The New York Herald Newspaper, August 6, 1859, Page 2

2 THE CONDITIONS OF THE TREATY OF PEACE. Who Proposed the Italian Contederncy—The | Chances for Constitutional Government Ataly—Napoleon’s Roman Pottcy— ts i | ter to Edgar Ney—Sardinia's Project F the Roman States—The Rom Ces tion of 1848—France and the Treaty | Vienna, f ‘The terms of the treaty o! franca have surprissd :nost people. All o at anere events surprite people All the Italisa una sre bee ci to tho statu (uo ante bellum except Lomb: 45 aby haps Parma, which Austria trans‘ers to igcopnedls oe her banded over to Pieimont. But as to the rica apal federacy—did that proposition come from Frat dt ia? That point i not yet clear to us; bu Foe ae of special remark, that over since 1816 * piselt! Bee particularly anxious to establish exactly geo antaie of things. At that time Austria was endea- ici to obtain from Piedmont the proviace of the Upper Novara, and also pressed the Cabines of Turin, as well as all the other Italian States, to enter into a confederacy similar to the Germanic Confederation, and England ad- vised Piedmont to gccede to the proposition, if it were only to insure the safety of her coveted province. But Piedmont resisted, Is it a fact now that Austria sces in that realization of one of Metternich’s p!ans a compensation for her tempo- rary loss of Lombardy, and the means of mot only getting that kingdom back, but aloof acquiring Sardinia? If that de the motive of Austria, as appears not very improbable, then, indeed, the blood and treagure which France and Italy have lavishly shed in the late war have been shed worte (ban uselessiy. In every point of view, it is a most remarkable fact that the only condition which appeared to have been favorable to the Italiansin this treaty is tha which bes been long the darling project of Austria. In a work entitled “Rome, its Ruler and its Institu- tions,’’ from the pen of the Hon. John Francis Maguire, a member of the British Parliament, published some years ‘ago, the following remarkable paswage in reference to an Ttatian confederation, occurs. After describing the mem- orable events of 1848—the year of revolutions—and the evacuation of Milan by the Austrians, the author says:— The Pope was not insensibie to the generous intluence of the hour,and no one could more sucerely desire to witness the triumph of Ita! fudepenieace than he did. To accomplish this great object usage gevoral ef forts, unfortunately in vain, with a rew of combining the different States intoa common national league; but walle be met with a cordial concurrence in some instances, his Proposal was received with coliners aad jealousy ia others. Naples, Tuscany, and other States, catered with alacrity into the schom+; but the Sardiuisa government reused to send delegates to Rome, aud suggeste! a Oon- grees in the North 0 ltaly—s proposition aot calculaied to Overcome the natural soprehensions entertained by the wertments of the eouth of tua ambitious views of Vharies Albert. Had the scheme of an Iiatian Leagu’ under the Presidency of the Pups, been carried into effect it would, in ald human pycdabul rected the free dom of italy; and whals saning Lime from the machina tions of anarchirts, have consolidated the reforms granted to the Papal States.” ‘The famous Joseph de Maistre, at that tice Sardinian Minister to St. Petersburg, thus wrote in regard to the pro- position for au Austrian league:— It is clear that Austria mesns to take everything in Italy for herreif or ber princes and it is right that vhe Kiog should cefend bis right a5 ao Italiac prince. Le could not axe the Lalian league without being exposed a grave danger. Tbe distinctions drawn by Austria ere a mero snare. She whoge territory extends acroes Lombardy to the Russian frontiers, what liberty would she feave to ao Italian Diet? Italy would disappear. All the Iatian princes would be but vassals of Austria, and would soon disappeor altogether, Ths Kiog of Sardinia is the first that is menaced, and that is very natural, because since a long time the design of eubjecting the who! insula, has no enemy more coustani aud more powerful in Italy than he. ITALY'S CHANCES OF CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. AB Wo the probability of Austria permitting the esta. Dlishment of the repreecmtativa principle in Italy, we may judge by the invariable declarations of sf:ttcraich on that head: ‘The representative system,’ said be in a deepatch in 1822, ‘-with its inetitutions, which are a necetary com- plement of it, cansot and ought not to be established in any State of the Peninsula.’’ To be sure, Piedmont has since established them, but in spits of Austria, and with the result of making Austria her deadliest atid most via- dictive ecemy. So als», at the time ot the Neapolitan re- volution, Metternich said to the Sardinian Minister, that Care must be iaxen lest the Neapolitan Parliament would proclaim a constitution like the Freach,as ths Kiog, under the inspiration of France, had suggested. Count Capo distrias one day asked Metternich whether tae Emper of Austria would tolerate at Napiss a system that might be somewhat siroilar to the representative system, and which would be acceptable to the King. His prompt Answer was, that the Experor would sooner make war upon the King of Naples. ‘The French ‘Annuaire’ for 1850, in discussing the par which France took under Louis Napoleon in overthrowing the Roman republic said:—If France took up arms to drive from Rome Mazzini and his adherents, i was mot that the old policy of Metternich should be re-established in their stead. Her views in that respect were very clearly Bketcbed out from the beginning. Her embarrassment ‘was certainly great, for the mon who dirested her policy understood perfectly how difficult it Was to reconcile two Principies 80 opposite as a spiritual government founded on tradition and cn an authority which admitted of no discussion, and a Jaical government based on the idea of re. sponsibility and freedom of spsech. Tao French diplomacy ‘was not ignorant of sny of the difficulties which it had to overcome, in order to promote constitutional ideas in Roms. but, placed by the spirit which it represented in Furope under the necessity of upholding the constitutional régums, convinced that the evils, accumulated through preceding administrations in the Roman States, required liberal ve. Forms, and believing that there was atil! more danger ia Postponing for tco long a time the granting of parliames" tary intitutions than there was ia granting them, i! en- deavored, if not to induce the Pope to re-establish the consti tution of March, 1848, at least to accustom him to the idea f Faliing back on it, ssoner or Later. LOUIS NAROLEON’S LETTER ON THE PAPACY. While the Holy Father was proparing to return to the Vatican, the commission of three Cxrdina's to whom had been coufined the government of tho Postidi atea (and who received the riskname of the red triumvirate) ehowed themssives too puch digpored to make reprisals on the democratic pariy, and to make abgolutigm stil! more li was renee bo thelr conduct that Loui a~then the e his since nider-de.c ibat as ce of peace conchided at Ville in Pre famous letter mp, in the bene well to E which be olent in| ac gar Ney, one of id—“T am pai learn a8 oar own , remain fruitioss psttions influences, They to make proscription and tyr the the Pope’s return. Say forme to Gensrsl Rosto lan (the commander of the French army), that he must not permit any act to bs committed under the shadow of the tricotor flag which would denaturalize the character of our intervention. sum up the temporal power of thy Pope thus: A general amnesty, secularicatim of the admin. istration, the ode Napleon, anda liberal gwvernment.”” ‘The Pope grented an amnesty, excepting ouly the depi ties of the republic and the military leaders, and promis ed, by a proclamation of 12th September, 1849, an adminis- trative and judicial reorganization. That promise has not yet been observed more than in form, Now ig the tims for its real and genuine fullment wis) TBE SARDINIAN PROJECT FOR THE ROMAN STATES. At the Paris conferences in 1866 tho Sardinian Commis- sioners thus referred in a note from Count Cavour to the representatives of France and England to Napoleon’s let- ter to Edgar Ney:—The Emperor Napoleon IL, said they, with that just and strong Perception which charac- terizes him, had perfectly uaderstood and clearly indi- cated, in his letter to Colonel Ney, the solutish of the Roman probiem. secnlarization and the code Na- Poleon; but it wag evident that the court of Rome would strive till the last moment acd by all means agains: toe realization of that double combiuation. tt might, in ap pearance, stoop to accept civil and even political reforms, but it understood too well that secularization of the govern ment and the establishment of the code Napoleon,*f intro duced even at Rome where the edifice of its temporal powsr rests would undermine it to ifs very foundation, and make it crumble to ruins by taking from it the privileges of the clergy Gnd the canonical law. Their proposition was—and it was ae to have met to @ certain extent the approva the ie ota separate Rome admisistratively from hes ‘diigo Hee to let the Pope be both spiritual Pasaiteatas by ler of bey ornal City, and to form of the Sainiiy eye we Principality under the sovo- taviig inibows tn governed by their own laws, and ; Nbunals, trereury and army, This proposition, a)tnoy 4 y: » though it had no jotiuense on the Congress of Paris, obtained a large ehare of public att tion in Europe. It in somewhat re Markaple that it al exaotly the same project which the Sardinian plenipot tary, Count Aldini, presented to Prince Metter: vat 1815, and which occupied the attention of thy European Powers at the Congress of Vienna Toe defen dere of the Pontideal goverament repliod to Count Cavour’e nore 6 Vhat { consequently such an oxperiment as that of the con- | framed somewhat on the modelof the French constitution of 1830. As be cannot, with