would say or do’’ in case it should be contended that a Territory could outlaw iron or coal. id 1 ask him what he would aay or do in case Pennsylvania herself should attempt such outlawry. If be is still a man—if the, politician not yet entirely consumed the man—he would promply resist his State, and scout the idea of her power to strike down the rights of y. But, Mr. President, you did consent to her abolishing slavery—or, in other words, to ner aboliehing property in man. What then becomes of the basis doc trine of your speech—that property is property—and that Property in men is as sacred as apy other property? The rights of property are as inviolable and indestructible as those of person—and the justification of Pennsylvania for abolishing slavery is that she therein touched no rights of property. Just bere let me say that the parties vastly over- rate the importance of the petty issues between them. The battle is to be fought between the slave- holders and the abolitionists: and it will be fought just a8 soon 43 these parties that block the way get out of the way. The result will be, not this or that condition, this or that liability, of a Territory; but @ na- tion al! overspread with slavery, or all emptied of it, The result will be to give the lie to the “Declaration of Inde pendence,’ or to honor its great doctrine, that “all men are created equal.” It is true that many members of the republican party believe slavery to be upcoostitutional wherever the federal government has exclusive jurisdiction. But they all acquiesce in the proposition that this government has no right to array itself against slavery in the States; and nearly all would accept the logical se- quence that this government is bound to protect State slavery from all foreign aggression. In a word, all the parties believe that the North is pledged by the coustitu tion, not only to return the fugitive slave, but even to march South for the defence of slavery. Truly, this is being pledged to the perpetration of enormous wicked- ness. For my own part I do not see taat this pledge ex- ists. Bat the North does; and hence her only wise and Christian course is to eutreat the South to liberate her from it either by consenting to change the constitution at this point or by consenting to let her, the North, to go out of the Union. Surely, the people of the South will not insist that we shall continue to trample upon our consciences and kill our souls by contributing to uphold &@ system, whith, however innocent it may be in their eyes, is ia our own more full Of injustice to man and dis- honor to God than any other on earth. Let the South do to the North as in an exchange of circumstances, she would have the North do to the South, What if the Northern States should adopt the poltoy of enslaving her light-haired people, and the South should then be holding as she does now, in common with the North, to the doctrine of the absolute right of a State, as against the mational government, to do what she will with her people—she would, of course, regard herself ‘a8 coustitutionally bound to uphold this policy. How deeply desirous, therefore, would she be to be released from all responsibility for it. For she would believe it to be an exeeedingly wicked policy. Yet, what more wicked is it to enslave people because of thvir light hair than because of their dark skin? I believe the constitution to be anti-slavery. I be- Hove that it imposes no obligation upon me to uphold and fight for murder in Maryland or for the worse crime of slavery in Kentucky. But constitution or no constitution, I would have North vote slavery to death. Toe North, however, believes the constitution to r men. There is but little hope for either temperance or free- dom inour day, Too few of their present friends are oo ne God grant ~ the next generation may have the wisdom, integrity and courage to vote a the dramsbop and slavery. ‘pat in the roean time will not our land be more delaged with rum than it is even now? And (fearful question !) will it not also be deluged with the blood of the slaveholder and the slave’ It does not follow that because four millions of slaves submit to be prolavery, and that whilst it remains unchanged | the yoke, six or eight millions will. such voting would be wreng. Again, 1 would have every | @ How, indeed, can we hope for either of these great slave run away from bis master, and I would aiford him | causes in our day! The fi iends of temperance would like every facility for his peaceful escape. 1 would tell him, Ihave been telling bim these twenty years, to “take the horse, the boat, the food, the and them, Rod beg North does not dis- to believe in no rights of property anywhere in | like it enough to break a all scruples and ali the South, as against his needs—nor, indeed, in | parties for the sake of votlng against it, and neither the North’ either so long as it continues to be | North nor South is willing to come into the emicabie ar to bim an “enemy's country.” Let him take what be will, human life alone excepted But the North, in- terpreting the right of the slaveholder to his slave to be & constitutional right, aad holding every constitutional right to be sacredly inviolable, and paramount to every er right, whether in earth or heaven, cannot con- sistently put forth its band in any way to deliver the slave Movements of Senator Douglas. SPEBCH ON BUNKER HILL, JULY 19, 1860. Mr. Mayor amp Feitow Crrizexs—I have just returned { repeat, then, that the North, taking her at ber own | from a pligrimage to Lexington, sales ta visits view of ber obligations, bat no other alternative than to | this sacred spot where we are how aeteminied” Gt ais tne cast herself upon the good feeling of the South, and