The New York Herald Newspaper, June 2, 1860, Page 6

6 - NEW YORK HERALD. paspedeernene Sees JABES GORDON BENNATT, EOLIOR AND OFFIOS X. W. CORNES OF NAST AND FULTON STS. See e a ee aanaananal adeu' cont by mall will be at the bea voetage sampe ettoet aa subscription Ly .D 00 conte $1 per annum. feneraestie Ff Ay I IY MILT HERALD on Wednesday, at four cents por Beseis ree sae Soe Fen, Saeco “So NoricR taken of anonymous correspondence. We do wot tn 54 ig havent Ncxecwted wcith weatuess, cheapness and de- WINTRE GARDEN. Broadway, ratte Bond strest.— wacupe ar Garet Missapian WALLAOK’S CHEATRR, Brendway.—Ovantaxe Rovts. —_— LAUBA KRENB’S Puwoe—Lexp Ms Five waw ‘wowssy, Wira—K: Bross. * Bowery.—Wuitam Tr11—JsaLous shines Go tus Pouinis Fastine Lavine Ovaries, Bs NT? MINSTRELS, by pet Ball, 473, Broad- wares Bymasevoa, Bones, },mams, £0.—ornas at Pusrons WIBLO'S SALOON, Brosdway.—Gso. Oxawrr's Mr. Tetasvos Vawons, Benusequa, 6o.—aviornooa and Sresing—Jacx axp Hm Monszr. RR OF THIRTEENTH STRERT AND FOURTH a —Ostsronats MEnaGusin. TRIPLE SHEET. How York, Saturday, June 2, 1860. The News. In Congress yesterday the Senate passed the Post Office Deficiency Appropriation bill, and adopted a resolution directing inquiry concerning the governwent purchase of the naval depot at Bromawick, Ga. In the House 4 bill was passed Providing that any United States Marshal, Deputy Marshal, or other ministerial officer, who shall per” mit the escape of criminals in their custody, whether charged with offences under the laws of the United States, or those of a foreign govern- | ment with whom we have treaties of extradition, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall be fined and imprisoned according to the discretion of the Court, having respect to the nature of the crimes with which the prisoners are charged, Mr. Winslow, of North Carolina, then brought before the House the cireumstance that the Covoile Investigating Committee, of which he is a member, had refused to subpona certain wit. nesses, by whom it was proposed to prove that the republicans had used undue iafluences to carry Congressional elections in Pennsylvania a couple of years ago. In the course of the discussion on this subject, Mr. Train, of Massachusetts, made use of remarks which induced Mr. Houston, of Als- bema, to call Mr. Trala a liar aad a scoundrel, This produced intense excitement, and a vast amount of palaver, and a motion to censure Mr. Houston. After all parties had been pretty well exhausted with the wordy war, Mr. Houston made a handsome apology for kis unparliamentary con- duct, and the House adjourned. ‘The Overland pony express, with San Francisco dates to the 18th ult., reached St. Joseph, Mo., yes- terday afternoon. This express brought the mail which was missing from the express that arrived on Tuesaday last. The parcels were all safe. By this arrival we have important news from Carson Val- ley. A party of 105 volunteers, under Major Orma- by, were attacked on the 12th ult. by a band of hostile Indians, and after a bloody fight the former wore compelled to retreat. Of the entire party bat thirty-eight reached the settlements alive, though it is possible that some of the missing were subsequently found by the searching parties sent out, Major Ormshy was among the number killed. Active preparations were immediately set on foot by the citizens of the various settlements. by tha authoritias of Onucuraia, aud Dy Gen. Clarke, of the Valted States Army, to pursue and punish the savages, and protect the people and emigrant trains from molestation. ‘We give this morning a numbet of important Euro- pean despatches, of later date than any previously published, which throw additional light upon the complicated affairs of Europe. We aiso publish a de- spateh from Palermo; also one from Naples, siailar to that furnished us by a passenger per the Arabia, dated Rome, which, with the Palermo despatch, was published in yesterday's Henatp. From the despatch published in yesterday's issue, it would be inferred that Garibaldi had been defeated by the royal troops at Calatafini; whilst the news from Naples, given this morning, shows it to be only a band of in- ourgents, and not (aribaldi, that was defeated. All accounts of the movements of the latter clearly show that victory has crowned every effort, and that the toyal troops are only too auxious to get out of the reach of his guns. The steamship Vanderbilt, which sailed from Southampton May 23, with three days’ later news, is due at this port to-day. In the Cirouit Court yesterday Jadge Smalley sentenced Albert W. Hicks, alias Johnson, convict- ed of piracy on board the oyster sloop E. A. Joba- son, to be hanged on the 13th of July next. The execution is to take place on Ellis’ or Bedloc's Inland, as the Marshal may direct. The courtroom was densely crowded by spectators to witness the | proceedings, and, for the firet time since his arrest, | the prisoner appeared to lose his self-control. Ten thirty dollar licenses were granted yesterday | by the Excise Commissioners. They inform us that from thirty to forty blank papers are taken from | them daily by considerate liquor dealera with aa | ultimate view of obtaining licenses before the final / seasion of the Excise Board for the present year | occurs. They will hold another meeting this morn- ing. Up to the time of the adjournment of the Courts yesterday no quo warranto had been applied for on the part of Mr. Platt, the newly appointed City | Chamberiain. We understand that the delay is o0- | (8 Brondway.