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4 NEW YORK HERALD. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. orrick #. W. CORNER OF NASSAU AND FULTON sts x cash in adveence, Money sent by matt wilt beat the eet Kicader.' Poctage iattps not recdeed ta eben money. # DAILY HERALD. too cents per copy, $1 per UE WEEKLY HPRALD. every Suture 5% vk conte’ $8 per annum; the European Edition peery Wane fay, & wsix cents per copy, $4 per annum to any part of Great Hritain, BFS toany pert af the Continent hath to tncttule postagor the Gulifornia Btition on the Sand 2th of each month at she cents per copy, oF $1 61 per annum. THE FAMILY HERALD on Wednesday, at four cons per or $2 per annum, OK PRINTING executed with neatness, cheapness ani de- cop 0 seeeeeeee NOs 339 Volume XXIV... AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING, NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway. —Beutkam—Rooent Ma- cue BOWERY THEATRE, Howery —Maccu—Cuwer ayo Re rentance—Lorreny Ticket, WALLACK’S THEATRE, Faisn>—To Parts axp Ba Broadway.—Evzrrsopr's WINTER GARDEN, Broadway, opposite Bond street.— GoroKoon. LAURA KEENE'S THEATRE, 624 Broadway.—Wire' Secnet—Bosxy Fisnwirr. ‘ay.— Wire's NEW BOWERY THKATRE, Powery.—Faust—anpsous Face. FRENCH THEATRE, 595 Broadway.—Cowss.’s Musican ENTERTAUNMENT. BARNUM'S AMERICAN MUSEUM, Broadway.—Afer- noon ard evening—Doom or Davis. WOOD'S MINSTRELS, 444 Broadway.—Ermiorian Songs, Dasces, &c.—Peter Pirer Perrex Pooas. BRYANTS' MINSTRELS, Mechantes’ Hall, 472 Broadway— Bouresques, SonGs, Dances, &c.—Jounxy Koacu. NIBLO’S SALOON, Broadway.—Gxo. Caarsty’s Mrx- QTRELS IN SONGS, Dances, Buatesguxs, &c.—Tux Fuitives. NEW OPERA HOUSE, 720 Brosdway.—Dearton’s Pax- tor Oresas aNd LyRio ERME CRATHAM AMPHITHEATRE.—Roorsrrus Perrorw- axces, Come Pastomuti —Buox Bisox. apace exuimitioN OF Monstzz Paorto- TEMPLE HALL, Ninth ING Sovomon’s Teurze, HOPE CHAPEL, 72) Broad way.—Waven’s Iraua New York, Wednesday, December 7, 1859. The New York Heraid—Kdition for Europe. The Cunard mail steamship Africa, Capt. Shannon, will Ieave this port to-day for Liverpool. The mails for Europe will close in this city at half-past @leven o'clock this morning. ‘The Evzorgan Eprmon or rar Hezar> will be published Bt ten o'clock im the morning. Single copies in wrap- pers, six cents. ‘Subscriptions and advertisementa for any edition of the Mxw Yous Henawp will be received at the following places {a Europe:— ee emer Pe eee, Pans... Lansing, Baldwin & Go., 8 piace de la Bourse. Aavamroot. . Lansing, Starr & Co., No. 9 Chapei street. RB. Stuart, 10 Exchange street, Havaa.....Lansing, Baldwin & Co., 21 Rue Corneille. Hausoac..De Chapeauronge & Co.” Pe ‘The contents of the Evrorsay Eomion ov mmm Hens ‘will combine the news received by mail and tolegraph at Whe office during the previous week and up to the hour of the publication. The Nows. The municipal election tock place yesterday, and resulted in the choice of Fernando Wood for Mayor, Greene C. Bronson for Corporation Counsel and James Lynch for Almshouse Governor. As re- gards the Aldermen, Councilmen and other Officers, there is yet some doubt. Mr. Wood is elected by a plurality of 3,000 over Have- meyer, the Tammany Hall nominee, and 8,000 over Opdyke, the republican candidate. The day passed off quietly, notwithstanding the election was one of the most exciting we have had for years, The vote of the three parties at the December election last year for City Comptroller was as fol- lows:— Rassell, Mozart Hall. . - 11,993 Parser, Tammany... . - 18,383 Haws, republican, Know Nothing and whig. .33,469 ‘The vote yesterday shows an increase over that cast in December last of 14,831, and over’ that given for Secretary of State last month of 21,942; ‘but compared with the Mayoralty vote given in December 1867, it shows a falling off of 5,430, Both houses of Congress were occupied yester. day in discussing the Harper’s Ferry outbreak, the Senate upon Mr. Mason’s resolution providing for a select committee to inquire into all the cumstances of the affair, immediate and remote, and the House upon Mr.Clark’s resolution declaring any endorser of Helper’s abominable abolition cir- circular unfit to hold the office of Speaker. No vote was taken on either proposition, neither did the House ballot for Speaker. The debates, of whieh we give pretty full reports, are very inte- resting, as they exhibit unmistakeably the tone and temper of the South in the present crisis in our political affairs. An account of the origin, duration and extent of the late storm which visited New York and Albany, is given in to-day’s paper, together with a fall account of the marine disasters reported. Adams & Co., the enterprising expreasmen, de- livered at the Hegaxp office last evening New Or- jeans papers of the Ist inst. several days in ad- vance of the mails, for which they will accept our thanks. The sales of cotton yesterday embraced about 3,000 bales, chiefly in store, closing firmer on the basis of 11c. for middling uplands. Flour was in fair request, but Somewhat less active and buoyant for common grades of State and Western, and rather easier at the close. Southern flour was in good demand, and sales made toa fair extent. Wheat was dull and sales limited. Corn was firmer and sales moderate. Pork was firm and in better demand, with sales of mess at $16 37 a $16 44, and prime ‘at $11 50.8 $11 623;. Sugars were quiet, sales being con- fined to about 150 hhds. Cuba, in lots, and 88 boxes at rates given in another column. Freights were firm, with @fair amount offering with fair engagemonts to English Ports at full rates. Coffee was quiet and sales limited. For statement of stocks see another column. The Crisis im Congress—The “Irrepreasi- ble Confiiet” Brought Home to the Re- publicam Party. Read the proceedings of yesterday in both ‘houses of Congress. They are very significant. They are full of matter for reflection. The “‘rrepressible conflict,” as expounded by W. Hi. Seward, and as interpreted by John Brown, is brought home to the republican party; and the “Impending Crisis” of the