peti- | battle flelds and all the places consecrated to patriotism tion for a change in the constitution or a peaceable re- lease from the Union. The right of such release—be it the release of the North or ‘Ss South, the Fast or the (“ Hear, bear, and applause.) There is not an American citizen w ‘West—I argued in my speech in Congress on the Mexican | the face of Tab bevad colttnnet veneer whether he war Treaty. That right I hold to now, and that right! be- | be from the South or from the ‘North, or whether he may lieve the South is just and generous h to acknowl- | came from the plains of the Northwest or the shores of edge. As you are aware, lam as ready to look South as | the Pacific, who does not claim for himself and his pos. North for justice, generosity and manli Do you say | terity asbare in the glories which that monument was that the South is’ greatly corrupted by slavery? She is; imagine erected to commemorate. (Applause.) You ma {iiss the sommes ts pooudat Ge Ohasuiasen and tant have a deeper interest in that work than the citizen who may be in the remotest parts of the republic, or sailing upon the broad ocean; but | will assure you that there is not one of you who claims greater pride, either in but not more than the North. Slavery is upheld at the South in accordance with education. At the North in the face of education. The South believes it to be morally right to demand the return of fhgitive slaves. The North believes it to be morally wrong—constitutionally you right but morally ——— them; and yet re- | the work itself, or in the ‘ious deeds which it was turns them. Is not the Ni » then, the more wicked— | made to commemorate, than citizens of my own Illi Ube more corrupted—of the two? Certain is it to my own | pois. (Hear, hear,”"'and applaase.) This bas been to mind that the North bears a more corrupting relation to | me a day which I shall long cherish aad remember. I slavery than does the South. have seen the spot where the first American blood Charles Sumner, that pure and brave and strong and | was shed, which gave rise tajthe American Revolu learned man, does, in his speech of day before yesterday | tion, and now 1 have the honor of addressing you in New York, distinetly convey the ifea that the Ameri- from the place of all others which we the impetus to can Union is bo more responsible for slavery in Cherles- | the revoletion that resulted im the ‘establishaeat or ton than in Constantinople, How otherwise could he put | our independeace and of our liberties. Let the sons himeel’ in line with the republican party’—especiaily | of these brave sires prove true to the after having shot fo far abead of it in bis receat masterly | gaye rise to the Revolution which formed the foundation speech in Congress’ But, it is impossible tor my noble | of our whole political system, atone this friend to bring himself mto harmony with that party. | republic can be maintained in its unity and its purity There is not room enoogh with in it exrsedingly narrow | forever. The American Revolation in the as- limits for a soul so great—so expandes by the love of | sertion, by the people of the colonies, of the right of self- truth—ae is his. Even were there ground for | government by each colony in everything that related to comparison between Charleston and Gonstanti- | their domestic and internal polity. Our fathers were ple, be nevertheless conld not be of that | willing to recognise the mt authority of the Bat there is not the slightest ground for it. | British Parliament and the British crown over ail tuatters ot im. maintain any sort Bat it is bound to in Charleston Union is not bound to and not colonial—over all and things which were imperial ament in Constantinople that aff ‘a tain “a republican fhrm of government * interfering with It is not bound to put down in tions in Constanti- | of the y; but our fathers said to the British govern. opie. But it is bou arlestoa. I¢ ment, “you must not interfere with our firesides and our bearthstones. We bave a right to our Provincial Legisia tures, to make our own laws, establish our own institu- tions and manage our own internal affairs in our own way, slavery incompatib the Union bas been or is sare to be the source ny of the States. It must not per- | without the interference of the British Parliament.’ (Ap: ¢, and, throagh a State, the safety use and cries of “Good, good,” ‘hear, hear.”*) of the Union, to be thus endangered by the existence of ution was fought in defence of the great principle of slavery Moat self government. May we, their sone, be i Docs Mr. Sumner amit that the constitution tolerates t to prinet ever permit it to slavery in the States? Then does he virtually aamit | violated either in ny 4 ty ory» 7 or that the whole nation i bound to defend it— colony. Applause, cries 4 we aye ‘ certain contingencies to fight for it oe pam An Loop w ym ney y does be deny that { in the contemplation of tl leaving the peop! each § tution, hah 8 Glate wag | rie to maintain their own domestic affairs and taleradi con constitution, that a state may so outrage all jast concep. Hons of “a republican form of goverament,” as to set up of continue Bla’ ; Or may furoieh those frightful mate. cerns in their own way, without interfering with those of their neighbors, there can be peace forever between the North and the South, the East and the West. rials for “domest! ence” in which slavery abounds, (Ap. then aise does he virtually admit that the whole nation is use.) You buve institutions in Massachusetts pecu reaper for it—as responsible ander the constitution to | Har to yourselves—institations differing from those of us in Iilinots, differing from those in the Southern States, oid it, as in the for ease |t was