—Invistst3 WEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JUNE 2, 1860.—TRIPLE SHEET. ‘The Question of the Day—is the Repub- Loam Cemdidate for the Presidemey an Abolitiontst 3 The Chevalier Webb takes exception to an article which we published on the 30th ult» in which we stated that Lincoln, the republi- can candidate, is & revolutionary abolitionist. We might have gone further, and said that the whole republican party is abolitionist, and the iseve ithas raived, and which is now before the country, is the abolition of slavery. The Chevalier does not like the name, forgetting that a “rose will smell as sweet by any other name.” It ig the thing and not the name that is of any real consequence. Things, however, may as well be called by their right names, We donot wish to do any injustice to “Honest Abe Lincols,” nor to the republican party, and therefore we insert im another page the pria- cipel portion of Webb’s leader in defence of Abe, together with extracts from the lecture of Lincoln himself, delivered in New York in February last. That lecture was specially and carefully prepared for this conservative and Union city, and is consequently far less radi- cal than his real sentiments, uttered before audiences of a more kindred spirit. We take Webb’s own article and the most cautious of all Lincoln’s speeches, and from them show abolitionists. The republican pasty is con- fessedly an anti-slavery party. It is founded on hostility to slavery, on the grouud that it is a moral, social and political evil, and ought to be abolished. Accordingly Webb says :— “Slavery is a great and blighting curse,” and “ he is ready to do al! in his power to alleviate the condition of those suffering from the afflic- tion.” This is the very essence of abolitionism. If the republicans believe slavery to be a “great and blighting curse,” it follows logically that they are abolitionists, if they are honest men; for whatever is a curse to the country it is the dufy of all good citizens to do their utmost to remove and abolish. Now, so far from believing negro slavery a curse, we re- gard it as a great blessing in the tropical cli- mates, and in the Southern States of our re- public—a blessing to the slave, to the master, and to the whole of this Union—one of the great sources of our national prosperity. Mr. Lincoln, on the contrary, as may be seen by the extracts from his lecture made elsewhere in our columns, declares that “it is his con- viction, and the conviction of the republican party, that slavery is wrong,” and that there is Ro authority for it in the fundamental law of the land—that, in spite’of the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, which, he says, came to a hasty conclusion not war- ranted by fact, “an inspection of the consti- tution will show that the right of property in a clave is not distinct)y and expressly affirmed in it;’ but, on the contrary, “the idea that there could be property in a negro is purposely excluded from the constitution.” This language applies not merely to slavery in the Territories, but in the States, Mr. Lin- coln’s position being that it is both morally and_ politically wrong, and that there is no warrant in the constitution for its existence. The logical consequenoe from this is that it can be abolished thronghout the whole Union by Again, Mr. Lincoln says:— n which ‘oat ‘at lash aioe ant a hall ot this ration votes. You capnot deatroy that judgment and that sentiment— pa disperse an army which bas been formed order in the face of your beaviest fire; but, if you bow much Sav of the peacale! chante! otha bull box inie gomes other channel. The plain meaning of this language is, whether by the ballot box end whe Af tha Yaows, on if acaven to it by force of arma, is destined to sweep away slavery, fare, will go on, step by step,'In their demands till at last they insist on “ the overthrow of the free State constitutions, which declare the wrong of slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all other sayings against it, and hold- ing, as they do, that slavery is morally right, and socially elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of it as a legal right and « social blessing. Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction that slavery is wrong.” Here, then, is the irrepressible conflict which Mr. Lincoln more distinctly announced fn his speech on the 17th of June, 1858, at the close of the Republican State Convention at Spring- field, Ill, where he had been nominated as can- didate for United States Senator. He then and there eaid:— Slavery agitaticn wil! not cease until s crisis shall have deer reached and pared. capnotetand. This government capnot endure perma- neatly half slave and half free. It will become all one ‘Ying or all the other. According to these words, the force of which no man can mistake or dispute, there must be complete uniformity in the local laws of the several States on the question of slavery, and 8 conflict will rage between the free and the slave States which will never cease till slavery is either established in all or abolished in all— which latter, according to Mr. Lincoln, is the end for which the republican party is organ- ized. Is not the conclusion therefore inevitar ble, that Mr. Lincola is “a revolutionary aboli- | tionist!” In a speech delivered at Cincinnati, | in September last, he said:— Touy oon, te Gio Sup size; to Oe Retnanes, Gait = ” call, a8 1 understand it, a “Diack can.” I slavery is wrong, morally and ‘ L desire that it showld be no further tm these Unies Grates, ond 1 abeatt, gue ctject should grada- casioned by the necessity of sending to Albany for | ally terminate ia the whole the concurrence of the Attorney General. In the Methodist Conference at Bumalo yester day, a resolution to the effect that the new chaptor on the subject of slavery In the Disciptine be con sidered merely as advisory, and not statutory, was adopted by 165 yeas to 6 nays. ‘The sales of cotton yesterday embraced aboat 8008 1,000 bales. The market closed tamely on tho basis of about 1L\c¢. @ Lite. mostly quoted at the inside Sgure. | ‘S17 18 a SIT SI, and of oy Rogare were In moderate request, and sales embraced about $00 hhds , mostly Oubas, and 180 do. molasses sa- | 18 ati 0 618 60, | A table of socks will be feond in another cslumn. | Is not the whole ground covered by thee few words, which conclude with a happy eu- phemiem for the term abolition? And is not the republican candidate nailed by his own languege, which we quote from Greeley’s edi- tion of his speeches? In another speech, deli- vered at Alton, October 15, 1858, Mr. Lincoln seid:— He stroggle. The speaker winds up his argument by say- ing, that as soon as a sufficient number of con- verts will come over to the republican ranka, (078, bad 200 boxen, on terms given cleowhers. A state. | “Who will treat slavery as & wrong, then there ment of stocks will be found im another pisos, at slew will soon be an end of it, and that end will be the Meaare. Stoart’s prices for thetr refine’ rooda. Salsa | {ts nitimate extinction. Of coffke were light, incinding 660 bags Maracaibo a: 1946. 8 1DKe., and a amall jot Rio at 190. Freights to | Liverpool were easier. Corn and whest wore taken in bulk and begs at Sd 8d , and rosin at le 1. Conty noutal rales wore sendy, * Will the Chevalier Webb, as an honorable man, pow deny that Lincoln is an abolitionist’ Perhaps the word “ertinctionist” would suit him better. We did aot say, aad do not now i ' that beth gentlemen are abolitionists. Indeed, | be rages are saaagls of woe | acts of the republican leaders, and the leo- oy, thabLincole is violent ai olitionist, who ‘Would accomplish his purposes by illegal i2- vasion of the Southern States, but by due pro Cems of law for if, as Lincola contends, the master has no legal property in bis slave, then every negro in bondage my be brought up under habeas corpus, aad set free under the constitution of the United States and by the Supreme Court; 324 if Lincoln were President it would be his duty to sustain the decisions of the Supreme Court, if necessary, by the whole power of the sruy end navy. Yet Webb says if Lincola would do this, ‘no honest man should vote for him” This very method of abolishing slavery is ia- dicated in Mr. Seward's speech in the United States Senate, which Webb eo enthusiastically endorsed; and it is unfolded at length in Spooner’s work, one of the two handbooks of the republican. party—Helper’s being the other. Helper’s book advocates John Brown's method; Spooner’s book sets forth Seward’s and Lincoln's legal plan, which would tara the constitution and the Supreme Court into ia- struments of abolition. There can be no other wil] . method than these two—one best suits one sec- tion of the republicans, and the other beat suits another; but both tend to the eame goal—the abolition of slavery. These revolutionary books and speeches and tares and speeches of Lincoln in particular, will lead to a crisis which may result in the @isruption of the Union, the destruction of all the material interests of the country, and in- ternecing confusion and bloodshed of the most fearfol description. And then will be realized, in all its terrors, the irrepressible conflict whioh Seward prefigured at Rochester, and Lincoln proclaimed before him at Springfield in oracular language, which it is the mission of the prophet himself to fulfill. Europeen Complications and Our Fo- reigm Relations—Are We to Beceme am Imbecile Repebiic! The success of the Garibaldi movement in Sicily is likely to create the most serious com- | plications in Europe; and there are already in- ications that it has produced grave changes in the relative