The New York Herald Newspaper, April 10, 1860, Page 2

2 ——— THE JOHN "AOWN REVOLUTION. | WEW AND ASTOUNDING EVIDENCE. Redpath in Reply to Governor Robinson. Yee Correspondence of Robinson, Phillips, Redpath and Hinton. | | | GOVERNOR ROBINSON DEEPLY IMPLICAT.€D The Testimony Before the Masev: Comanittee Cast into the Sh&e, Atl the Republican Lea‘ters and te Republican Party Involved. Bloody Revotutiow and Civil War | the De sign, &e, RE, &ec. SHERBS OF REDPATH TO THE E/SRALD. Bosrox, April 6, 1860. Jams Goxnon Besnett, Reg., Eprros or tae New York Bru — Bachosed letter tow, from James Redpath, explains it- pelt and accompenyi.g documenta, wiich you are at liber. ty to print if you wish, They make a rich exposure, Respectfully, » THAYER & ELDAIDGE, P. S.—If the wrnuscript is not used, please return to us Dy express. TAKE REDPATH TO HIS PUBLISHERS. ‘Meesars, Turse & Expripes, Boston :— Enclosed please find a letter from William A. Phillips, ‘ Lawrence, Kansas, relating © Cor. Robinson's testi mony, my roply to it, e aote to R. J. Hinton, and the re port of a eommittee of the Kansas Logislature on the “Territorial Bond Swine.” If you know areas, forwerd my note and wait for a reply to end all togsther to some prominent journal (0 tion. Do not permit azy journal Jess it padliehes all, excepting t imsist on. They, amd the dev must vecessarily elicit, will thro dato the shade; for the: THE FP ig ‘ Recurity, If Gov. Robinson persists ico) jury, it is quite possible thet I may yet give my evideuce—net to Mason or hig committee (or I will n init to be cate- b @hised by a slave driver), but to Gre ead the country. I will not couse or betray any Criend; bet I am nearly tired of the hy- pocrisy of past friends, and cf men who publicly dea Jobn Brown snd priv approve of insurrections, Youre, for the Sve pointe of Wendell Phillips, REDPATEL TESTIMONY OF GOV. ROBINSON, OF KAN- Sa8, BEFORE THE SENATE COMMITTEE. {Washington (Feb. 11) Correspondence of the Hxaato,) Gov. Robinson, of Kansas, testified to day before the committee to the effecttbat Brown did not go t> Kansas to settle, but on accoums of the difficulties which he ex- ted would extend until the country generally should me involved, and elavery bo abolished. His object ‘was not peace, but revoluticn, and differed ip thie re- spect from the free State men generally. The only cther person who avowed to the witness a similar object was James Red} 5 After he bad lost el! hope of accomplishing hie ob’ect, he related to the witness the designs of himself and some others who were operating-with him. He said but few ‘were in their necret, althougt many were operating with them. The reason ¢f his opposition to taking possesgion of the Territorial end Leoomptom State gavernazent at the Wallot box waa because be sew in such a policy an 6ra w The disturbances, and, consecuently, to his hopes of a re- yojution. * Hence he, and those with him, who were chiefly re- 1ere of the press, made-wer upon all who were likely to aid in securing quict, in ordor to destroy their Lafiuenco with the people. He said thoy acted on the principle ‘that the end juetified the means, andfthey hesitated at no falsehood or Ibe) against any man who stood ia their way, provided it promised to further their object. This, be eaid, accounted for ‘the clauders of the reporters who were in the gcheme againat tbyco who opposed them. Witness knew of but one attempt to sot on foot a revo- lation. This was led by Col: jane, who, Mr. Redpath said, was under a strong plodro to act as their leader io fighting. Soon after the erestion of the Military Board ‘whiness heard Gen. Lane say that be had given orders to the Brigadier Generals to strike at several pointe in tbe Territory, with a view, as he understood, to offect a gene- ral elaughter of pro-elavery men. His orders were never obeyed, if given, and soon after he went Into Southern Kaseas, with the purpose, as Mr. Leonbart, one of hic efficers, afterwards told witaeas, to march upon Fort Soott. Some United States troops were in that vicinity at the time, and Mr. 1. said Gen. Lane showed the white feather and backed down. ‘Whness od, until the cenversation with Redpath, Bhat this was an insane movement of Lane’s alone, but he mow understands that it wes a.concerted plan of the revo- | Jationiats. This was the end of that class of operations, ee far as witpess war cognizant. ‘The New York Tritune was used by these men, Phillipa ‘aad Redpath, as wells mapy other papers, and they claimed that by means of the press, to which they hed mocess as correspondents, they could make or destroy any man. CORRESPONDENCE. PHILLIPS TO REDCATH. “ Lawrexck, K. T., Feb. 2, 1860. Esq: Dear Sm—I write this letter. in reverence to a personal matter that deeply concerns my honor, as as the ‘honor and history of the free State perty of Kanesa, and T think yours. Have you seen any report of the tectimony of Governor ‘Charles Robinson vefore the Senate Commitice. The first report that reached here was the one publishet in the Worcester (Mass. SPY of the 12h inst. Then I faw the infamous leader cf the Boston derald, of the same date. I wrote to Collamer, of the Committee, and reguest- ed a certified copy of tho.evidence, as it is evident he ybinson) bas aa guilty, not only of caisrepresentation, 06! ji! re i Sl govt nee. when Robinson reterned. I imme- diately sent him the following note, by tke hands of T. D, Esq. Lawrence Republican:— sali mee ns K. T., Feb. 21, 1860, “Sm—Having just learned of your fetusr to Kansas, I ‘address you, and reques! an.enewer to the following ques- tons: 1. Is the enclosed, which .) Spi report of your testimony befor ‘Wany part of it? 2 Would snything you there testifiot justify or form basis for suda a report in whole or in part’ Have you there, or elsewhere, ever uttered such eharges, so ag to give any possible data for cach an ar- tick. I hope you will pardon me for.adding, the! I will re- ward anything bot a full and explicit aaswer as an ad- 3dlasion that you have done so. I wii! further proaums to ‘id, that if you have not done soi will expect a pcviic dis- aimer from you to be published with <he report,.and sat. fefactorily to set at rast the cl thersin made. Should yeu mean to do what ‘s nono! and fair to your poli. eal colleagues, will not hesitate to do this. A -fafnre to do so I will regard as an adhesion te its J tend this by a friend, T. D. Thatcher, Faq., by whon I hopo you will rejurn an amswor 83 oarly ax pos Let me hope, sir, that I will be able to remain, ce- ly, yours, Wa. 4. Purvis. Gov. Cuaa. Boursoy.”” RBELY. Lawrence, Feb. $8, 1860. © We. A. Pmuasrs, Esq. Dear Sir—Your neve of the ‘Met instant, with euclosure, was handed to mo by Mr. Ya answer, 1 have to state <hat [ have no copy of my SeSimony,or I would send it to you as the best reply 1 — make maf aend joo My poe ict ap der} to inter ie8, ab aut Wy the Niamusan tprepounaet- ‘That in reference to youredf was chiefly in answer t questions ag to what ‘was told me by Mr. Redpath, and was a true statement of Redgath’s disclosures tome. The report of what is @ald as i is not an accurate report of my testi- ‘mony of "satatement to me: bu} with the excop- Gon of the. ‘ag to the coting uader the Lscomp- that, [ mean y of Redpath to Rostyso: re made the vo. ies ever concocted ingon. I do not Jas. Reprati, I bave copied from tke the 1 the Senate Commitee, or . jh, that the foulest & man as Dr. Revi the evidence. for the papers that have the East, in last two days, is used and published in ail quar- ‘ead tat democratic organs are making capital out this pi 7? That, October Territorial elsc- ting leader,’ aod = libel inst any That we “ war on | securing ujet.”” That the commanded the Territorial | Of the above | revolution.’’ that neither | dead, ever heard | tion, public or pri- | , for ap instant, even In the darkest snd civil war, uttered such gen'i. | | 3th just, ® correct | ‘scheme.’ That Lane was | felt somewhat indignant at the tone of the bg pet I nts; that T always belle ved that the imvagion of Kan- ld bag ane ry eked, and the wholo difficulty ver 9 'l, # ad that by the eare of our poopie they would be able 10, vindicate Noetr rights without per- withng the voubles “g, extend further. Tam not bere ar puing a point, or taxing any exception to thoee who did” por pelieve this, or who might poesinly not desire {his Y merely gay that [ knew nothing of soy / itever existed, and, moreorer, that [40 ay such conspiracy over dic ex. 1 know State party, in ail of ite pudlic n or prt J8e8, REver contemplated auytning of toe Kind, You mt also parcon me for saying that { caouos think that ev en you, Individually, entertained suck ideas, and YOO ‘sertajnly are aware that if yoa did you never | brer ,thed them to me. , dur relations have been, I have always felt, of a kindly © paracter We have had, on more thaa one occasion, to face denger and threatened deatn together, in the troubled umes gone by, and, apart from all other con siverations of esteem, 1 could never think coldly of there old agacciaticns. I believe that Robiusom has | erjured bimself in swearing as to what you said, az ne | tas for 1 cannot believe that yoa would | go to bim and tel) im that 1 was in a “plan of revolu tions? that I wag ‘determined (0 stop at no falsehood or hbel to accomplish my purpotes;” and that T had » only secured, but boaated of my acces to the New Tritune, as a means of accomphebing Euch & purpese, 1 CmUe! ne allthe other charges that be ewears you mwie aguiust myveif and others. Jam aware that we did mot sgree faily in our political bevel Tremember you often used to quiz me about what oxtre contervatam, [then believed your pring from au impulsive mature aud | never c rn question your right your oy bet this te ot mater. We ever § a word about @ revointion. by © couclusive to me, and I believe to m every cae bere, that Charles Robinson has deen gnilty of the culminativg aot of his Daseness, an foual malignity, and perbape propitiat: Senators, bag perjured bimaelf to Livet bis old cotieagues and the whole free State party. There was ovly one proposal that ey: knowledge Giateven looked hke revoluti the coun try. I believed it then, as 1 have bolieved it ever since, fo be a mere crotehet in one man’s braia, aud one, too, in which he wag not sincere. That man was Cnaries 2 grat! came to my Robisson. You, perhaps, remember, just before the fack of Lawrence by the Border ruifians, that Robinsoa | started Fast. I for one could not undera why be should want to | at such @ time, and urged him to stay: and when pressod for 2 reason as to epariure, he told me that he saw the wholu country was going to be involved in civil war, and that he was going to the free States to rouge the Governérs aud the people of them to arms, so that when an army eame on us another cou'd strike our enemies elsewhere, if neces- fary at Washington. Of course I thought this arose from an exaggerated feeling in bis mind, created by the horrors and troubles then devaeteting Kansas by Bu- ford’s army from the slave States; Dut I spent some ‘ime urging on him that the difficulties never need, Or ought to cccupy, such proportions; that !t would be better for re t au a great deal, and that al! woald soon blow over, and the matver be gettled on the soil of Kapeas, and settled without causing any ditliculty outside of the Territory. He never pretended to have any au- thority from any corumiitee or from any man. I knew that he could not get any ncmber in Kansas 0 to | feel, and urged him to stay. When he left, I for the first time began to lose confidence in the man, and thought then, as I do now, that all the story about going to the free States was a mere pretence to get away from | the danger. As I never heard a syllable of the subject afterwards, Iam forced 80 te believe, or else to believe that the then nors of free States, and others, if suck 4 propoeal was made to them, treated it as it deserved. As e@ aware, when I came to Kaneas, as for many | before, and through e] the troubles, I with my y were’ members of the Oid School Preabyteriaa After the difficulties wero all eettled, myself and achat ourselves to the Piymouth Congregational Ido not montion h. ft Church, Lawrence, as more conge this as @ Pharigaical assumption of any ¢ | better therefor. I think you can bea: | ment that I claim nothing from any such connection be- | yond the promises mede in the church to sinners, but Still I beliewe through all my Ife I have borne an unsnl- lied reputation, and it ip meet for o\her’s intercate, as well as mine, that J'should not now permit it falsely to be sul- lied. ‘You know that when Icame to Kansas, and until the gigantic crimes there committed had roused ce, that i was of 9 qnietand reserved disposition. I well remem- ber the first time 1 was induced to bear arms was at the solicitation of Charles Robinson, Lawrence was | Desieged in the Wakerusn war, and I at first refused to volunteer, and only did so the night Defore tho firet ‘attack was expected. whole town was oppreaséd with fears, and the belief was that all in it would be maseacred. When the elege was at its worst, and the town surrounded, Robineon came and asked me to ride down to the enem’s camp on the Wake. rusa, to learn their strength and purpose, and proposed time of attack. ‘ was considered at the time an enter- prige equal to my life. I certainty felt thet the chances of ever getting back were desperate for eny man—almost hopelces for @ correspondent of the Pribene. As I rode out of town, some of the boys om drill cheered me, and told me afterwards they never expected ta see me again. T remember what my thoughts were then. A young wife and child and widowed mother leaning on'me, and I felt somo gelf-reproach as I went, but was spered the pang of NEW YORK HERALD, TUE | to Goverver Robinson, or to any other enemy, and Tam his, denying that T ever accused bim of ' Tse with dingust, and Ihave never since supported him, | paving’ given‘ strovg pledges to become our military Wacer the Genera), tat ia, of the aggressive military abolitionsis, or the Joba Brown republicans; the lata aud ae ibe South will goo learn, the most dangerous ye: Yelopement of the pbilacthropic and religious spirit O”, the age. [did not write @ dental-te yon because you we’.e my frend, and, therefore, I supposed would kaow 14d boon | m wickedly msrepresepted. But as you ».,k me for ope, bere it i#, without comeeaiment, compromise or fear. Te is true that John Srown went to Kneyss to fignt the battles of freedum, and for voother rea‘on: and it ie equal ly true that my purpose im going there, after my first viait, which was merely eccldenta) and professional, was pre- cisely similar to the old man’s. |, went to Kanses for the same reagon that I travelled on (oot through the Southern | Statee—to beip Dring on, a8 fast and decisively as posaivie, the tmpending and irresistible conflict between slavery an freesom. Bet it is @ falsenood that I over avowed however worthy, you yourself not excepted, any sack ever active, but’ fecrét and sacred purposs. —Toou- fands bave branded me as & fanatic, but po man who knows me bas ever yet called mo @ f0c!; yet I ehould have been one, of the purcat water, hat f made a confident of Coas Robdineon, whom, all gh he wes thrice deeply implated in revolutionary projects, L never yet belleved to be sincere in them. ‘These three projects were:—- Firtt—4 plan to induce the Governors of the free States to begin a civil war in order to save Kansas from inva- aion, This project, if sincere, was thwarted by “Gov.” Re ons et at Lexington, Missouri, by the Border Refisps ‘hortiy after the destruction of the Law- rence printing office and the Free State Hotel, You remember that he atgertea that Gov. Chase had prouted to aid bim, and “start the bal! a rolling,” and that Gov, Grimes, of lowa, was already pledged to the programme. Now, either this story wae # lie that | veoted to have an excure to run away from danger, for @ conservative man, hasoue rather usly item in bis public record. Ofourse I do not believe that Gov. Caase or Gov, Grimesever though! of auy such programme. Secon’—On the 14th of September, 1656, afer the de- fence of Lawrence by Ca:t. Jobn Browo, Gov. Robinson voluntarily ge bim the following testimoniais or youch- €rB of fidelity to the caure:— «© Lawsence, Sept. 14, 1856. “Cart. Joux Brown:— My Draw Sin—! take this opportunity to express to you my tincere gratification that the late report that you were among the killed at Ossawatomie is not correct. Your course, as far as I fh been informed, has been euch ag to merit the bDighest praise from every patriot, end Tcteerfully accord to you my heartfelt thanks for your prompt, efficient ano timely action againet the inva- ders of our rigbts avd the murderers of our citizens. His. tory wil! give your name a proud place on her pages, and posterity wil! pay homage to your beroism in the cause of God and humanity. sing that you will continue to remain in Kansas and serve ‘during the war,’ the cause you bave dove so much to sustain, and with earnest prayers for your bealth and protection from the shafts of death that so wickedly beset your path, Ieubecribe my- self, very reepectfully, your obedient servant, C. Romnsoy.” On the opposite side of the sheet on which this lauda- tory letter 18 written is the following note, a idressed ROBINSON TO THE SETTLERS OF KANSAS, “Lawrence, Sept. 14, 1866. “To Time Sertcers OF Kansas:— If possible, please render Capt. Brown al) the assist. ance be may require in defending Kanses from invaders andouUlaws, and you will confer a favor upon your co la~ borer ane fellow citizen, © Rorrysoy."