responsible under aie ciate ri differing from those upon the Pacific coast, When { the constitution to matutain it, Would that my Gear frend might disembarrass himself | come to visit you, you receive me with open arms, wel. of the few remaiging bindranors tn hie glorious servicer of | Come me amongst you, and show me everything the cause of freedom, and hasten to plant himeelf by the | that is curious or sacred in the bistory of our country, side of William Goodell, Lysander Spooner and those other [ and, sir, I trust, when | come among you, that I shall pay radical abolitionists, who hold that the whole nation {s | all due Fespect to the constitutional authorities, and ren bound to khut out slavery from the whole nation because | der obedience to your laws, (‘Good,” and applause.) the constitution does so’ Bat, sir, if you find me complaining that I do not like BRI have spoken of the duty of the North, in the light of | your laws, your institutions, your demesti> affairs, I ox the convictions and admissions of the North. [hardly | pect you will tell me that, while you bn ae my displea- need say that I shall myself continue to go to the polls | sure, these laws wore made for you aod not for me, and with a vote for men, who are not only anti dramshop men, | if Ido not like them I can go back to Illinois, (Ap. but who, knowing te law for slavery, treat as noliities | plause.) And sow, Mr. Mayor, permit me whatever courta, constitations or legislatares may say in to you, in return for the Kind seatiments with favor of it. My vote must continue to be for men who | which you have welcomed me to Bunker Hill, in are content with and obedient to the law of heaven in | the oame of your fellow citizens of Charlestown, if respect to slavery. Increasingly disgusted as Tam with | you will do me and the State that I have the the cant of the churches about honor to rey t, the honor of making us a bristiantty, | taust never theless continue te go for Christianity. 1 have no know. ledge of Christ if it is possible that, in any ciroumstances, votes for rum men or alavery men can serve His cause or do Him honor. I should be giad to vote at the coming election for pames prevented by a temperance and aboli tion convention ; and I hope there will be such a coaren tion. But if there are not enough earnest temperance men and abolitionists left to get it up, | will eadeavor to compose my ticket without the help of a convention. I trust that the stress which I lay on voting will not be construed to imply a censure of Mr. Garrison and Mr Phillips and their noble assosiates. | still honor, as | al we done, the men who, differing broadly from my. im Ubeir iaterpretation of the constitution, have con ‘against voting under it T trust, too, that I shall not be regarded as seeing no Merit in any who vote rom and elavery tickets, Many yote, “the latchet of whose shoes 1 am not worthy to stoop down and unloose.” The longer T live the more am I convinced that men may be very good, and yet do vieit, T will take Titinots, bot T wis! es condition that you will obey our laws—reapect our Dstitutions, and not interfere with our domestic con cerns—(iaugbter and applause)—and if you complain to me that you do not like our lawe, [ shall say that, while | rogret it, you most remember that they are our laws and bot yours— (laughter and cheers)—we made them for our relvee and pot for )on—(renewed cheering) —we adapted them to our condition, to our interests, to our wants, and if qe do not like Shane, y08 must go back to Massa ehusetts, where you will flad better ones, (Applause. ) ‘So it # in the Southern States. re aad pride in welcoming you te you to understand that it is on the ex Mi does not become iis to tell those they bave bad laws and bad institutions, webct eee not like. They are their institutions. If good ones, let them ea joy the blessings of them; if are evil inetitations, let them bear the burthen and the evils they entail, unt they become wise enough to change them and make bet things that I think to be very bad ¥ do not survey | ter ones. ( nan) And especially, whe: 0 to subject from my standpoint . though thelr | Kansas or to > ico, you will Bod ly of men steps, where diverging from my own, may not be as de. | there ing more of the clements of energy, of cou fensible as my Own, nevertheless the cod they have io | rage, of enter, 4 and of intellect, than you will view may be as good, and it may be cherished inawarm. | find in any State of the Union; for | or and better heart. ‘Even some of those whose bad mot- | that I may utter one great trath, without fear to Is, “The end justifies the means," may on the whole be | of offence—being a Yankee, like the balance of you,— Dg better than some of those who are very serupalows on the | (Iaughter)—by saying that New 1 is an emigrating soore of means. country, and whenever a New 4 farmer two To illustrate my jon, that a very bad deed may be | sone thé one & litte wi » daring, reckless, Dut inteller. combined with « in which there i mach gool, | tual, he thinks the valley where he was born isa little there i# nothing that in my eye is more unequivocally the | too small a theatre for his operations, and starts off West, work of Satan back into the pit of slavery | goes into the wildness: of epon the prairies, and carves the poor brother or who has escape! frow it. | out his own fo aod makes a man of himself by his Nevertheless, through the blinding power of a wroag | own energies other brother being, perhaps, a [itt education, good men are drawn into this Sutanic work. | more obedient to parental authority, « litte lene Mr. Bel! and Mr. Breck inrid, No | bitiour,@ litte and @ little more lary— {ne siovation aad both | (laughter) rather say st home and