positions 4f several Powers, and particularly ia the relations between England and France. A union of Italy, under the rale of Victor Emanuel, would call into existence s great military power on the Mediterranean, which would be advantageous to the general deve- lopement of commerce, and act at the same time asa check on the power of France in that sea. The annexation of the kingdom of Naples to Sardinia would leave the Papal States isolated, and soon force them into the Italian Unions. This would then comprise abouttwelve millions of people, able to support a stand- ing army of three hundred thousand mea, with a national guard of five hundred thousand more behind them, and render Victor Emanuel one of the potent sovereigns of Europe. That this is the sim of Garibaldi and the present revolutionists in Sicily, and through all Italy, is generally believed. Such a consummation is a desirable one for England, and to bring it about her statesmen and diplomatists will make every effort. It would create « counterpoise to the preponde- rating power of Louis Napoleon, which Eng- land is desirous of seeing called into existence in western and southern Europe. The same policy which leads England to desire such an event will impel the Napoleonic dynasty to look upon It with disfavor, and to seek to place upon s new throne in Naples some scion of its own. In these conflicting interests we have s motive for the conflicting policies, the foresha- dowing of which has already created a fecling of distrust is both countries, and which will no donht be atimnlated by other interests for their own purposes. Russia has already begun to excite again the Christian population of Tur- key; and it is asserted that she has the consent of England up to a cer- tain point. Perhaps the English states- men begin to perceive the advantages that would accrue to the British empire from « divi- sion of the effects of “the sick man of Europe.” Germany, too, is equally anxious with England to see a counterpolse created to France, and with Russia to ree discord rule between the cabinets of Londor and Paris. Thus Louis Na- poleon may be forced to adopt one of two equally dangerous lines of policy for him. He may seek to prevent the consummation of a united kingdom in Italy, by sustaining the Pope and forming some new combination with Austria, just as his uncle did; or he may seek to contro! the new movement by affiliating with the revolutionary Idea, and, if he cannot pre- vent the political union of the Italian penin- sula, strive to make it such an exaggerated one as will insure its early disintegration. In all of these things there exists the germ of grave complications in Europe, which threaten to make the present summer one of most anxious import to every {n- terest. The state of things on that con- tinent is ripening to a general war, or & general revolution, and with our widely extended commerce either event is fraught with great dangers to us. Who- ever reflects for a moment on the events which complicated our relations and harassed our trade from the breaking ont of the first French revolution until we were finally driven into war ourselves in 1812, youngand weak as we then were, will see how grave is the aspect of present affairs for us. And yet recent events demonstrate that we are sinking into the con- dition of an imbecile republic. Party conflicts and personal aspirations for the Presidency have displaced the motives of statesmanship and national policy in the Senate, and the ad- ministration finds iteelf foiled in every step re- garding our foreign relations by a petty epirit of partisan opposition, The conrse of the black republican Senators in rejecting the recent treaties with Nicaragwm and Mexico on party grounds alone, reduces our government to a condition of imbecility in our foreign re- lations that is pregnant with immenee evils to the country. Wecannot doubt that when these come to be palpable, as they soon will be come, the people will reject such petty and miserable counsellors. But Yhat will not re- medy the evils that our commerce, oar indus trial interests and our national fame will have suffered, before the people can have time to act through the usual channels of expressing their will, nor will it restore the advantages we shall have loet. An early rebuke of these quarrels, and this fool the par black phe ad be ming ery he ph 4 the mass of the people, which, however partisan leaders and 4 may be blinded selfieh interests, fe always keenly alive to the Daicaal interest and the national honor. Paveage of the Bill Metabitshing « Ger OMe. The bill establishing a government printing office, and demolishing the present orrup' sys tem of conducting the public printing, passed the House on Thursday by the decisive vote of 120 to 56 {t now remains for the Senate to take like action upon it and make it « law, The passage of this bill in the House is the re- sult of the force of public opinion, and the ia- fluence of the independemt press, whese con- stant exposure of the extrevagemce and corruption of the existing system frowd