Southern rene- ee NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 7, 1859. ‘ ing the signers of Helper’s Congressional cir- cular as unworthy the confidence of the House, is the first thing in order this morning.: What the day may bring forth it is difficult to con- jecture. “We are in the midst of a Southem revolution,” or a revolutionary Northern re- action agaist this fierce negrophobia, which, for the last five years, has been riding rough- shod over the Northern States, Brown and Helper have brought the Roches- ter programme to a focus. The representatives of Southern rights in Congress, upon the threshold of the session, demand an under- standing, and the conservative men of the opposition camp shrink from a coalition with the republicans, From the speeches of Southern members in the Senate and in the House, we see that they are in earnest, and from the dodging and squirming of the re- publicans, we perceive that they are in great perplexity. Their sectional game for the Pre- sidency is well nigh lost already. Phe na- tional democracy, sustained by the conserva- tive Union demonstrations that are starting up in the North, and by the national result of our city election, and standing fast by the staunch and steady administration of Mr. Buchanan, may now get upon their feet again. Whatever may be the result of the contest for Speaker, the developements and proceed- ings of the last few days at Washington, and in this city and elsewhere, show that a powerful reaction has set in against the disunion ten- dencies of abolitionism; and all this is but the beginning of the end. It only needed some- thing like the raid of Brown, and the treason- able hook of Helper, to bring Seward and his followers to a decisive settlement. The “crisis” is upon them, and they cannot escape their re- sponsibilities. The Election Yesterday—Suecess of Fer- mando Wood. The contest of yesterday resulted in the elec- tion of Fernando Wood for Mayor, by a plurali- ty of three thousand. This result was achieved in spite of an immense outlay of money by the Tammany faction, the whole force of federal and Corporation official influence, in the teeth of almost unparalleled vituperation and abuse of the successful candidate, and the strongest appeals to party prejudice on the part of the republican friends of Mr. Opdyke. Considered with regard to merely local issues, as far as the importance of the Mayor- alty itself is concerned in its bearing upon municipal reform and an economical govern- ment, the event of yesterday is trivial, shorn as the Mayor is of all power and authori- ty; but inasmuch as the election as- sumed a national character, with Wood as the representative of conservative sentiment, opposed to adversaries representing two degrees of the black republican anti- slavery agitation, it is of much importance. Havemeyer was the impersonation of the Buf- falo anti-slavery crusade of 1848, and Opdyke the avowed champion of the same idea in its modern form of black republicanism. The election of Wood, therefore, may be considered as a vindication of this city against the suspi- cion of abolitionism, as the success of either of the other candidates would have been the pro- clamation of its adherence to a policy fraught with ruin to its own commercial interests and the peace and safety of the entire country. In this aspect the election of Wood is an event of vital importance, while in a merely local point of view it claims little or no inte- rest. Never before has a municipal election in New York created so much excitement, not alone in the city itself, but throughout the Union; for it seems that it was regarded everywhere as something more than a local question—as one carrying with it a great national issue. In the city the excitement was immense, a fair illustration of which fact might be found in the dense crowds which blocked up Fulton and Nassau streets, in front of the HeErAxp office, throughout the whole evening and night. The election of 1857, which resulted in the choice of Tiemann, was an exciting time. Wall street stolidity and the eloquence of the Academy of Music lent their joint efforts to the excitement. But the fervor of that time was as nothing to the intensity of interest which at- tended this election. One prominent result of yesterday’s contest is the total defeat of Tammany Hall, with all its corruptions, intrigues and trickeries. That contest was a life or death question for old Tammany, that house of harlots, and when, on the announcement of the vote last night by the chairman of the meeting held there, the Have- meyer banners were torn into fragments by their bearers, and the crowd deserted the hall with cheers for Fernando Wood, the. echoes announced the downfall of Tammany Hall—its rottenness and its anti-slavery treason. The election of yesterday, whatever its effect may be upon our local government, must be viewed as the expression of opinion in this great metropolis in favor of the Union, peace and prosperity of the country, a defence of the rights of the South against the assaults of fanaticism, and as a rebuke to anti-slavery agitation in its duplicated shape, as represented by Havemeyer and Opdyke. Regarded in this light, the result is of significant importance. The Position of England in European Questions—Preparations for a Conflict Between Constitutionalism and Impe- rialism. Constitutional England, standing in the front of imperialized Europe, and preparing for war while discussing the preliminaries of a Con- gress of peace, is the prominent feature pre- sented to us to-day in the affairs of the European world. The freedom of Italy is the apparent subject of discussion for the proposed Congress; and that freedom, oppressed by imperial Austria and proclaimed by imperial France, with the acit consent of imperial Russia, is now de- manded by constitutional England as the indis- Pensable prerequisite to her entrance into a gade, Helper, with all its teachings of a servile | general Congress, which is really to annul the ‘and agrarian ‘insurrection, has returned to plague the inventors. The republican