be supported by his ttle elevation and beauty of character mark them both, | (iaughter 4 7h Wplr Ufo-long connection Wish slarery roconciign § gaddy aad mam, thea go Wes, and support lumsel, NEW YORK HERALD; MONDAY, JULY 23, 1860. (Great merriment.) Henge, if you go to the you wil dad men of the highest ity of any ia the known world, These men go from 4 fm fy from Ver- mont, from ‘South Carolina, from Virginia, from G:rmany, tom from all parts of the world; ani when they get thre they carve out their own homes, erect their own houses out their own towns, erect the' : own Churches, establish their own schools and ¢ lleges, aud lay there the foundations of society, and es'ablich just Such institutions as they believe will be best for them. Selves and their posterity forever. —(‘ and believe that to volved in that was, able ri of thy tories, of a make their own laws, and tieave thas patergalfeeltog etwocn ortion of ui every po! Union walgh exited in the times of the Revolution. us cherish forbearance towards the people of ‘States that | cherished towards each other, mind our own business, manage our own ls our neight alone, and then we will live peace, ¢ ). . My. fellow citizens, I ‘apology for having detained you thus long. (Cries on”) Tam deeply indebted to you for the k: have manifested towards me. I came to stranger, and you have treated me asa brother. When return t my own dear prairies of nn, I with me, fresh in my heart, the recollection of the kindness and civility with which you literally over. whelmed me. I thank you kindly again. SPRECH AT ALBANY JULY 20, 1860. Mr. Doveras, m a clear and remarkably musical and distinct voice, said this day had been to him a series of surprises. At every railroad station from. Boston to the capital of the Empire State, he had been unexpectedly reeeived by large numbers of his fellow citizens, giving him a greeting of which any man might feel proud. The extent to which he had been compeiled to acknowledge these gratifying demoustrations might be observed in his voice when he attempted to make himself heard by the vast assemblage before him. He had never received the slightest intimation that any demonstration would be made on bis arrival bere, and he bad expected to be per- mitted to retire quietly to his rest, and to receive the visits of a few of his frieads in the morning. He felt compelled to say that his gurprise at the magnificence of this demonstration was great, and that it was not onl grateful to his feelings, but ‘flattering to his pride. could pot, however, but feel that this vast demonstration was not prompted by a desire wo do honor toan individual, bat sprang from the popular fceling in favor of the great principle of self government which underlies all our free institutions, and which alone can ensure the and barmony abd perpetuity of our government. There never bad been & time when the Union was 60 seriously threatened by the evils against which the Father of our Country in bis farewell address cautioned his country- men. We are vow threatened with the organization of sectional parties, bounded by geographical lines, aad menacing the peace an! harmony of the whole country. The republican party dem ds the possession of the fede- ral government in order that the power may be wielded for the purpose of coutrolling the domestic institutions of the various Territories ef the United States. A Southern. sectional party demand posscasion of the federal govern- meat for ilar purpose; each proposing to wield the power ina manner adverse to the opposite section. The republican party demands that the federal government sali use the power to prohibit slavery in the Territoriss, when the people of those Territories want slavery. The Southern sectional party demands that the federal & vernment shall use ths power to prohibit slavery in the Territories, when the people of the Territories do not want it ‘A voice. —Well. tell us what you say yourself? Judge Dovcias would tell them w! he said—non-in- tervention by the federal government with the domestic institutions of the anywhere and ayerywhere. tutions of the people was not one of the to the federal government by the sovereign Matas. Pose it should be admitted that the federal govern it should take the power over the inst! or . Then we should have @ Northern party i that whole force of the federal government should ‘be used Sued a and a Southern party insist) that the whole force of the federal government should be used for slavery, and this would at once create an bie contlie; that would be epem ene | with the peace and harmony of the Union. It was beld that the Southern peo. ple have the same right to move into the Territories of tbe United States with their slave property as Northern people have to move into the Territory with their horses and cattle, and that they are just as much entitled to the protection of the law. The very opesition itself shows the that prevails in re- lation to the subject of the protection of iy in the Territories. When did the Federal government ever pase laws to protect the oxen and horses of Northern men in ‘the Territories of the United States? Congress had never even passed @ criminal code > the ae It was ite duty simply to organize a Territory, giving it a Legis. inture of ay A leaving that Legislature, as the to make all laws relating to the Southern man claims the right to go to the Territ with bis property’, he goes with the same right the North- ern man does, subject to the local law of the Territory, and looking to that local law for his protection. The Dred Scott dacision declares that slave pro- perty in the Territories is the same as other rty, and stands on the same footing, If #0, ft is subject to local law, the same as