the adoption of that measure upon Compre. The attention which the independent ;rems of the country has drawn upon the of public printing at Washington, and elicited by the committees, shown what a miserable thing the is. It stands now exposed as a system, living upon the pickings and of the public treasury. For the last the Washington press has been kept this means, and the party press in in the Union has been maintained—| actual starvation by the drippings cutive and legislative kitchens States. The Cagger-Cassidy Albany Regency, the Albany Evening Journal, the potiagemnens nore way. According as the of power, the drippings are poured bupgry mouths, and thus they are from death by absolute inanition. it the same with the party papers in every capi- tal and every State all over the country—the meanest and most imbecile journals receiving their very means of existence by plunder. Should the bill establishing a govern- ment printing office become a law, the govern- ment ought i | 5 if { gied HTH & & fi 2k EF i : E F E paper at Washington, containing the debates of Congress, exactly aa they are spoken in both houses, without amendment or alteration, as well as all such communications as the ad- tinistration may find necessary to make pub- lic, thus cutting themselves off entirely from the party newspapers. These things come le- gitimately within the scope of a government printing bureau, and by adopting euch mea- sures the extravagance and corruption in con- nection with the public printing, which for years past have grown to be gangrenes upon the body politic, will be cut ut owith one vigor- ous sweep of the knife. The success of this bill is due entirely. to the efforts of the independent press. It is precisely the measure we have been contending for in hese columns for years, until at last the cor- ruptions we have exposed, over and over again, have carried the weight of popular opinion #0 strongly against the present system of public printing that Congress could not help taking the ection it has now taken with regard to it. We do not charge this corruption specifically upon apy individuals, for they are all blamable alike—Wendell and Forney, Bowman and De- frees, and the rest, were equally mixed up with it—democrats and republicans were just the same. But how absurd it is to see such men as Haskiv, Hickman, Pryor and others endeavoring to fasten charges of corruption upon certain persons, when they are all, every one of them, engaged in the same schemes. Tf the Senate pass this bill, as they ought to do, we hope to see the whole plundering sys- tem of public printing as it now exists swept ant af the wey et ouce and forever. Tax Vatvce or Corrox to tux Woutp—inte- resmmxe Facts axp Statistics.—The sum paid annually to the South for cotton consumed in England—about fivesevenths of the whole American crop—is estimated at $150,000,000. ‘The amount exported to England fs 1,882,500,- 000 Ibs., which, when converted into manufac- tured goods, is valued st half the declared value of all the exports from England. The wages paid in English cotton factories amount annually to $125,000,000, and those employed number at least 1,500,000 persons, young and old. It is calculated, moreover, that at least 6,000,000 people besides are dependent upon thoee employée. The capital eunk inmechinery for spinning, weaving, printing, &c., amounts to $750,000,000, 2,000,000 tons of shipping, and 20,000 men are employed in carrying the raw material to England. Besides, the mainte- nance of the national credit, the security of public funds, the prosperity of bankers, bili discounters, money brokers, merchants, and aa innumerable host of mechanics and artisaas—io short, the bulk of the nation—are dependent upon it. What if the crop should fail, or war prevent its importation! How fearful would be the consequences! Individaal and national ruin, bankruptcy, revolution end anarchy. Nor would England alone be the sufferer. Half the civilized world would be involved in hope- lees misery. Who can doubt that the abolition of slavery would be the abolition of cotton, and the abolition of cotton would be the aani- hilation of civilization. When the events which, we are told, are to precede the last day, commence, civilization, law, order and morality wilh have ebbed away considerably from this world. The causes of that tremendous revolution must be something etrong enough to upheave nations in a manner unknown even in the days when the Goth and Vandal were in Rome. Perhaps it will be fa- mine and idleness that will inangurate those terrible days which are to come, and how soon we know not ; and it may be that abolitionism is destined to be the instrument by which the prophecy of the Apooalypee shall be fulfilled. Purranations tx New Yorx ro Staconren Dovot.ss—The organs of the Albany Regency are beginning to show preparations and indica. tions of their intention to abandon Douglas at the Baltimore Convention to cut his throat, slaughter him outright, and cast his body out of doors—with the expectation of putting forward an insignificant politician, but