? Gov. Robinson, during the recent contest, denied thet he ever wrote such a note, and eal, also, that if he ever gave Jobv Brown avy letter, it must have been when ¢, prisoner at Lecompton. Now the originals of these note g are at present in the bands of a distuguished anti slay o- Ty orator of Bosten, who will permit me, if the Govern or persists in his deal, to have a facetmile copy of thom made. They ere cated, also, September 14, after Rodin- eon’s release from confinement, and immediately sn’ ose- quent to the memorable defence of Lawrence by Oe) stain Grown, whom binson, in his envy of the renew n of the old man, seeks to deprive of the laurels ‘ne 80 bravely wor on that eventful dey. He well remembers that day—well remembers that, in the presence of at least one Living witness, whoee veracity no man‘aas ever et impeached, he coolly proposed to Capt. Johc Brown, ior, tevassassinate ali the leading federal offeshoiders io Kapeer. Let him deny this fact if he dare, and that ‘witness will give bis selemn* testimony to suetrin me. If ‘this wae nota revolutionary scheme, ia Heaven's name, or Satan's, what is revolutien? Third—Just previous to the 4th of July, 1856, when Gov. Robingon was « prisoner at Lecompton. he, with hia other comrades, G. W. Brown alone excepted, addressed the following conservative communication to the free "men assembled at Topeka. It witl be seen that had ‘they followed hie advics the people would have fired on the federal treope. If that advico was not revo- Tutionary in its character, will Gov. Robinson have the kindness to contribute to one or both of the rival diction- arier his definition of the term revolution? — A ‘SCOMBMRY ATIVE’? LETTER. “Camp Near Lecowrrox, Kansas, July 1, 1856, Totux Frmmnps oF Law aND ORDER CoNvENED at TOPBKA:— ‘The undersigned desire to say a word to their friends in regard to the preeent aspect of affairs ip Kansaz, It is Dighly important at-this time that the assemoled people oft Kaneas ebould occupy a tenable position—one that the country apd the world will sustaia. There is, it seems to ‘ue, a position which we can occupy and be triumphant, Knowing thet the friend at whose instance I went, in a cause of defenoe-and freedom, would ‘be the first man to -villify and falsity mo before & committee of the Senate, the majority of which were of our enemies, It is, indeed, @ strange thing that he should have to go to you, or anyone, to ft a knowledze of my desigas. During the early part o radly taught to know and mistrust-hin, no two men in Keneas were more intimate. Scarcely 4 queetion arising about the troubles but we discussed ; and he knows, ts well ag other men know, that, though firm in main. aining my opinions, I wasever prudent and ever cautioas. Ot the causes of difference between Robineon and my- celf you know something, but several things have occur- 1ed since you left Kansas that have €dded more intense Litterness to it on his part. You know of the schemes for lund grants, which al! good men here heve had to fight, as piere corrupt schemes of a few men toget the railroad in- torests in thefr hands, and they would bave sold out free cupatitutions and all else for it. Then the recent cause arises from a gigantic piece of Galphiniem about the old claim for Josees in the Kaneas war. Not satisfied with trying to get paid by oe apr for all theee loeces caused by mis- government of the federal administration, these mon smuggled a dill through the) Legisiature a year ago to make it a Teritorial debt. As many were interested in thege claims it threatened to be a formidable combination. T saw the iniquitics of the whole scheme, and have stool in the breach and apposed it here, although I have never, up to this date, vac it any publicity, I did not wish to 4 herald the just claims on Congrets, end although soma 4 men behaved very wildly, 1 was constrained, ag I have | often been, tobe silent on their peccadilloes fr fear thoy ‘ would charge it to e apirit of rivairy. The Commissionera-who awarded the claima appear to have been but weak men. Think of them allowing Robin- eon. 624,0C0. Why, vou know he never had a3 many hundreds to lose. 1¢ was 80 with aboct half a dozen of the large claims. I seon learned that the scheme was to get itinto warrants and bonds, and make it the basis of a }sbank. A good many more went into this bank scheme. fly. by the exertions of Col. Vaughan and myself we sot a supplemental act passed to prevent the issue of the ds, and also a clause in the law regulating audits that no eager Cay rou bead p Rasen pad appropriation. This gscatly enraged them, eats Wero made against me then. T Test summer, when the awards were taken, I went before the Commissioners and gxve testimony, which proved tbat tn some of the cases they had allesved ten times too much. As they had already jssned the awards they had to seppress my teotimony. They tried to get {tincorporated ea a State debt under the Wy- andot constitution. I went before a republican caucus of the.members, denounced the transaction and the sup. jon of my testimony, ang aided materiaily in the de- feat of that scheme. This winter when the Lagateire first met bad thought to let the matter alone, as 1 wae not specially called on to lead an opposition under such intense hostility, and it was the duty of the Legisiature. A committee, however, was moved to investigate the Issue of-bonds and warrants in violation of law. The chairman of that committee was evidently in the scheme, as were come of the members, who determined to choke the investigation. One member of the committe, an honest farmer in the Legielature, Mr. Fitzpatrick, of Shawnee county, cams and asked me to aid him, telling me he must have aid or he would fail, and | that one of the heavy claimants had already taken him into a room and threatened to sboot him if he persevered in the pagers corp After such ao I oould , aad lent what aid I could to check this scheme ity. This is one grand secret of the hatred aad malignity of the attack on me. It i¢ indeed a pitia- bie fact in modern legisiation that those who (are remain true to the public interests are worst abused. I do not Jeer or shrink from this highbanded malignity, but the honor of the party, a8 well as my own, demands a yind!- cation of these obarges. I do not think I ask you too much to ask e& public de- nial,2s well a8 & denial sent to me over your namo, of these ibellous charges, of which ke dares to mako you pear the go-between. I know I need make no special | ry cited ecg and sense of justice in thie matter. lo} ir you atas early a date as possibiec Iremain your friend, WM. A. PRILGIES. ’ REDPATH TO PHILLIPS. CONGERNING REVOLUTIONARY SCHEMES SN KANSAS. Lawrence, Kansas, April 2, 1860. Wriuam A. Pius, Esg., Massacreserrs: — Dear Putuars—Your jetter of Febru 24 did not reach me till March 26. It was forwarded frem Boston to | Ashtabula county, where i was sojourning, at tho resi- | dence of John Brown, Jr., awaiting the arrivai and pre. paring for the reception of an official visiter from Wash. ngten. But the ge1 it-at-Arms did not come, end, con- sequently, did not give us the opportunity to drum him out of the county. When I opened your yr and road the words ‘‘Dear Sir’? and the<wo next sentences, I closed \t indignantly and dié not open it again till the following day. Why? Because it seemed to indicate that you be- lieved Gov. Rebinson’s statements, and, therefore, were fnelined to impeach my honor, For you kaow ‘that [ could not have seid what he stated I said without fasten- ipg on my foul the crimos of falsekood and of treachery most foul. When I read further I caw that 1 had mista- ken your intention, which, { infer, is, that I shall publish ‘our letter with my reply'te it. {begin that duty, leay- bag to the judgment of my publishore to say who shall t it, and in what pubiic journal it ehall firat appear. e the right to that you ia your saction of the coun- try ehall see that my rejoinder is pobushed there also. ‘When I read Gov. Robineon’s testimony, | endeavored tobave it contradicted by telegraph. 