other property. This outcry for sectional laws in a Territory for the pro tretion of one description of property alone, evinces ex traordinary ignorance of the whole policy ‘of the Terri- torial government of the country. If we are willing to trust the people of the Territories to protect every species of ty, and to regulate every other relation in life in a Territory, why are we not willing to give them the same power in regard to slavery? We allow the Legislature of a Territory to make laws in regard to the relation of husband and wife, of parent and child, of tuardian and ward. Why not, then, allow them to make ws in regard to the relation of master and servant? Is there anything more sacred in that relation than in Any other in life’ Was it to be supposed that the people ofa Territory would not make such laws as would best promote their own interests? He conld see no reason why the people should not be as gayable of sell govern ment jn a Territory as in a State. a Territory? Are they not citizens from New York and from every other State in the Union? And are aot the competent to make laws for their own government as they, were before their emigration? Is it true that the Ameri- can citizen loses the right of self government because he from a State toa Territory’ They were told that Eieoee have such rights as Congress bas specially ted to them, and po more, That was the ery doctrine that brought on, the, Revolution, which re. sulted in the freedom of the United States, The Bricieh right as the crown de! to them, and nd more. The colonies replied that they did pot receive their rights from the crown, but from God Almighty, and that they intended to maintain and defend those rights. Aad it was because the colonies would not acknowledge the pre. festeroge claim set up by the British government, that foe Teclaration of Independence was put fort und battles of the Revolution were fought, Th appt arg ‘as those on which it was originally founded. would ask why the time of ro> should occupied in the discussion and agitation of thie question of slavery? Why, if one of the citirens before him had ‘an honest demand against the government, and abould ask his representative on his return home why that claim had not been passed, the answer would be, there had not been time—the whole seasion had been occupied with the discussion of the pty Be When the peop'e of California inquire why the Pacific Railroad project has ‘not been forward, and why mail routes have not deen out, the reply is, there wae no time—the ela- very question’ had occupied it all, When the people of made—why their interests have not been fe taken up with the discussion of this question o: sla very. Now, will it not be wire to exclude that question of slavery for ever from Congress, and to leave the people free to decide is for themselves’ (shonte “Yee, yes!’ aod loud applause.) That was the prince! stablished by the a0 ise measures: 1850. That was the Nactglo thes waa carried into effect me the great Cla: the immortal Webster in 1850. (Loud applause ) it Was the pring: established in the whig platform of 1862, and in the Ceveerepts platiorm of tnt tame youn: That is the prince). ple to whieh the democratic and the Jane nthe Ae ean (Cheers.) He feared he bad been ied into remarks upon su) that might be deemed political. He dig not intend this year to a AS are whe peaple of | citizens of New York State, who go to the Territories as government told us that the colonies bad just so much | | Pennsylvania ask why no revision of the tariff has been | Ty you of Massachusetts, | or we of Lilinois, go to Charleston or to New Orleans, it | |. | dates recently nominated in that county om the demo- | desired by his friends. applause, | fi the. babit of tents tbat could not well be m! ‘in euch & manner as to render it give offence, even to those who opponents. He renewed his thanks for the magnificeat recepticn extended to him, one and cel ghted him, and ding his friends good. ‘Times, July 19.) ‘This fact can- pot be denied, and it is better the yy and the country that it should be by the demo- cratic -masges, We hear mi “office holders.”” ‘The ory, bas Hocw used by the, Bigot licans ever since they had.a party ization, and it is now taken up by the seckers w! Judge temen selected for their and their discharge official duties are entit as they least the; ‘seekers itizens. Al Eimer aa et been Lee ney Nom = t ‘boving any vel y dy heving 20 taro oa a han be be is friends and supporters. Mr. Douglas is regularly nominated; on t! toaisation if ‘was in violation of the of the Convention. did not get a nominat! democratic organ! 3 HA Mr. Breckinridge will one-half, of the 1 -ctoral 4 nt condition of the party it is difficult to judge Douglas can get one electoral posed be could carry his own State. is announced, will be run there, and we that the gi i confess: resent etate of the case throws a doubt over the result in Hiinois. . In bey pacer and New Jersey a union ticket would |, and the people there are moving Without a union those States will go for Lit Strange as it may appear, under these cir- cum*tances, the Douglas leaders, or office seekers, the union. "We can account for this only in one way, ‘They desire that the democratic party {shall be broken ‘Up, and that Lincoin shall be elected, on the —— ‘bat his success will speedily be followed by a disruption of the biack republican ty, with fragments of which they intend t combine, a new party, and ride into office. This, it bas been suggested, is their plan. We can hardly credit it, bat still their movements appear to give much plausibility to the assertion. If any such scheme exists, it must inevitably be broken down complete- ly with the termination of the present