leaders endorsing, recommending and subscribing to sow broadcast over the land that infamous book are called up before the bar of the House to answer to this indictment, while the republi- Can chiefs of the Senate, thrown upon their defence, are vainly endeavoring to explain away this Virginia foray of Brown as the isolated adventure of a monomaniac. Thus the calculations of the Tepublican managers in regard to the House organization are brought to a dead halt. They fail ina desperate effort to lay the whole business of this Helper pamphlet on the table; and the resolution of Mz. Clark, old Vienna compact for the partition of Europe, if it does not make a new one by general con- sent. We are notat all surprised at the caution of England in consenting to enter a general European Congress, for the first principle of such a Congress must be that the will of the majority binds all, to a greater or less degree, Whatever may exist in form, England is the only constitutional government, in fact, now ex- isting in Europe. Imperialism of the in- tensest kind rules unquestioned in France, Austria and Russia, and the secondary Powers are all influenced by it to ao - varying extent. A European Congress, there- fore, means a Congress where imperialism of Missouri, denoune- ' js predominant, and into such constitutional England cannot wisely enter without binding the talons, of the eagles. If. , is not done, she may soon find herself in the post- tion of the only peace disturber of Europe that peace being, however, the order that reigned in Warsaw. Should the aims and settle- ments of such a Congress be opposed to the Mberties of Europe, England's representative must repeat the infamies of Castlereagh, or he must leave the session in the spirit thatno Con- tinental Power will dare to imitate. It is to avoid such a disastrous conjunction that England to-day insists, as a preliminary basis to the proposed Congress, that force shall not be used to coerce the newly liberated peo- ples of Italy, Not that she will take up arms for them, for that is neither in her policy nor ber interests, but that she will not, without such a general engagement, countenance the other aims of European imperialism. Whatever these may be, and however general may be the imperial consent to them, the witholding of England from them not only makes the arrangement a partial one, and gives room to new combinations, but the course of her constitutional government serves as a protest and a leadership to the anti-imperi- al feeling of the rest of Europe. If Louis Napoleon is honest in his professions in re- gard to Italy, the course England has pursued must greatly strengthen his hands and contribute to the formation of a new constitutional Power in that peninsula. But in England there are two extremes of opinion that distrust his honesty. One of these is the radi- cal element, which insists upon judging him by ; his acts at home, and believes that a phantom j legislature, a shackled press and a mighty | army are neither the instruments of, nor con- | ducive to, popular liberty, and popular eleva- tion and advancement. On the other hand, the old tory party and the German element of the English Court cling to the ideas of George the Third, and persist in believing that Napoleonic imperialism is the greatest and most dangerous enemy of legitimacy and the sanction of time. For the last ten years these two elements of the British public have been abusing Louis Napoleon and his policy. With varying de- grees of bitterness and constancy the attack has been kept up by the English press, and from the London Times down to the smallest penny sheet, with few exceptions, every journalist has flung his feathered darts against the imperial form. In Parliament and out of it many of the public men of England have re-echoed the ac- cusations, until now the ire of France is aroused at the vituperation of her self-constituted leader, and there is a state of irritation in the public mind against England that hasnot been equalled since the days of the giant efforts of the first Napoleon. Thus the strenuous efforts of the English press have succeeded in pro- ducing a state of things in which England, whether with or without reason, assumes to fear an inimical invasion from France, at the very time when all are preparing to go into a peace Congress. The busy note of warlike preparation is heard on all sides—new arsenals are created, new instruments of destruction are invented, and the people are called on to study the use and practice of arms. Here England shows her weakness. Strong in her intellectual defence of the constitutional system of government, she is quite powerless in giving it a physical support. If the emergency should arise, not only can she not send an army to the Continent with any prospect of success, but if a French army should invade her she must anticipate continued defeat in the field. Should a conflict arise between England and imperial Europe she must rely for safety upon her fleets and upon the command of the sea. The growth of other navies has equalized the chamces there; and so fully persuaded are the English people that they must prepare for something else than a naval war, that every effort is being made to prepare for the worst. The great difficulty to be contended with is the utter ignorance of the people in England of the use of arms. Reliable military authori- ties hold that it takes two years to make a soldier out of an English recruit, while as a contrast it is well known that an American volunteer becomes effective in two months. For this reason numerous schemes are devised in England to bring the people into what they eall “a normal state of preparation.” One of these is the establishment of a national associa- tion for the promotion of rifle shooting, “the subscription to which is to beplaced at the low rate of one guinea per annum, so as to make the society as comprehensive as possible.” This is the emanation of pure ignorance. People that can afford to pay a guinea a year, and the time requisite to belong to a rifle shoot- ing club, are not the class of men that will volunteer to fight Old England’s battles at six- pence a day, even at home. Ifshe wishes to come to “a normal state of preparation,” let her abolish the game laws and the Arms acts, and every other restriction that prevents the common people from owning a gun and learning how to use it when their time and inclination combine. It does not seem probable, however, that a conflict between constitutionalism and imperialism will yet come up in Europe. It is not a part of the Napoleonic programme. But Louis Napoleon will keep England at the point of irritation by the creation of continental dan- ger near some of her many exposed extremes, till he has carried his plans to success in Eu- rope and controls the policy of that continent, What may come then no man can predict. City Intelligence. Axorme INDEPENDENT Voucntaer Paripz.