1 failed. I then procured the insertion of a paragraph in tke Boston Tra- veller, in. which it was stated that I shuuld deny under oath each and every ore of his statements atiriuted to me, a8 soon a8 the official report of his evidence should be printed. When in Michigan, I saw in the New Xork Dri Gune a report of the meeting alluded to in your letter, and infer to be one of your friends. He spoke of « path’s sicnders”” as if he believed I had uttered the baso per. jory attributed to me. I then wrotes letter to the Pridune, brana ‘og Robinson as a perjurer. I have not yet seen it in print + Perhaps I used language too strong for publica- tion. Bu‘ I cannot avoid the inconvenience, inasmuch as I can write one language only—the English. I inherited from my faxker aa incurable predilection for the use of Saxon words. (nota man who utters falsehoods under Kantes history, and until I was | waether overcome by numbers or not; while there is an- a@ther position which, if taken, would prejudice our cause, and might leed te defeat, ana weaken the confidence and wy of our friends in the country. The firatand true ition ts defenoe of the State organization. You bave a j Comstitutional right to meet as a Legislature, complete the State organization, and pass all laws necessary to the | cessful administration of justice; and the federal gover! ‘ment has no authority to interfere with you in the exer- ‘cise of this right. Should it do eo, it becomes a tyranuical — of power, and resistance on your part becomes justifiable eelf-defence. The second and untenable position §s resistance of a federal officer in the servise of a legal | Procees, when the defence of the State organization is not involved. Should collision occur under such circum- stance, it would be most unfortunete, and ahould be avoided if possible. If an attempt, however, is made to arrest the members of the State organization, merely be- cause they are such, with a view to disable it, then resis- tance becomes defence of the State organization, and mani- festly jnatifiable. Accordingly, all persons against whom indictments are known to be pending for any other chargo than that of being a member of the State organization, Should not be found at the Capitol, as that might involve the people in his cage. We fee) that our hope of success im this important crisis dependa, first, upon a right posi: tion, and, second, upon calm, unflinching Srmnese. You have met for the purpose of doing what other new States . bave done, and-what you have a constitutional right to do; and no man or clas of men have a right to interfere—not excepting even the President of the United States. Our desire to be with you in the crowning emergency is almost undeniable, and nothing but the fear that your position smight be changed from. defence of the State organizs- tion to @ resistance to our re-arrest, can reconcile us to this absence. Aa it is, Phen have our earnest solicitude end fervent prayer thatall may go well with you, and that you may carn—as you will, if every step is judiciously and firmly taken—the gratitude of millions of our feliow men, and the apprebation of the God of Justice and Hu- manity. Grorce W. Suitu, ‘CHarias Ronisoy, Garvs JENKiNe, Gro. W. Deitzier, Hesey T. Winuaws, Joun Brown, Jr.” It is false that I ever . spoke with Robinson on the sub- ject of revolution; Rence all of his statements relating thereto are perjuries. He says that I was opposed to taking possession of the.Lecompton State government at. the ballot bor, because he (‘‘]’’) saw in such a policy an end to the disturbances and consequently to tis (my) hopes of a revolution. Not. only did 1 not oppose the taking Possession of the Iecempton State government, but, as ‘one of the Committee on lutions, I made a report in favor of it, and supported ‘that policy in the covvantion both by my vote and speech. What I opposed there was, the intention to run it if it passed through Congress; for 1 was in favor of permitting it to fall atill born; in other ‘words, I was opposed, by accepting it, to the establishment of slavery in Kaneas. Tho vast land grants embodied in that,and the Governor’s hope of getting hold of them, and thereby accomplishing his most earnes aspiration—that of becoming @ millionaire—cexsed him to favor the oppo- Bite policy and to work among his supporters and parasites secure his nominstion as Governor. In my speech on that occas I undertook to thwart this project, and, as you well mber, said that my candi- date for Governor was in John Brown, because he was a man whom we trust, and thet no poiitician should be permitted to odvupy such a dangerous posi- tion. Robinson’s oye glittered like a snake’s as I said 80, for he saw that I knew his game, and was determined to thwart it; hence his mi tation of my policy lisappolated in the now. You will remember that I was d! action of that Conveation, for it dotermined net wo take saion of the Lecompton State government. Gov. avowed his determination to abide by 7 cece of the Cate and then, aftor- wards, without blushing or apology, supported a bolt, and the boiter’s ticket. I did not promise to abide by the action of the Convention, but considered myseif bound in donor by its decision, and therefore did not countenance the action of the bolters. That was all the Aifference between our action’—one of us, that is, pub- Mely led, and the other didn’t. It is true that I opposed the policy of at Grasshopper Falls; but it is equally true that, at een hn Falls, the froe State party wheeled ‘right about from thelr Big Springs Policy. That policy was revolution or hypocrisy, for one of the resolutions was to oppose the usurper’s code, if need be, ‘toa bloody issue.”” Up to the assembling: the Gresshopper Falls Convention, therefore, I was no more a revolutioniet than any other free State man in Kansas—not nearly such a red republican ag Robinson, for I never ran away from danger to urge the Governors of the free States to begin a civil war—never urged the apeassination of the leading federal officeholders, and never advised the free Statc men to fire on the troope of the United States. I would rather have geen the Kansas froe State men drive out the usurpers than recognise their code by voting ‘under it; but from the moment that they decided to use the ballot box in preference to the cartridge box, my pub- lic record will show as elearly as Robinson's that I acted any, are determination. So much, then, fo" racehopper Falls. Robineon says:—'He (Redpath) said they acted on the binsan thrice Teepe & inetple that the end justifies the means, and th z Raa” at Bo. falsehood or libel’ against. i man who stood in their way, provided it promieed to farther their object.” Now, while this is @ total perversion of my lifelong ideas, it is a clear statement of Governor Robinson’sowa opinion. It was his firet announcement of it that drove me from him. Long after all the other anti slavery men in the free Sisto ty had withdrawn from him in consequence of his in- trigues with pro ig Ror segs in order to obtain cer- tain railroad grants, I having in the meantime lived in Boston, So him, because I stil! believed him to bo in heart what he avowedly was before going to Kansas— arrisonian democrat. At Grasshopper Faille he began a speech by sneering at men who in politics had a just regard for principles and consistency. After b> delivered it, I went up to him and asked, “Governor, why didn’t you say one thing more?"’ He asked what! meant. “Why,” I rejoined, ‘yon ought to have denounced the letter wri- ters, and then you would have been equarely on G. W. Brown's platform.” A few evenings afterwards, in Law: rence, in a public speech, he said ‘That he would let the politician, | SDAY, APRIL 10, 1860.