Presidential canvass. Now, for one moment let us lovk at the condition of Connecticut, The democracy polled last April 43,920, and fell only 28 votes short of success. Since 1856 they have gained about 10,000 votes, and cut down a majority jst them of over 10,000 to about 600. The same rate gains would carry us through the contest of next No- vember in triumph. Now,’shall the 43,920 democrats who 80 nobly stood shoulder ‘to shoulder last April, remain orm united in the November contest, with a prospect of success; or shall they be divided, and go into the oon- test with no prospect of a triumph? Six names can be selected in Connecticut, of olf and reliable democrats, in whom every democratic elector has the ful’est confi- dence—the preferences of three of them to be in favor ‘Will tell with effect. Did it wound your sense of political duty to act in harmo. by last spring, democrats of Connecticut? Will it hurt your feelings to “give a long pull, @ strong pull, anda pull all together’ next fall? United, you may defeat the common foe. Divided, you will yourselves be This is certain. But, successful or defeated, the democracy of Connecti cut, we presume, will not have fulfilled their mission the moment next fall's election isended. We have con- gressmen, a Governor, Legislature, &c, to elect next spring. united this fall, so shall we present a compact and powerful front next spring, and shall secure most annoy J triumphs then. But if divided the breach will not be readily healed, and feats in the future will fall upon us. For the future fore of the party union in in the coming fall de of as much importance to us as union in triumy either case its ipfivence must be great. TN is for ple in the various towns to say whether a united demo- cracy shall go into the | contest with a prospect of success, or whether, divided, we shall bo plunged upon inevitable defeat. Gen. Lane in North Carolina. Rasiam, July 22, 1860. Gen. Lane was received at Shocco Springs on Friday by & large concourse of citizens, and the military of Warren and the surrounding counties. After reviewing the troops he responded to an address from the Attorney General of the Stete. A salute was fired and there was @ grand en tertainment. His presence in his native State creates poe enthusiasm. He visited this city and Kittreli’s rings yesterday. ‘The Banner on the Outer Wall, SIMBON DRAPER TO HIRAM CRANSTON.! New Yorx, July 16, 1860. Deax Sim—I presume the New York Hotel is nota po- litical institution, and therefore ask, on behalf of the Cen tral Campaign Ciub, that they may have the privilege of attaching their cord to the New York Hotel chimuey for the peceees ot Sones Se banner of freedom (not the | idates themselves), of Lincoln and Hamlin. Would | youasssot? Yours truly, S DRAPER. | HL. Cranston, | HIRAM CRANSTON TO SIMEON DRAPER. | New York Hore:, July 16, 1860, | S. rarer, Bsq.— f; | Dean Sim—You are right in ‘‘presuming that the New | York Hotel identifies itself with no political party” in this campaign, but you are wrong in presuming that 1 would have no objection to hanging the republican banner | end from the New York Hotel chimney, as it is well known that the New York Hotel is as directly opposite to | you in polities as to your “headquarters.” tfully H. CRANSTON, Comvextion Day tv Trewtow, N. J.—Tax Brrowers ayn Bvvers.—On Wednesday next, the 25th inst., the political ‘utehers and tradesmen of New Jersey are to meet on ‘Change in Trenton, to fix upon the prices and transfer the factions rumps and fag ends of all existing and de- funct partica in that State except the black republicans, and @ndeavor to roll, if possible, all the disconnected and por 7 elements into one organization in order to de. | foat the Lincolnites and abolitionists in the coming clec- | tion.) Whatthe result will be we will not venture to | , but we can easily anticipate a lively time among the politiciaas, The friends of Breckinridge and Lane, of Douglas and Johnson, of Bell and Everett, and of Houston and , bave all called their State Conventions to in Trenton on that day. Cuayors —The St, Albans, Vt., Democrat, an origioal Douglas paper, put up his name immediately aftet his nomination, and kept it there two weeks. Last week it hauled it down, and nailed the Breckinridge and \ Lané colors to its masthead. The following is its article | upod the subject — | ‘With patriotic pride ha fad at the head of our columns: | the@emes of the national democratic candidates for Presi | dent and Vice l'resident—John C. Breckinridge and Joseph Lane. ‘The Northampton Correspondent, a German organ of the | democracy, published at Easton, Pa, after having had | the pame of Stephee A. Douglas at the bead of ite cofamns for two weeks, has deciared for Breckinridge and Lane. More Skcxpixo.—The Houston Conveation, which was | held im Schenectady on the 18th inst., was composed of | tweaty-two members, but in conseqnence of some misun- | derstand ag four of the number seceded and organized a | comvention in an adjoining room of the hotel. * BReekinniper iv Pewvsytvasts.—Tho Coal City (Law- | rence, Penn.) Chronicle says that the most of the candi. | eratic ticket are out and out Breckinridge men. The | Convention refused to pass any resolutions on the Presi- | dential question. | What mx Docetas Cate Nexns Moet.—A Douglas pa- | per im the South says that all his cause needs is truth; | ‘and the Columbus Times replies, in effect, that his cause | needs nothing else go badly. | Ova ron Baavanpan—L, O'Brien Breach, (Congress. Production, | our knowledge of the criminal ‘veloped fen from North Carolina, who advocated Douglas’ nomination at Charleston, has since come out for Breck inridge. Governor Ellis, the democratic candidate for Governor of North Carolina, is also out for Bregkinridge. ‘Tux Mivaesota Democracy.