—Tho Petor- sen Light Guard intend parading on the 26th inst. asa battalion, numbering two hundred men—Samuel Jackson, Major. The corps will be divided into four companies, as follows:—Company A, Capt. Ed. Aines; Company B, Capt. Theodore Nichols; Company ©, Capt. Henry Conklin; Company D, Levi S. Lyons. Adjutant, R, McMannus. The Petersen Light Guard have long held’ the as one of the leading voluntcer companies in our city. They bear the name of William Petersen, who was killed several years ago at the great fire in Chatham street. are composed mostly of the members of Petersen e Company No. 31, (Baxter Hook and Ladder Com- pany No. 15, and Atlantle Hose No. 15. AccIDENTALLY DRowNED.—Coroner Schirmer held an,in- quest on Tuesday upon the body of an unknown man, who was accidentally drowned the night previous in the dock foot of Warren street. The descasod was heard Struggling in the water, and efforts were made to rescue him, but without avail. He was about thirty years of age, had dark hair with sandy goatee, and was dressed in a blue pea jacket, black satin vest, red striped shirt, gray Panta and frock, Verdict-.‘Accidental drowning.’ Court Calendar—This Day. Part Surremn Court, I.—Nos. 77, 1861, 2087, 2281, 2885, 1925, $338, 5 ‘o445, 963, 2, 2303, 2298, 1207 2268, 2239, 2161. ’ Part Il.—Nos, 2730, 244, 1862, 1330, 2728, » 2642, 2428, 2508, 2558, 2792, 6162, 160, 2840, '2402, 2008, 2864, 2856, 2958, 2302 Buprome Court, Special Term:—Demurrers, 6, 7, 21, 22, 23, 25, Issues of fact, 36, 39 to 48, 60, 61, 62. Surmuor Covrt.—Part I.—Nos. 519, 481, 468, 668, 697, ‘715, 628, 631, 675, Part IL—Nos. 478, 449, 498, 568, 452, 368, 369, 674, 680, 602, 664. Coumox Preas.—Part I.—Nos. 1070, 1486, 1438, 697, 1805, 1182, 1562 to 1666, 1568, 1570, 1571, 1872. Part I1.— Nos. 162, 1491, 1492, 100, G01, 144, 1236, 1456, 1556, 1558, 1559, 1560, 1561, 67, 606. ff NEWS FROM WASMINGTON. THE “IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT” IN CONGRESS; } Debate in the Senate on the eran or Ferry Foray. * GREAT EXCITEMENT IN THE HOUSE. NO BALLOT FOR SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE, &e, ke, &e. Our Special Washington Despatch, ‘Wasmneroy, Dec. 6, 1859. EXCITING SCANE IN THE MOUSE, A soene pregnant with meaning, as showing the feeling of parties in the House, occurred this afternoon. During the debate on Mr. Clark's resolution with reference to members endorsing Helper’s infamous book, and while ‘Thaddeus Stevens was speaking, there was a gencra movement of Southern men towards his seat, which to many appeared like an excitement, but which, in fact, was only @ manifestation of anxiety to hear him. Mr. Stevens made some remarks, which brought Mr. Craw- ford, of Georgia, to his feet, whose excited attitude and shaking of his hand near Stevens, was construed into a sort of defiance. This, together with the language used, caused @ general and sudden movement to and around the speakers. There was great confusion, and a good deal of temper exhibited on both sides, but no persona, act of violence, though for atime it was feared there would be. Finally the Clerk restored order, ani the whole affair subsided into a sharp but short debate, when a - motion to adjourn was carried by acclamation. ‘These are facts that 1am the moro desirous of stating, because there is evidently a disposition on the part of the republicans to misrepresent the occurrence, to make poli tical capital to use against Southern men. Rumors have been set afloat that members drew pistols and seemed de- termined to fight, which are false. The feeling of acri- mony seems to have been engendered first, not between republicans and Southerners so much as between demo- crats and Gilmer and his derision of South Americans, in consequence of Gilmer’s resolution as a substitute to Clark’s resolution. The impression was that Gilmer was insiduously acting with republicans against his Southern democratic colleagues. When Gitmer was asked if he ap- proved of Clark’s resolution he evaded the question, and and thie set the blood boiling. During the whole affair there was a deep but restrained feeling. Had a blow been struck from either side, it is probable there would not have been members enough left to have formed a Congress. The exposure of Hel per’s book, and the ventilation of that matter in the Hxx. avp and Congress, has thrown a firebrand into republican ranks. Greeley’s denouncement of moderate men of that party for having what he called “weak knees,” has en. raged them. They wince under the lash of partizan despo- tism which Greeley and Weed holds over them. Mr. Lei- ter, formerly a member of Congress anda republican, says that when the agents of Helper’s book came for his en- dorsement, he made himself acquainted with its character ag he supposed every other man would do, and retused to to sign. THE SPEAKERSHIP, ‘The test vote to-day in the House showed that it is not likely Sherman can be elected under the mayority rule. Old members believe the contest will be prolonged till the holidays, while the new members are sanguine of an organization in a few days. A VETO MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT. The President has prepared a veto message, which will shortly becommunicated