—TRIPLE SHEET. EE, But here is the only [ly oy that l ever wrote, whic? ‘dy any construction can be perverted into a alander. It Was published im the Crusader of Freedom: — “Saranic —It ie an error to fuppose that the strengty, of @ party consists alove,or chiefly, in its numerical force. The lion does vot sount how many sheep tere are in the fold. Our politicians are forgetting this truth. Governor Robingon, for example, in a recent, speech, raid, in referring to Governor Walker, thatit ‘tue devil even seked fer admission into the free Stat, party ho Would be wiiling to tet him in, if he would o aly act with vs and behave bimself. We presume that’ decen't kpow the devil. If he was 98 ¥ yell acquainted with celebrity as we are, he would 7 ohare uttered | such @ fatal doctrine. For we know tb’ 4: it ie the nature of the devil to be infermal—not to * so’, with us” nor any | decent people. When he geta into 7, party he plays the | devil with it, and then there’s the devil to pay. We ob- | Ject to opening an account with hy m History illustrates our position. Taxe the Governo -'g native state for ex ample. The devil asks for adm! ssion into the republican | party of old Massachusets—s8 women appear in certaia Cases in our courts of law, thr jugh the next friend. Mr. | Henry T. Gardiner, instew/, of sending him home, | with oF without an | auti-somniferous intect tn | his ear, the leaders 0/, the party counted the number of his adber opis, and let him in. wate the enory enna e? Whenever the ple’s re- presentatives parked & bo vie Jaw, the devil, through his “next friend,” vetord it, and thereby defeated their will. If we were the leaders ¢ ¢ the repablican party, aud the devil, pertonally or thr ough Walker, asked for admission, we would tell bim thes rather tha let bim ia we would tell Lim @ tory from whose moral ho might pick our an- ewer: George the Th’ rd was insane. A regency was pro- peeed. A cert 10 rd was a warm advocate of it; ulira loyalie' edit. The King suddenly recovered. The Jord hi ¢ privately, and astonished the House oy. He concluded by may my God forget d by a bitter speech against the rey saying, ‘And whe wm i forget my me” Jack Wilt 4, who heard it, instantly whispered, “Forget you? ne; he'll see you d——d first.” So let us Bee the cevil by fore we admit bim into the free State perty. We fee | safer with God and old Brown than with the devil and / sovernor Walker.’’ That is all. If I have tried to write Robinson down let him quote the passages. I never, as he! has often dove, have writtey , anonymous letters to destroy the reputation of men who opposed my policy. J gdmit that I have writ- ten him up, , but I did it believing Bit to be honest, and an abolition#t ’ When I discovered that he was neither, [ simply withdrew from him. You, Colonel Phil- lips, and myself, had more to do with mak- ing Gov ernor Robinson than the Almighty hed, for Wich ‘tranegression “may the Lord heve merey on oursoule!’’ In my defence I can plead ‘ the baby @ ct;” for I was hardly of age, and « Se in politict 5 whem I firet went to Kansas, I trusted Robinson, and } J0w basely he deceived me you know. He kuew che Governor | ¢ colons. Protably the cause of the charge made by | Re pipson is Yat you urged the nomination of Capt. John Browa for Governor, in opporition to him, who was a can cidate, \ Of the statement that you told h'm (Rovinson) that the reporter hesttaw:! at no siaadcer, &o , rpose of carry ing out the revolutionary scheme, » thing |S. Absurd on the face of It. Tere is no one of Lue reporwo~ rial corps tbere ia Kausas that wouid bell ve such & AIRY, ment—eepecially with Robinson's name attacned, wur so. at that time, bad become a synonym for traitor 1a 4, lary, But liars do pot always iook tw it pty, tements dovetail well. Philips, Kugi, Realt, “2: and Rioton are, I perceive, singled out as th ary reporters. Of these tive, two—Kagi and Reaif— d Jeft the Territory #ix months before this myiaies! ova ‘Vereation is alleged to have taken place. “vither of them ever attacked Robinson, nor were they over ascased of slandering any Free State maa, unlers Robinson ioclates G. W. Brown among them. The sianders retailer by re- porters, if auy, as you aad 1 welltnow, were so! alloa: by Charles Robinnon, against bis rivais ani personal foes, | through the agency, direct and indirect, of bis spociat friends among the reperters, viz: 8.0. Suith (his private secretary), Who was formerly correspondent of the Now York Times aud Bestou Journal ; Wiliam Anichi + “Randolph” of the New York Times, wad of the Onicxgo Press and Tribune ; 8 C. Rasgell, “Wasex,’’ of the Missouri Democrat ; the #on-in-Jaw of the late Lewis Jenkins ; 5. F Tappan, of she Cincinuatt Gazette, New York Sun, aot Miseourt Democrat, and J. M. Mitchell, formerty of vas New York 7imes, now & Prominent politician and a cap i- date for the United States Seaatorsbip. Robinson uae Uhese agencies atone time very extensively and effectu- aly, © the detriment of Gen. Lane and others, For the ‘other three named, it is very easy lo disp ree of the charge of slancering, by reference w the columns of the journals for which they beve written. ¢ William A. Philtips was, and etili is. the special corres- pondent of the New York Tribune, No one wuo knows our frieud witlever couple bis name with that of ‘‘revo- sutionist’? and “sisnderer.’’ Certainly I know ao maa in Katieas who would bave wielded go impartially the great power which his position om the Tribune gave bia, through the long conflict of nearly six years, daring five of which be bas been the historian of these excitiog events. Youand!, who are not ashamed of our revolu tionary theory or practice, well know that the basis of our friend's mind very different from that indicating tuch tendencies. Phillips ie by nature sad education, at all times, in his views of public affairs, primarily a ci zen. By profession « lawyer, that education has atrength- ened his already stropg mental basis to settle ai] things without disturbing existing institutions or inanguratiag forcible remedies for wrong doing. 1 have been an atien- tive observer of bis course in the 7ribune aud in the fer- ritory, and am thoroughly convinced that upon no man = the charges made set more lightly than upon the ‘olonel. For yourself, I think that the latter charges will fal! as tbat ' ( regarded him ag a man of veracity, and you know hew often he took advantuge of that faith to meto inju re his rivals. © f couree it is falee that you or I ured the New York Tri bune to slander Robingon. Idare him to point to a 8 ,gle line in that paper, or in any Eastern paper, in which “slandered” bim, or spoke slightingly of him, until ? dter the arrest of Capt. John Brown. When he wrote contemptible letters to the Bast “repudiating”. Brown— (just think of a political Judas disayowing sympathy with @ political Cbrist)—I then, end not til then, republished his endorsement of the oli man, aod in one letter tndi- cated that ‘the Governor, who !s 0 Governor,” was not wholly an angel of effulgent light. But do you think that bad Greeley never visited Kansas, and found out Robin- son’s true character, I, you, or any man, would have ‘deen permitted to even indicate that there were flaws in the Governor's record and life? I think not. Use the Pribune! Let thoge who think that thing is possible, just try their hands atit. A trial or two will soon undeceive them. As I am nota natural born fool, of course I never boasted that we correspondents could make or unmake any man. I might have boasted that we had made a man, but [ was too much ashamed of our joint production todo 1. You and J made Kobinson—you by writing his messages aud speeches and _—— his policy; vy reporting his speeches, and by my correspondences. J never tried to unmake him, for I eaw that he would save me the trouble. I knew his bead was too scabby to wear acrown Jong ; that in self-defence he would have to throw it down. See the fulfilment of my prophecy already. ‘Yon know the only foundation for this Oae day, when I was opposing one of Robinaon’s ideas, some one said 0 me that you and I ought to support him be. cause we made him. I retorted that it was never too late to repent—tbat having committed an error of judgment ‘Was no valid reason for persisting in it. Robinson you, eaid 2ome one, with intendingtounmake him. Well, I suppore, I added, jocularly, we have a right to do what we pleace with our own. The jest reached Robinson’s ears, and bes rankled in hia heart ever since. Let it rankle! It is a truth that we made him; it isa truth tnat he bee soid himself for gold; it ise truth that at Washing- ton he committed the crime of perjury. Yours, &c. TAS. REDPATH. HINTON TO REDPATH. Bostox, April 2, 1860. James Ruppata, Esq. :-— My Dear Sm—In accordance with your request, trans- mitted to me through Meesrs. Thayer and Eldridge, I ‘write you with regard to C. Robinson’s testimony before the Senate Harper's Ferry Investigating Committee. I mt jurer? Then Charles Robingon is just that; for age wher out, most detibera‘ely and malignantly lied. J aleo wiote a letter to Genert! Jane, because he is my devil into the free Stata party if he wonld only promize to act with us and bebaye Bimew!f.’’ Tpat deglaration flied had already prepared for publication a letter covering the pojnts p to be elucidated. It will answer our purpose, without doubt, for me to recapitulate what yoserted in that letter. Charlies Robinson, in his evi- dence, endeavors to make the following points:— First—That Jobn Brown went to Kansas to create a re- volution, by means of which bé hoped to destroy slavery; and (aa in this idea he differed from the free Sate men generally. Second—That you, James Redpath, was also a reyolu- Monist, and the only other person in Kansas who avowed to him (Robinson) such designs; that you had told him of these pians after ead failed of being carried out; Dut few were in the sefret, though many were oper with you; and because of this you op} voting under the Territorial organization and Lo- compton constitution; that the reporters of the press generally acted with you; that in per- suance of their plans they made war upon all who op- sposed them, stopping at no slander or libel for the ac. complishment of the object sougbt; and farther, that they, the reporters, boasted of being able to make or unmake any man they chose, through the rs to which they ‘bad access; and further, that General Lane was pledged to act as the military leader of such a echeme. ‘Third—That he (Robinson) heard General Lane gay, s00n after the creation of the Military Board by the Territorial ture of 1857-58, thathe (Lane) had given orders to the generals of divisions to strike at various points in the Territory, in order to effect a general slaugher of pro- slavery men. These orders, Robinson says, were never obeyed if given, — Lane soon after went into Southern Kaneas to attack Fort Scott, and backed down before the ‘United States troops. ‘This I believe to be a synopsis of the telegraphic sum- mary of Robinson’s testimony. I observe, too, that at a ublic meeting in Lawrence this ready witness acknow- dged the correctness of said summary. As to my own views of this testimony, I will first briefly give my opinion of it as a whole, and then endeavor to prove that opinion in detail. Charles Robingon, when he swore to the statements published as having ‘been made by him before the Senate Committee, swore to what,I have no hesitation in sayirg, he knew to be @ wi , deliberate and malicious perjury, and that for the sake of gratifying @ mean and most contemptible personal spite ageinst the persons named. Now, to answer the peints seriatim Firet—While it js trve that Joho Brown, long before |e there oe obarnes orate fier culminate in shed, and that he must take part in thai ww not trae that he either created or had do with pene about the Kansas struggle. In the winter of 6, John Brown’s sons, John, Jazon, Owen, Frederick, Selmon and Oliver, with a brother-in Jaw, Henry ‘thompeon, who married Capt. Brown’s eldest daughter, to settle in Kansas. The Stock, &c, was conveyed to Illinois, to their uncle Frederick’s home, and there wintered. fhey reached Kansis in the spring of ’55, and settled on Potawatomie creck, about ten miles from Ossawatomie. On the 30th of that year, 5,600 armed men came from Missouri, poreession of the Territorial ballot boxes, drove awayjthe settlers, and eleoted a Legislature, two-thirds of whom were citizens of Missouri. body met at Paw- nee in May, ousted the only four free State men in the body, and adjourned to the Shawnee Mission Mannal School, near Westport. ‘There they proceeded to enact that infamous le of lawa establishing slavery, against which tho free State people of Kansas struggii 20 long. On the bth of September of the same year the struggio, it ‘anything’ to free State met in convention at and passed thei Cebrated resolutions to eee tion of the bogus code—} lly if they could, but for- a Convention to be held for cibly if they must—advia! ite government, and at the the purpose of framing a same time calling on tl le to elect delegates in the following October. I do not think Iam mistaken when I say that no one of the Browns in the foceedings of this and subsequent at ka in September and October. eelf did not come to tH then only at the carnest solicitations of his sons to come on and aid in their defence. He certatsty took no part in public affairs until after Dow—the first victim of pro-sia- very vioience—fell before the rifle of the murderer Cole- man. Twenty-five hundred Missourians were cam) around Lawrence, when John Brown, with seven stal- worth sons, came to volunteer in its defence. What was the cause of the array against Lawrence? It was the re- yolutionary resistance made against the bogus authorities by citizens of the town, prominent afnong whom was Goy. Robinson’s private secretary, S.C. Smith. It pears that before Brown was in arms Robinson was act- ‘ig #8 commander- in-chief of the free State forces, and that it was hia friends who aided in bringing on the collision. Ais true that “Old John Brown’’—stern sou), Puritan and brave heart, as he was—having put his hand to the pions did ro doer turn bees or falter, ag did Charles inson. m for wn creating a revolu' Ca ea “eT ag « roma \— Tegar your being ® revolu you, I believe, have never wore to oneal the fact. For the statements made about the alleged conversation I have only that job eay rson knowing both you and Kobiason would be ve: believe the latter in his It would cer- -ded by the radicals a8 a traitor, deaigns affirmed, if any such ever had existence, "Wee man knows better than Robinson that he was foully ever assumé only in the teecheron a on! Tous and traitorous lips that gave utter- ance to it. Some of us reasoned rom case So ottees, Ot when we felt as well as saw the effects of slat we very grew to consider how best to the one . phe eee Z was bas eae could men nsAs As to to ; ap that ume fe —y many more wi ret necessary, to follow dur heroic friends in Virginia, But there is one point which should be elucidated. Rob. to voting for State of report against a it, You not only advocated voting, but afterwards p) io nomina. jou a State tigket, puitiog it pt the head of the Crusader lightly to the ground. Certainly you never attacked Robineon but once, and that in the Crusader of Freedom, in the winter of 1858, and then only to oppose his policy. I kpow that when he firet showed evidenoe of ‘ selling out’? the free State party, in the winter of 1856-7, you de- fended him in bovh public and private correspondence, and ‘that you wae understood to be his supporter. It wag the rugal of your correspondence and that of Col. Phillips, the early days of 55, that biased my own mind as stropgly in favor of Charles Robinson; that when I cams to Kansas in '66, I wag inclined to believe moat implicitiy in the character and intentions of this man. With regard to the charges of slander myaelf, I bave only to say that I refer to the files of the Boston. ler, (for which have corresponded for the past three years,) thoee of the Chicago ribunr, to bear me out, in stating that I have never, as a reporter, made personal attacks upon any man, except on one occasion, when I denounced G. W. Brown, the editor of the Herald of Freedom, for assailing Charles Robinson, in consequence of which arti- cle I eecured the bitter hatred of the said editor, and have ever since been pureued by him with the utmost maligai- ty. As for being a revolutionist, I never made any secret of my opiniope, nor am I now ashamed to ayow my con- nection with John Brown, and full endorsement of the principles and policy which governed him in his attack upon slavery. As you intimate that you wish thie letter for publication. I will avail myself of the opportunity to in- fori those who may desire to know just what the young men of Kansas knew of John [ae ERE ome It may save the Senate Star Chamber the trouble of sending for me. ‘When Jobn £. Cook, as stated in his 20 cailed confes- sion, left