—The St. Paul Minnesotian ‘says that when all of the democratic papers in Minnesota have taken their position, they will stand eleven for Breckinridge and Lane, and four for Dougias and Jobnson. Pouncan Jocenais ix ALanamMa —The Montgomery (Alabama) Advertiser, baying given @ political classifica- tion of the papers in that State, say It will be geen that Bell and Everett have nearly twice many newspaper supporters in Alabama as Douglas, and that Breckisriige and Lane six times as papers as Douglas, near; thar times at toany as Bolland Fret, ood eee embers ag many as Bell and Douglas com- Towa —The Breckinridge detmocrate of Iowa are to hold 8 grand mags State convention, in Davenport, on the 15th of August. In Favor oy Dissootion.—The Camden (Ala.) Register hoista the Breckinridge flag, and accompanies the act With the following extremely frank admissions :— we to-day for Breckiuridge and Lane, the demeratc uominoe fr President and Von Freie of our Puuvens Lixcon.—The editor of the Cumberland (Md.) Telegraph, the American organ, referring to @ statement that the opposition party of Alabama had, in convention, repudiated Bell and Everett, and declared their purpose to support Breckinridge and Lane, says— We prefer Mr. Lincoln before either of the Seer crate Public Advertiser, bas been driven from the town, and his printing office has probably been destroyed. Mr. Har- baugh has arrived at St. Louis, and publishes a card de- tailing the facts, declaring that he was driven out be- cause he came oat for Lincoln and Hamlin. Poor Prexce on Tux SrumP.—It is reported in New Hampshire, that ex-President Pierce will take the stump in that State for Breckinridge and Lane. New Hampsnme.—The Concord correspondent of the Boston Traveller thinks that in the coming contest Mr. Lincoln will receive in New Hampshire 38,500 votes, Mr. Dougias 81,000, and Mr. Breckinridge 2,500. Prortx's Partt or Pexwsrivania —The Norristown (Pa.) Defender, belonging to the people's party, supports the national Union candidates for President and Vice-Presi- dent, and Andrew G. Curtin, the black republican candi- date for Governor. Dovatas at Op Jonn Brown's Gattows.—The Spirit of IGferson, x democratic paper published at Charlestown, ‘Virginia, where old John Brown was tried and executed, eay' ‘The conservative sentiment of the party will rebuke anything which has a tendency to weaken (Qe bonds of the Union, Whenever Yancey and Rhett are sought to be made the exponents of Southern democratic senti- ment, the conservative men of the party will moet re- ly ask to be counted out. And this conserva- tive element is no mere corporal’s In this State it is the it mass of the party. are not going to Submit to's dissolution. for the benedt of Mr. Yancey’s Gulf States, and yet they are prepared to resis; North- ern encroachment as quickly as Mr. Yancey or Mr. Rhett. They want what is right; nothing leas, nothing more. They are men, too, upon whom the democratic party in Virginia have to rely, and without whose ser- Vices the party would often have suffered defeat. Dovaias Mex tv Orrick —It is said that all the officers ‘im the Custom House in Eastport, Me., are Douglas men. BRSCKINRIDGE 48 AN ORATOR.—AS a popular orator there is no man in the West his superior; tall and commanding in person, he exhibits the most graceful elocution. He is rapid and vehement in utterance, yet distinctly articn- lates. He combines an intellect of high order with great Personal accomplishments. Row at 4 Basceisnince Rarmicarion Mzerine ty Locis- vuix.—the Louisville Journal in giving an account of the above meeting, held on the 14th inst., says:— a Fhe notten ofthe sides om gue inasi rowned and lost in the hurricane of articulate ticulate sounds. The rumpus was caused in part by men, who “went to the meeting to attest their scorn Col. 1, who was announced as one of the speakers." Dovoias Camraicx Docosest i tar Sovri.—The Au- gusta (Ga.) Constitutionalist states that there will soon be [ at iseued from the press one hundred thousand copies of Governor Johnson's recent speech at Macon and Atlanta. How. Avaeet Rvsx ror Dovetas.—The Helena (Ark.) Smeld states that the Hon. Albert Rusk intends stumping the State of Arkansas for Douglas ard Johnson, Excessive Hotel Charges. TO THE BDITOR OF THE HERALD. Concress Hatt, Atnasy, July 20, 1960. A communication published in the Herat of this day, ‘and signed “Quill,” does me great injustice. I beg of you, therefore, to publish this article in reply te said commu ication. Mr. came to my§ hotel} about six o'clock on the morning of the 8th inst., with his wife, child and two servants, In conformity with his wishes, the best parior and bedroom in my hotel, and for the use of which 1 charge the highest price, were furnished to him. He was unwell, and thereftre demanded and received every at- tention in my power or that of my subordinates to be- | stow. Meals were furnished to him, his wife and child iu their parlor, Newspapers were purchased and sent to him, beggage and carriage bills paid, and every effort made to render his brief stay at my hotel agreeable. And now a word or two as to the charges which he deems exorbitant, He and his wife occupied a parlor, for which he was charged $5 a day, and for which, in connec tion with a bedroom adjoining, I_ have received $75 per week, or $10 50 per dari the winter from a single person, and this, too, three months ata time, and who also took meals at LT pay d table. My charge for meals furn: ‘at the rooms of guests is invariably 60 cents extra, or $150 per day. ser. vante and child were balf price. The bill, there- fore, would foot up as foil . (He occupied his room a