to Congress, upon the St. Clair Flats bill, which was passed afew days before the ad- journment of the last Congress. It is an able and clear document, and lays down the democratic doctrine which the President bas always maintained, of opposition to in- ternal improvements by the federal government, THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION. A number of members of the National Democratic Committee, which meets to-morrow, are already here. There seems to be quite a diversity of opinion among them as to the proper time of the meeting of the National Convention at Charleston. They will probably upon the last of April or the first of May. ‘THE OFFICERS OF THE SENATK. ‘The subject of the election of a printer to the Senate is being considerably discussed by Senators. They are not at all harmonious, and the present indications are that Gen. Bowman, of the Cmstitution, will be thrown over- board. There are eight Senators who have declared their intention not to vote for him. The Senate will probably hold a caucus on Thursday or Friday to consider the sub- Ject, and also to arrange the standing committees for the ensuingyear. There is somo talk of going into an election of officers of the Senate, some of the present officers being considered by many of the Senators inefficient, es- pecially the Sergeant-at-Arms. ANOTHER ACCOUNT OF THE SCKNE BETWEEN MESSRS. STEVENS AND CRAWFORD, ‘Wasuinatox, Dec. 6, 1859. At about half-past three to-day the Union camo near being dissolved by a collision on the floor of the House. Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, was speaking, and compli- menting the “weak knees” of the North, who, he said, are ever roady to bend tothe threats of the South, when Mr. Crawford, of Georgia, who, with his friends, came down in the area near where Mr. Ste. vens stood, and asked several questions about Union meetings in the North, He was immediately cried down by the republicans, the majority of whom came to the rescue of Mr. Stevens, who stood up to his work as immovable as an iron statue for some time. The scene was intensely exciting. Several Southern members grasped their weapons and stood near Mr. Crawford; but fortunately no blows were struck. After order was re- stored by the Clerk, Doorkeeper and Sergeant-at-Arms, Mr. Stevens begged the Mouse not to be alarmed, as the demonstration was only an unmeaning trifling breeze. I learn that Mr. Crawford thinks that ho misunderstood Mr. Stevens, and will so explain to the House to-morrow. It seems to be clear that the South will filibuster against an organization until the Helper book and the Harper's Ferry affair is thoroughly debated. The anti-Lecompton democrats will nearly all vote for Sherman on the next ballot. THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION. Senate. Wasninaron, Dec. 6, 1859. THE HARPER’S FERRY INVASION. Mr. Mason’s resolution, offered yesterday, came up. Mr. Trumuzt (rep.) of Ill., said it would receive his cordial support. Whenever murder had been committed let us ascertain who are guilty, and hold them responsible, He hoped the investigation would be thorough and com- Plete. He believed it would do good, by disabusing the Public mind, especially in the South, of the idea that such @ movement received supportfrom any considerable num- ber of citizens. Let this investigation be impartial and thorough, and the effect on the conntry will be most salutary. Hada simi- lar investigation been instituted when a similar transac- tion occurred in 1855, it would have been better. Tho arsenal at Liberty, Missouri, was then broken into and th public property taken away. He briefly recapitulated the facta of that ocourrence as stated by Capt. Leonard in charge there. That, however, was for the purpose of forcing slavery into Kansas, while at Harper’s Ferry tho effort was to abolish slavery. He then offered an amend- ment to the resolution, extending the inquiry to former canes. Mr. Mason (dem.), of Va., replied that he would not stand in the way of the inquiry suggested, but the very document read contained all’ the facts officially set forth. If the Senator wanted to prevent a recurrence of such transactions, he would not stand in the ‘way of applying proper legislation. But now, when four years had clapsed, and neither that Senator nor those who act ‘with him have asked an investigation, it is a little strange he [should be so anxious to couple these transactions. The committee could not examine both at once, and therefore it would be time and expense lost by adopting the amendment. He wanted to ascertain whence the re- sources were derived for tho Harpor’s Ferry invasion, who supplied the mency, munitions and counsel. Con. gress could not act on the subject without official information, and if it should turn out that Con. gress had no power to prevent such transactions, it is the duty, not of the Southern States alone, but of all the States, to take proper measures for protection. He alluded to the remark of Mr. Trumbull respecting the shrieks from Kansas not being heard in Virginia, by saying that no sbricks would bo hoard from Virginia, happen what may in thair political relations with others. He did not know what a man’s political education could be to lead him up to such expressions in reference to recent events, Mr. Taye. answered that nothing the Senator might say could drive him t> apeak disrospectfully of Virginia oF any other State of the Union. He spoke of the term \Mebtieks”” as used in regard to the people of Kansas, but - not with the view of casting ridicule oa any portion of the country. ‘ c ‘Mr, Mason's impression was that the term came from the political associates of Mr. Trumbull. At first it was “shrieks for freedom.” Mr. Haus, (rep.) of N, H., followed, denouncing the Su, reme Court of the United States, and defining his posi- tion generally in regard to the slavery question. But he did not think the resolution went far enough. It had been charged in pretty high quarters upon the re- publican Senators that they were implicated, if uot di- rectly—that the doctrines they taught