Lawrence in November, 1857, he came to me and informed me that John Brown was atthe house of gentleman, two miles west of Lawrence, and that he wanted a smal! Loni beak yey 3 men to leave the Territory to attend a military school in iowa, and asked me to go. The of Ki was threatening at the time. The pton Constitutional Convention had just ad- journed, and there was every indication thet that iniqui- tous instrument would be forced upon us by Congress, in which case, there seemed no hesitancy on the part of the free State men to resist it to a bloody issue. Then thers ‘were other Territories, south and southwest of us, which it was supposed would be opened to settlement soon, aud ‘which it was desirable to seoure for freedom. ‘ways understood that the young: to take charge of the Indian Territory, of Arizona, and whatever Territory Slibustere might steal from Mexico It is a epgscatert ise Saas wet attend tee as are opened. t primary object o: os Brown's Lemige oye as I then understood » Wes to prepare for resisting any attempt to foree the Lecom: constitution upon Kansas, come from what source it might. There was also indicated a determination, if such a struggle was begun, to clean slay out of Missouri. I need not say that I most ‘ily approved of this. I went to Kansas an anti- slavery man. What I there saw did not lessen my op- Position to “the sum of all villanies.” Surely, if tt was right for me to resist slaveboldera in Kansas, in an at- tempt to extend their institution, it would be equally ag rightfor me to drive it out of Missouri or Virginia, and ‘hus put an end to the cause of all this strife and blood- shed. was my understanding of John Brown’s ob- ject when Cook oame to me. I, being under engagement to the proprictor of the Kansas News, could not leave at the time, and wrote a letter to Captain Brown, acquait ing him wish the cause, I did not, nor did any one in Kansas, that I know of, have a more distinct uo standing than this of John Brown’s plans uatil the folio v- ing summer. We all felt that at some time the slave power would feel “their bloody instructions return to plague the inventor.” William A. Phillips did not, I am positive, have any definite idea of Jonn Brown's plans, gad Pore ie that tig pee utmost iufluence prevent Kagt, Realf an away; that he’ did aherwards persuade "Patwos to leave Captain Brown, and very earnestly endeavored to induce Kagi to do #0 likewise. I know he approved, ‘too, of my not , though we did not coincide in our views. Iam sure he had no definite knowledge of the Plans and but little suspicion till long afterwards of the Fea) object of the oldhero. Youand I, believing in the same Pane conversed freely of the supposed ‘plans of Brown end men. When! firat kuew the real point of attack was in June, 1858. Before closing this J wish to allude to the charge against the reporters of boasting of ‘making or unmacing avy man they pleased.”” Such a charge comes with ill grace from one who owes in a great measure his position to the “reputation given bim by the men he now abuses. Once Charles Robingon was thought to be an honest, courage. ous anti-sla man, and the young men in Kaneas Wane Philip, renee press toned him as such. m. y, Bow abuses 20 vilely, went even farther: ‘he not only worked, i for Robtnson’s elevation—not only, as a reporter, inaing ding him without ne abiity he paced applied him e ability he sup] }, sapplied him ‘with intellect, or at least the results of his own active mind. Tho ingratitude of Robinson will appear when it ig knowa that Phillips wrote the firet two messages which were gent to the Topeka State Legislature. Much praise was awarded to Robinson by the preas of the country, on the strength of these able, comprehensive and atates” manlike documents. I know whereof I when making this statement. But if we (the reporters) had ever d, a8 Robinson affirms, his is a case in point to ve how idle was the boset. Gen. Lane, whom Robineon hates with the utmost virulence of his malignant nature, was formerly, io my poe D the best abused man in the free State party, while Robinson was most lauded. Gen. Lane has grown to a proud position in Kansas, while Robineon has fallen so low “ that there be mone 80 to do him reverence.” Gen. never could have been at the head of any revolutionary . He was always opposed to offen- sive operations. When the summer cam of 1856 Was pasting I was an attentive observer of Lane's policy as General. 1 have no hesitation in avowing my belief that it was Lane’s os bene which prevented at that time a civil war from ensuing; a result in the then state of affairs always possible, and which often tuevitable, The Union savers, I think, should nominate Genoral Lane as their candidate for the Presidency, for he bag pekonry ope Sats polar dey to acres the patched, ed and gai quite falling to Seeenes ie at jutionist, Ie! not ace of an na friendship for Lane in making the suggestion. au, its a8 a politician, The last pe’.nt 1 wish to allude to ie the that ordered bY; Generals of divisious to Kill all the pro-sia men, 80") ano that he went Ww Fort Scoxt to attack tt, then "sucked down. It is the verest bosh ever mite Dov'ylees Laue prepared, as we all did, for re & y attempt to put the Lecomp tou constitution into on, The other charge can be beat disposed of Drief bistorical statement. la Bourdon county, So} erp Kansas, the two partes, prosiavery aad free were nearly equal tu number, the former, bowever, bi ing all the offices, The previous summer every free 5 Feitier had been driven out, and their claims occu the invaders. Their return to reoccnpy their etnred constart dispotes, to which the free State submitted, determining to settle them at the Land the leader of these rufflans, GW. Clark, held the tion of Receiver in the district Land Offloe at Fort consequently all claima were decided against our thue entailing upon (bem the veceasity and e: ' taking the cases to Washington Ia a/tdition to this t] | Were constentiy being sammoned to atteud court ag ju cr witnesses, Sued heavily if a (ew minutes late, arr on the most frivolous charges, aud \u various ways Boyed and outraged. In November, '67, these things | minated tn « bental whipping, by a pro slaveay party Mra, Stone, the wife of » free State man, who, deen driven ont in (56, had a aispute about bie olal The settlers og Abe Osage river determined to end thimg, ana orginized a force to try the parties. Capt. Montgomery was sent for, Several others algo ca Col. Abbott was made chiel. Dr. Giipatrick acted Judge, assuming the uame of John Brown. ‘was second ip command; others whom you know wore| & equatier court anised, anda @ umber of comple: were beard. 10 C0: ruffians and fined the| Im two cases the dues were vollectet, Here was rei Ton The United States Dosirict Court a} Fort Sco the matter up, and warrants were issued agan court. The Deputy United States Marshall, Jono Li with 2 posse of eighty men, advanced upon Fort where the squatters were encamped, ordered their 81 render, and Were fired upon io answer. The poase fl | A mereaze was sent to Governor Denver, who order re wo hundred dragoons from Fort’ Ledvenwor: with artillery. Tbe report flew ail over the country the free State mon were surtginded by an armed bod; Missourians and rufflang, acd without concert or orde| | about two handred of the fighting men of Prairie Oit] | Oesawatomie, &c., marched sown to the assistance their friends. General Lane hearing of this, assemb) the Miltary Board. and by their orters Colouel Ph: | lips, who was the Territorial Adjutant Geners | started for the south & organize the fre State forces as militia. His orders were positiv, Firet, to drive out all armed Missourians; second, uot come into collision wita the United States troops, Phhilli rode (be pinety miles in eleven hours, reached the cam| | at Sugar Mound, found the force, 250 a , just pre paripg to march upon Fort Soott. Pkillips wok con} and, and moved to a point on the Osage, and He hoped to avoid the troops, and drive out the arine} pro-slavery firce at Fort Scott, under command of thy | murderous Hamilton, Brockett and Clark. About oo ‘that night scouts came in, stating that the United State troops were camped four miles distant. Phillips wer | out and found the information correct, and he o dered a recreat, to avoid a posetbility of collision wi the federal authorities. This order excited gri iss: faction, and