day and a balf, coming, as he did, early oa Sunday morn- ing, and leaving at twelve o'clock’on Monday) — Board for himself and wife at $2 60 per day, counting as one anda quarter day... $6 2 Board for child Ga peice) 15st Parlor one day and a To Extra for meals furnished + 500 32 1% - 100 1b Ale 38 Here is the precise amount of the bill in items. You will thus perceive that the amount paid b; was 35 cents lees than he should nave paid, and formity with our oy pot to to disparage my hotel, and excuse his own meanness as it deserves, but rest content for the it with subscribing myself yours and the public's humble servant, JAMES L. MITCHEL The Confession of Harden. RJ document, says the Newark Advertiser, uw ion facts de lie, on the trial that of . He endeavored to get cashed at the Easton Bank a check for $1,000, with | dog =) of Joho 1. , eS A peering , upon it. nk, , through caution, would eee the check, and Harden then presented it ‘at the Phillipsburg Bank, ‘where the forgery was detected, but no measures were taken to arrest Harden, who was unknown to the officers of the bank. The affair took place ‘on the very day on which Harden purchased the poison to kill his wife. His identity with the person offering the check would not have been discovered had he not con. fessed it to the sherift. It is probable that he intended to use the money, had he obtained it, to escape after com. milling the murder, Census Items, The indications are that the increase of population ia the border States is far beyoud the most sanguine esti- mates, while in Ohio, Indiana, New York, Peunsytvanis and New England, outaide of the large towns and cities, it bas remained nearly stationary. Aw Iypestaions Censos TakeR—-Mr. J. L. Barber, Ag- sistant Marshal in Lawrence county, Ohio, thus sums up his week’s labor in a note to the United States Marshal: “I commenced on Monday at twelve o'clock, after township, dlled tain” pages of, dbedule Nort, Ways oe townshi irty B No. 4, and took all the other statistics. He walied Over 100 miles t yh brush, briers, wheabgaad corm. jies—called one James tee and pamed two the other Lewis Sifford. Finished the township by day noon, and walked home a distance of fifteen miles Twain homed time the mercury was. 90 deg. f i i i Fl f 2 i i I leuecegsé'e & 078 2,214 about nine per cent over the ‘in the tee has gives, This is an increase of o ‘an increase census of 1650. 6. Mippuesex County, N. J.—The Assistant of inbabitants t Brunswiek. He Number of dwellings, of unoccupied dweilings, , 7. Number the past year, 13. % Conwaonricct.—The Hartford Times has some information as to the nt census; but not . ‘The over 6,000, which w larger than ding the present town of Bethel, ten years ago, places, it is true, are among the most thriving mani turing towns of the Btate, but there are plenty more like them. They #how a gain of about 60,000, and’ the gate in the State, making due allowauce for losses, ought w be at least 100,000, making our present populati 470,000, or 30,000 short of half « million. Nasuva, Mass —By the United States census the popu- lation of Nashua is 10 064, of which 4,487 are males, and 5,577 females. The ition in 1850 was 8,942; gain, 1,122. Merrimack, } , Hudson and Litchtield have all decreased in population since 1850. ' Batmmorg—The Deputy United States Marshals ere ing with the taking of the census of Bal- id will complete their labors ia about rapidly timore Le | month. population of Baltimore will not be found have reached the point many persons have placed from present indications will not exceed 230,000 ii ° The Second ward, where the large foreign popula- tion reside, has decreased since 1860, owing, 00 doubt, to the abuse and ill-treatment have received from political rowdies within a few years past. Eleventh ward has increased since 1850 ‘about 1 000; Sixteenth ward bas increased about 3,000, and the tieth ward about 6,000. In 1850 the of the city was ee which was an increase of 65,000 over 1840. Now. in , it will be some 230,000, an increase of, 61,000 over 1860, showing that the city has not gone increasing in the ratio of preceding years. Mapison, Wis.—Deputy Marshal Habich handed us yesterday ‘the figures of the popu'atiou of the First, Se- cond and Third wards of the city. They are as follows:— & Ixp.—The population of this town, ac- , Amounts to 4,000. Vicxsscns, Miss—The Marshal of Vicksburg, entrusted with the duty of taking the census, the of atari te 198" popula ia: Vicks (5,678. This fs iby, bul el a bealtby, but not a large A —We delphia Ledger —The del] will not be for Stiga, being a toaiom’enn, ie poe og ng variety of q wards have been 5 those bavi t of oo meee the city will exceed 660. number of Sn Sees in e 110, &e , bave bese Phila- rH ef that cannot read or write. In not “to the manner born,” consisting of husband, ‘and about a dozen children, some of whom are not a single individual of it could be found abie or even write But cases like this are very rare, fees Ape the parties have been in this country any ype of that portion of the Third ward weet Fifth street has been completed, and jt shows a and $1,868,479. There are, accord returns, in this portion of the ward, four pul including one charity school, in which there teachers and 1,750 There i i: & proper comparison may be tween the population of the city at Dreerst aad the ugh no comparison can be made by wards, the lidation of the city and alteration of wards changed their boundaries, In one of the wards an old lady was called upon the names and number of her family, and , She grve the names of twenty- gi ‘Tur Naw Yong Harnor.—The triumphaa aye the Richmond Pipeich, in which the Great Baaters was brought over the bar of the New York of bine monte the good t