tended to exactly the state of things produced. The committee should in vestigate that. Still, he did not believe any great good ‘was to come out of it at this time; but he simply rose to eay he was perfectly ready to meet it. Ho had not a word to retract, Nothing that had been done in Virginia or elsewhere had a tendency to impeach the goundness, man- hood or constitutionality of any doctrines they had avowed He believed, if the investigation can be mado thoroughly, the blame would lay somewhere else than at the door of the republican party, They would discover, also, eomething of the estimation and affection which some of their Northern demo- crats entertained for thoir Southern brethren. He knew they received the news from Harper's Ferry witha perfect yell of delight, and looked upon it as a perfect Godsend, by which an excitement could bo or- ganized against those who acted with the republican party, and that the effect was to result in overwhelming that party with defeat, Northerm democrats had no tears to shed provided it led them back to power and gave them a new lease upon the Custom House and Post Offices. He understood federal action was to be invoked. He thought he heard the same avowal made by the Senator from Mississippi (Mr. Brown) at the last session of Congress, There might be atime when this federal action invoked as a protection might be applied to freedom as well as slavery, and for that reason when Senators came to look at this question and see its results they would come to the conclusion that, although a little federal action would do for this occasion, it would seta dangerous precedent and might be invoked on the other side. Mr. Tremnvnt thought the term “Kansas shriekers’? was first applied by tho democratic party. This was not an official report of Captain Leonard. He had read from the report of the Kansas Investigating Committee. The Senator from Virgivia paid little attention four years ago to the cries of the people of Kansas, but now his ears are open. In one case those engaged in unlawful proceedings had been punished. In the other case, those engaged in similar transactions were rewarded with office. He trusted now that the afair would get the attention it deserved, Mr. Hate defined his position. He was for the resolution and also for the amendment. He was sorry, however, it had been introduced go early in the session, as he wanted to keep up the era of good feeling until after Christmas. He did not want to serve on the Committee fer several reasons. That com- mittee should consist of learned men, deeply versed in philology, psychology and theology, so as to go to the terminus of the affair. He wanted to look the whole thing right in the face, and go to first principles. Some had re- lied on a passage of Scripture, that God had made of one blood all the natioas of the earth. He wanted to know whether that did not mean all white men. He had nota word to retract of all he had said in various specchas. He had been accused of complicity with the affair, but he was not here to admit or deny that, but would say that the ro- publican party in the North never sought to tamper with slaves. Fears have been entertained of danger to the Union, but he thought the greatest danger arose from the constant obloquy and reproach heaped on the people of the free States every time an opportunity presented itself, He alluded to the incitements to bloodshea found in the South@fn papers. For instance, in the Richmond Enquirer there appeared an advertisement offering a reward of ten thousand dollars for the head of a distidguished citizen of Ohio. He denounced the Supreme Court of the United States as distinguished for servility to the slave power, and expressed his views ‘at some length on various topics connected with slavery, Mr. Hunter (dem.) of Va., expressed surprise at the manner in which this resolution had been received. It was proper in itself, and made eminently necessary by circumstances of recent occurrence. The South was not 80 much startled by the foray of Brown and his few fol- lowers, but at the sympathy so openly expressed in the North for him, and at the apparent indifference of the great mass at the North at such manifestations of sympa- thy. The Senator from Illinois proposes to turn the matter into s party issue. Does he suppose the South re gard the peace and safety of the community ag a party matter? They are loath to believe such things can be treated with indifference by those bound to them by tho ties of common government; but if such is the case, it is timo they were made aware of it. Upon such an occasion ‘6 this, which has no parallel in the history of the coun- try, the levity displayed by the Senator from New Hamp- shire is like the laugh of the inebriate at the bed of death. The South can take care of themselves. If no remedy can ‘be found in the general government, let the South know, 80 that they can take action. Is this Union to be used only to stay the arms of States for self defence, and give no protection against such insurrectionists? It there be, in truth, such alionation, and this simple resolution cannot pass without being smothered by party issues, let ‘us know it at once. Mr. Davis (dom.) of Miss., said one gratifying fact was the distinctness with which Senators disavowed all con- nection with or sympathy for the mad foray of Brown. ‘What connection had the affair at Liberty with the question before us? We have a great duty to per- form, to afford protection to our common country against attacks from foes within as well as without. ® Mr. Grex, (dem.) of Mo., remarked that tho purpose for which the arms wore taken at Liberty was not to force slavery into Kansas, not to subvert the government of the United States, but to resist the unlawful acts of the Emigrant Aid Society, which had prevented the execution of the laws of the Territory. Although an unlawtul act, it was for a good purpose, and in order to support law and order. The truth ought to go forth in connection with this matter, and not let it be supposed that it was an atro- cious act like that at Harper's Ferry. This affair do- mands the interposition of the federal government. ‘While scenes in Kansas, whether right or wrong, have passed by, those acts are recorded for posterity to judge, and let them remain undisturbed. Mr. Crrrmxoay, (opp.) of Ky., thought that the amond- ment could do noharm, and only Occupy a few days more time, and hoped it would be adopted. Mr- Wnson, (rep.) of Mass., should vote for the resolu- tion and amendment. When this intelligence first reached the North it was regarded as merely a sweike of workmen. On Jearning its real character it was received almost unanimously with disapprabe*t9n and regrets; but eles- tions were pending im Row Howsuni Now Jarcoy, and oue or two leading paper? "> “ork, for tho purpose of affecting these election? ‘-~* “thomoxt Violoxt, false and infamous charges apni? .