Montgomery, with some of hie immedia(| | followers, refused to obey, staying in camp till next day| The remainder retreated to Sugar Mound, about twent | mailes, in the face of a northwesterly storm of snow an| wind, over ground aakle deep tn mud from long cor | tinued raing.:. Lane arrived in camp next morr | ing, issued a proclamation ordering al] armed Missou to leave, and the free State force was immediately mu tered into the Territorial service as militia, under an a of the Legislature then in eeseion. They were orgwniz: into a regiment, and officers were elected. Abbott w: choeen colonel. Immediately upon the organization beix. completed, Lane ordered the regiment to return hom¢| leaving only two companies, composed of the citizens, i| the vicinity in service, to protect the borders., 5 himself returned to Lawrence. As the dregoons mad’ 20 attempt to attack him, he could not have “ backe down” as Robingon asserts, It was supposed in th camp that would atiack, and preparations wer made to defend themselves, it being determine? thi as both the law, right apd the people, were on their sid they did not intend ‘to be disarmed, even by federn hirelings. So much for Lane’s cowardice ag weil as re yolutioni intents. A man so ambitious as is Gener: Lane, seeking high office inside the Union, would nc be end to be @ revolutionist against the Union. Ithink that the foregoing statements will complete! Yindicate the truth of bistory, and show the corro, heart, the perjured soul, and debased character of th gcoundrel Robingon. I hope this will be the last time shall have to defile my pen with the name of » a 8 Jost to all senge of decency and shame as to malice and advanc to perjure himself in order to bis personal ends, Yours, tri x RICHARD J, BRINTON. The Issue [ruly Stated. UNION OF COMMERCE, MANUFACTURERS AND CAPITA) AGAINST PANATICISM— ALL INTERBSTS OPPORED T. THE BLACK REPUBLICAN PARTY. {Washingion cereerendaaes, (April 4) of the New Yor! une. The Connecticut election is regarded here as satisfactc » Rotwithstanding the diminished majority. It wa feared that the money of the New York brokers an_ traders in slaves, cotton, sugar and dry goods, o0-np¢) rating with the timidity end apprehension ana selfighnee Chrecghout the petmioal towa ‘vould Ss ‘oughou' Prove an over beer y for the po districts of the State. That ati not is @ source of great encouragement. No State difur) such a field for the tactics of the veantionine of our day a) Connecticut. Its larger towns and y: the trade and mechanic arts, finding the markets fo. their various wares in the gigantic pro-slavery capital New York city, and.in the slavebolding States, wouk naturally be shaken to the center by threatsof the ann: hilation of their business interests and connections, suc). as have been fuiminated throughout the campaign. It i merous ‘ia; | \ | \ towns, especially in the Wi Stare ppendages of New York city. New For. lew York merchants te Smanciers and capitalists are their candidates Fork city infwuences, tm a word, di Lat them and cover them like a garment. These. and devilish. gros, material, sensual pene of blind, narrow-minded of Uriah Heepism, of a iat ogee’ why ca et ane ;, not @ glimmer y cop’ 1» ROt & ii hope of better! the bumanity ever penetrated the dense ‘thore influences. Spreading ont from their ing their cancerous roots into the surrounding: they infect them with «virus that would be the counteracting forces arising directly from whence springs American democracy, The ai sores, the country the Parte of our tem. The influences of weal hei aristocracy, bave wholly dom! im the jocratic sentiment has always 3 Wer influences ar 2 3 gf FE dem It is worthy of revuark that the used to beat in the cities and tricts, the country towns, always i e rt § rallel results now. Since the Ns opie of deserted its faeaees Soaal ipport. manent decline of the democratic tereals of trade, commerse and slavery, political are now are thus having elements of our political society pitted demo- . The attempted reaction ism is taking Connecticut. Wa an the Winslows and Shermans; and we have the great dry Slave trade and in the sugar and cotton trade, co-operat- ‘out their” adverse to the doctrines of Sberty and hitherto throvghont our entire , snd we have with force of these mi lacnces brovght crippled by improvident legisJation and financial revul. sf be drives and were always too much for pro slavery and anti. steps of the whig ~The and the where mercenary associations Buy ‘This is one of thestrongest In the fluctua’ ons of our politics we are to a natural division of parties. Ths great conservatice sitherto separated én our joining rane in @ common cause. We ti cratic. We are baving the few many. begs of the eae againet of the pea this form. It has assumed it ay i have the slayeholders of the South in with the ricts ork city, with gooda and other commercial houses, the houses in the ing with the same interests, and together money like water to corrupt voters, ad carry clectiona’ ye , But the great masses of the rural districts have stood the immovable bulwarks of reput history, Yet no reason to believe that they will not continue to hold this position. If a State situated ‘ike ae her voters, wsdortiey saat favorable circumstances, the trading and manufacturing and all industrial Bion, cannos from her moorings by such tem- pests ea have blown in tho late élection, where shall no federal officers and active democratic leaders ia Kansas in 1856 were violent disunionists, and they sought b; every device in their power to bring about s direct oolit- sion between the federal troops or authorities and the free State volunteers. Lane adroitly to keep clear of this, and yet keep the seething mags of freemen under his command actively employed, or apparently so, in driving ont the ruffiang. If he had allowed them to do what they wished, and what Chartes Robinson wished— viz., come into collision with the federal troops, civil war must have ensued. Where would have been the Union then, and where slavery? Ife if it were not #0 base, to one who knows, to hear Robingon sccuse or Phillips with being revolutionists. Robinson, in 1866, was always un- ders! to be in favor of resistance or ‘away, and assassinate, or otherwise got Out of the way, the federal Territorial oflcers. while a prieoner on a charge of treason, and 1850. He urged ie very a Robinson gained information Judges, United States be in Meer mn of Cultivate, if Kavegs a free State. ! To have done anything towards takin, find one that can? ‘The result in Connecticut is thus viewod here with great. satisfaction as high starting point for the Presidentiak v ¢ —————_ United States Circuit Court, Before Hon. Judge Smalley. EMPANNELING OF THE GRAND Jury. Avni 9.—This morning the following gentlemen wero: gworn on the Grand Jury for this district:— ‘W. M. Harris, foreman. Geo. W. Bergen, Heary Clucas, Joseph Wileon, A. Stadwell,’ ‘A. O-Baldwin, Benj, Baldwin, Robt. 7. Laweon, Robt. Warnock, Sam &. striker, C. Meeker, . F. now, Augustus Campbell, Garret Bergen, Geo. L. Benzett, ’ - Zebulon R. Comba, Stopben H. Hertiman, Jas. H. Frothingham, D. Gilbert, Dant. Bedell, Luke W. Thomas, The Judge, in addressing the Grand Jury, informed thony that they had been summoned for the purpose of inqutr- ng what offences had been committed against the laws A’ the United States within the Southern District of the State of New York, or on the high seas within the Joriediction of the Circuit Court. Their inquiries would be confined to offences sgainst the laws of the United States— all offences against the State laws are taken cognizance of by another tribunal. It would not be necessary to give them any extended charge, as they were all experience, and had, doabtices, pelea duties of grand jurors before. But as the Court is in- formed are three or four classes of cases to be tgs murder oo tae hgh oe ‘The statute provides that if any person ‘s maronat a lalled with violence on the high Seas, on board an Ame- high seas, and to fing bill itis neoessal 7 al ty ae rinced Some one has been kill intentionally, with malice forethought. This heetieiae 's sometimes miaunderstoo', and is supposed to mica that oe a, caraed ie ee ta ed ill feeling towards down the rule as to express CA fgg and implied malice is known by threats, ill Wasiieent con vole | gradges. g the life of aaother Without justifiable cause is implied wale, KC tag Pi