one of their own school, Horatto Seymour. The or- gans are beginning to show their hands, and the manifestations unquestionably point in this direction. It is very probable that there will be more trouble at Baltimore than there was at Charleston. It may be that time, in- stead of ministering to harmony and union, will only have incres#ed the bitterness and actimony of feeling which broke up the Oon- vention at Charleston, and postponed ita results to the 18th of this month. As it seems almost impossible for the demo- cratic party to unite cordially upoa aay cand! t : date, pechape It we'tld be as well for the North and the South each te’ set up one for themecives to represent the differ at sections. But they must not put forward avaliable mea, for avail- able mea are always the won and most imbe- clle of candidates, Let them select s states- Farnborough commons attracted the attention and excited the admiration of the entire civil- ized world, except Lord Loraine and a few old ladies at Exeter Hall, and milk and water edi- tors in the United States. The Lion of Albion best of it. The old Lion, a terrible braggart, solved to have the belt, if it could be won by hard kaocks. The Lien was equally resolved that the belt should not go out of the fast-an- chorea and foggy isle. The question imme- Giately assumed gigantic importance. Down- ing street was terribly agitated. The Home Secretary was nearly bored to death by people who came to ace him about the belt. Lord Palaserston took the greatest interest in the matter, and Cambridge House was the scene of many anxious conferences between the Premier and the United States Minister, albabout the belt. Theeditor of the London Times received scores of lettersall about the belt. If it had been the Crown jewels Heenan demanded, there would have been no more fuss about them than there was about the belt. While all this was going on we directed the attention of Congress Prophet to the true believer. He admitted that the Eagle was his equal in pluck, but would go no further than that. He did not pur- “pals” —to use a professional term—ot the pu- were presented to Her Gracious A sunned themselves for sixty thereabouts, in the efful- of royalty. Mr. Dallas’ splen- in this remarkable diplomatic obliterated the souvenier of bis un- condnct in refusing to help a “true ’ to sell some Catawba wine to some- body who didn’t want it, and it is whispered in court circles that a very high personage wonld not have been violently affronted if the ir li vee him is won vastly entertaining; but fine words butter no parenips,and get no belts. ‘The Boy was not to be put off without his belt, and so a congress of the parties was arranged. ‘The scene was a solemn and important one. kind, as far as we have got. The conference was brief, and resulted like all diplomatic meetings—that is, nothing was decided about the belt, except that it was to be Inia up in lavender and the office of Bell's Life, open for everybody to punch each other's heads for it. A new belt isto be made for the Bagle, and that they begin to look upon their contemplated journey to New York with fear and trembling, and that they wish themselves well out of the country. Various causes have been assigned by philosophers, who have been doiag an im- mense amount of Japanese cramming latterly Some say it is the liquor in Washington; others, caused by the prospect, even remote, of coming in contact with a New York alderman; others, the big guns and ateam engines in the navy yards, But they are all wrong. The troublois about the American women. The Japanese ‘have been overwhelmed in « ees of crinoline. They have been encompassed by hoops of ateel. They have been stared out ef countenance by the bright eyes of Columbia's msids aod matrons in Congress assembled. Wherever impenetrable wall of American female chatter- ing, @Mrting, staring, giggling, wondering, guessing, reckoning or calculating, accordiag to the line of country from whence she hails. ‘The feminine rush after the Japaneee has been rive in a city or village, the women all ran away and hide themselves. Here, when a distiaguished foreigner turns up, the women all run after him, as if they desired to est him up, and were afraid there would not be a piece left if they did not make haste. We state the case fairly to the women of i i aay? Wheat would become of the great Japsa . trade then! It is really awfal to think of. ¢ It is more probable, however, that the Japan- eae may be so affrighted by the women that they will not come here at all—in which case where would the hotel keepers, operas aad managers, and Broadway shopkeepers, Planged in affliction, we should say. view of all these terrible suggest to the women of the Academy of a | Hy ; E f i 3 Bs i 1 F H rift lin geifi hit 3 E z i if slaver— this time sailing under French colors-- has been captured off the coast of Cuba by ome of our cruisers, and its cargo of five hundred » Africans conveyed to Key West. This captare \ makes the number of rescued negroes uow in. Florida about fifteen hundred, who wil! have to —