+>'403bMsraeu and masses of people of the free Stn “st ¢qiGt24 universal in- dignation there. Not~....1 thousand of the people of the free States ever dreamed jof such a foray, or know nothing of it. He spent two or throe weeks in New York and New Jersey previous to the election, and everywhero heard regret and condemnation of that movement, He never saw a man who did not regret it. The leader that in invasion, by his conduct and Jan- guage, bad excited sympathy and admiration. He is regarded as sincere, although a fanatic. He vio- lated the law under the conviction that he was doing right, and was willing to take the consequences. But the Present Governor of Virginia, by his mode of dealing with this question—by bis evident attempt to make political capital and get up needless clamor—has excited a feeling of derision and contempt amongfthe masses of the North, ‘To this cause is to be attributed the sympathy manifested for Brown, more than to any other source whatever. Had he deait with this question as a discreet magistrate, and not made an outrageous and infamous attempt to impli- cate innocent men for party purposes, what is witnessed. to-day would nover have taken place. He concluded by hoping that the investigation would be thorough. Who- ever may be implicated, let him take the consequences. Mr. CLanK, (opp.) of N. H., spoke in favor of the reso- lution and amendments. He was glad the proposition had been brought forward. If it had not been brought forward by the Senator from Virginia, it would have been brought forward by one of the Senators charged with eomplicity. The Senator from Virginia’ desired to know whether the Northern States sympathised with Virginia or with the crime which had been committed. So far as he had any knowledge, he had failed anywhero und everywhore to find any sympathy for that crime. Although Brown had been two years organizing the expedition, he got but twenty-two men, white and black, in the whole vast re- gion of the South to engage init. Did not the Senator from Virginia see in this the eminent conservatism of the North, Mr. Brown, (adm.) of Miss., read the proceedings of # public mecting at Natick, Massachusetts, where aresolu- tion was adopted that resistance to tyrants is obsdience to God, and that, therefore, the slaves ought tobe incited to resist thelr masters. He asked whether Mr. Wiles ‘was present and countenanced such @ meeting, Mr. Wirsow (in explanation)—It was a lecture byHeary C. Wright, who made'a speech in favor of B was generally attended by democrats and othen, but nobody interrupted the proceedings. ‘Those who hired the hall were some dozen Garrison abolitbnists, and they only voted for the resoution. ‘The great mass of the audience went only from aariosl- ty. Having fully expressed his opinions previously in re- gard to Brown’s movements, he deemed it unnecesmry te repeat them there. Mr. Brown was satisfied with the disclaimer. Mr. Puau, (dem.) of Oblo. would vote againat the amend- ment, as referrtng to transactions not german the resolution, and having no connection. We have talked enough about Kansas in years past. Mr. Mason was under the impression when he pre- mised not ¢o oppose the amendment, if oferod as « separate preposition, that it was a new matter, rot re- ported offielally to either house. If all the facts had been reported on once, there certainly was no need of appoint- ing another committeo to investigate them, and therefore ‘be would vote against the amendment. The Senator from Massachusetts had arraigned the conduct of Governor ‘Wise, and imputed to him selfish and unworthy metives. ‘The people of Virginia are the only political community to whom the Govornor of Virginia is responsible. He had not heard such @ word or doubt expressed in Virginia by anybody of any political party respecting the prosperity, expediency or wisdom of Governor Wise’s conduct’ in taking care that the laws of Virginia should bo respect- ed and enforced. If he had neglected to 4 his duty or run tho remotest risk that these vagabond instruments im the hands of people elsewhere should not expiate their. crimes under the laws of Virginia, he would have morited and received the execration of every Virginian. Now, the object of this investigation was to find out where Brown's, money and munitions came from. They must have cost. from $15,000 to $20,000, to say nothing of the expense of getting up the expedition. There was also a large sum im gold found on his person. Where did he get it? He had only been known as a vagabond and ruffian in Kansas. Some persons behind must have been accessory to his movement. The object was to find them. Mr. Iverson, (dem.) of Ga., said that these Kansas matters had become almost forgotten, and would never have been brought up again unless by some Old Mortality like the Senator from Illinois, who delights to revel im rotten and disgusting remains. The object of the amend- ment could only be to revive agitation and smother the inquiry proposed. The Senator wanted to break the force of facts to be developed concerning this monstrous out- Tage on the soil of Virginia. They might deny sympathy for Brown, but this very attempt to cmbarrass the reso- Iution evidences that sympathy. Look at the facts transpiring in the other end of the Capitol, where Mr. Sherman is candidate for the third office in the gift of the American people, and yet he has endorsed Helper’s book, which is more incendiary in its character than anything John Brown ever said, Mr. Has, (rep.) of N. H., called him to order for re- flecting on the character of the House. Mr. Iverson said that he had only reflected on the re- publican party, not on the House. Mr. Sherman was one of sixty-cight members of the last Congress who endorsed and approved sentiments at war with the interests of the House and looking to a dissolution of Union. Was not that equivalent to sympathy for Brown? Do gentlemen hero disclaim the acts.of their colleagues in the other house? They belong to the same political organization, and if they avowed their real sentiments they would justify the conduct of their political friends in the House, who sus- tain a man endorsing the most damnable sentiments ever uttered. When the Senator from Massachusetts heard treasonable sentiments avowed ata public meeting in his own town, instead of sitting and giving silent assent, he should once have rebuked them. What did all the ringing of bells in New Hampshire on the 2d of December mean but sympathy for Brown? And eight members of the Massachusetts Senate voted to adjourn over for the same reason. Ho believed that it was the settled design of the republican party to break down the institution of slavery, by fair means or foul—if not by appealing to the slaveholders, by inciting the slaves. As for the democratic party, he was sorry to say he was atraid it was becoming, if not:corrapt, atleast corruptible. The South can take care of herself, and needs no assistance. We will be prepared to defend ourselves to the last extremity, even at the sacrifice of the Union, which you all pretend to revere so much. in the heat of debate he might have said something to offend. Such ‘was not his intention. Mr. Hate—I for one freely forgive him for all he has said against the republican party for the little modioum of Justice he gave the democracy. (Laughtor.) ‘Without taking the question, the Sonate adjourned. House of Representatives. ‘Wasmmnaton, Dec. 6, 1859. Mr. Clark’s resolution coming up, Mr. Crawrorp, (dem.) of Ga., made an ineffectual motion to submit a resolution for the adoption of the hour rule, it being evi- dent that after Mr. Clark shall conclude his remarks, a reply will be expected from the other side. It would be remembered that in the Thirty-fourth Congress one gen- tleman occupied the floor for two days; hence his prope- sition, A resolution was adopted that the daily hour of meeting be twelve o'clock. ‘THE HARPER'S FERRY FORAY AND THE SPEAKERSHIP, Mr. CLark (dem.) of Mo., caused to be read a list of those who recommended the circulation of the compend of Helper’s book; algo the circular iteelf, strongly reprobative of slavery. y ‘Mr. CLaRK resuméd, saying he had ts paper read that the country might see the treasonable designs, Here ‘was & recommendation, signed by members of the last House, some of them re-elected to this, that the North should have no fellowship with slaveholders, either 0- cially or politically. And had the country come to this? We live under @ Union and constitution which cost so much blood and treasure jointly of North and South. Had they struck the fatal blow and got their own consent, and. expect the country to}submit to it, for those in the South who do not own slaves to exterminate the institution—peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must—as recommended by Helper and his friends? One of those who signed the circular— Mr. Grow—had been nominated for Speaker. If we aro a common country, and here 4o deliberate under the stars and stripes, looking to'a common patriotic ond—if we are brethren hailing from the same braye ancestry, are we to be thus insulted and trampled upon? Did Northern men think those from the South feel themselves honored by their aggociation? Ifso, they are deceived. If he had to depend on the prayers of certain persons at the North, as recommended, he should expect after death to sink to “nethermost hell.” (Laughter.) The South understand their rigbés and dare maintain them. The Union canno exist if the recommendations in the circular which ho read were carried out, Mr. Griwer, (opp.) of N. C., offered a substitute for Mr. Clark’s resolution, in substance reiterating the deola. rations heretofore made by the whigs and democrats re- sisting all attempts at the renewal of slavery agitation in whatever shape or color it may be made. Mr. Sravans, (rep.) of;Pa., presumed the amendment Was not in order. Mr. Corns. (rep.) of Iowa, moved the previous ques vote. ‘Waenscryn, (rep.) of Ill., moved to lay the subject on the table. ‘The motion negatived by a tie vote. Mr. Barxspaur, (dem.) of Miss., raised the q that as Mr. Gilmer’s proposition did not relate to the elfec- tion of Speaker it was out of order. « ‘The Cierx was not prepared to decide the point, ‘would submit it to the House. fi An ineffectual motion was mado to postpone the further consideration of the resolution till the Ist of January, Mr. Burwerr, (dem.) of Ky., said he wanted to vote om Mr. Clark’s resolution, and suggested that Mr. Gilmer might offer his proposition as an amendment. Should the gentleman insist upon offering it as asubstitate, the repub- licans will be enabled to avoid a vote on the a4 ject the other side of the House are anxious they come up to and meet. He would not dodge himself, or enable others to do so, Several gentlemen claimed the floor, and a spirited col- loquy on that subject ensued. ‘Mr. Gram said, the declarations in Mr. Clark's resotu- tion in relation to a cortain infamous pamphlet, had noth- ing to do with the election, If it was a proper proparato- ry to election, his substitute was certainly in order ani preferable. Mr. Barksparx inquired, Does your substitute refor to qualification for speakership ? Mr. Gimxr—Yes. We want whoever may be elected Speaker of this House to know its sentiments, Mr.. Burwerr advocated the adoption of Mr. Clark’s | }