very good grace, refuse to NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, AUGUST 6, 1859. stitution of March, 1848, was not to be repeated. Lord mentina more abrolute form thanever. If It were mitted to resgon og men to trust fo the promises of perors, Louis Nipoeon will he known to history as tne bn" Palmerston, in the English House of Commons, ton920°4 | Hherstor of Au srs a titio which perheps will Compen- the peeeent régime of the Roman States ag arbitrary and tyrannical, and declared the popular government prefera, ble to it, THE ROMAN CONSTITUTION OF 1843, The Roman constitution of March 15, 1848, which the Pope volunteered to give to the Poniifical Statee, was give to bis people, now that the Italian nationality is ia a way of being established, the same form of political gov- eroment which he bad prepared for them, it becomes of interest to understand exactly what that was, In the firs: place it established—or rather preserved—a college of cardinajs, by whom the Popes are elected, and a Senate, which was to be one and the same with that couacil. The legielative pewer was vested in two chambers, of which one, to be called the Upper Heure, was to be composed of members appointed for life by the Pope; the other was to be composed of deputies elected by the people, on the basis of one representative for every thirty thousand of population, whish would give one hun- dred and four representatives in all. The elective fran- chige was to be confined to persons over twenty-five yoars of age, whe were worth three hundred scudi (or dollars) or whose annual taxes amounted to twelve doliars. The constitution also recognized and protected the indepen: ence of tbe judiciary, pereonal liberty and the right of pe- tition, provided for the creation of a national guard, for the abolition of military courts (drum.head courts mar- ‘ttiat), and of the censorship of the press. We presume that the French Eaperor and the people of the Roman States will be to. day quite sxtiafied to have this sort of a liberal constitution inaugurated in the Papal dominions, and it is not easy to perceive how, under tho circumstances, the Holy Father can decently refuse it, ua less, indeed, he wish to force the Emperor into coercive measures or bis people into revolution. FRANCE AND TAE TREATY OF VIENNA. The tamous historian of the first Freach revolution, | Thiers, has aaid ot the treaties of Vienua: JI faut ler ob server et les detester—while they must be observed they must still be detested. The French Provisional govera- ment of 1848, in a manifesto drawn up by Lamartine, de- clared that while these treaties bad actually beea | abolished in law, France wou'd respect them in fact; aud the republic did respect them at the moment of Charles Albert’s victories, in dread of v' ing them to the ad- vantege of a monarchy. If tho whigs of Eagland, said the “Annuaire des Deux Mond: of 1850, puraued ia Switzerland, Sicily, Lombardy and Hungary a policy antagonistic to these treaties, they did a0 more for the purpose of creating difficulties in rival States, and de- priving France of her liberal initiative than with the view of operating the ruin of the troaties of 1816, and the recon- struction of a new Europe. Effect of the Pcace tn Genoa, We trensiate toe following adaress from the Cooriere Mercantile, of Genoa:— ADDRESS TO HIS MAJESTY THE KING VICfOR EMAN- DUEL. Sirz—Amidat the profound eense of deception and con- at ernation that througbout the country has been produced by the unexpected announcement of # peace, unfortunate: ly 20 different from what we with every right hopod for, ig mingled a sweet retief in our souls by the thought, the certainty, that this poace was not your making, aad that, therefore, uscontamipated and giorious, still rests the peme of the first soldier of the ftalian tndepeadence The national question is not destreyed—it is only temporarily an- nulled. It has evtered on a new phase, full of grave difil- culties and supreme perils; but that King and that people who have been able to sustain their lot for ten years, end to corquer wherever deceit and fatality” have not sufficed to prevent valour from conquering, will know how now to overcome the obstacles the future may prepare. It is not a stroke of the pen thal can cancel the Frmnerteah @ twenty siz million hearts Bat if the country is ready, if the whole living strength of tho nation ig Girposed to great trials, to great sacrilices, we truet that you will not do less—that there will be no re- Jaxation in that s\rong ard gage direction that your Ma- and your Ministers have hitherto lent to the popular enthusiaem. All comprehend your sulferings; Italy, whose cry of grict has reached your ears, feels the ir‘e- siatible eloquence of your silence. But why, therolore, suiler with and for ber? Italy has tuith ie pou and your government, and dares to Bend to you a word of cousola. Lon that (at least we hope so) will be received by you | with joy. | May you youreeif be blessed, az likewise those heroes who fovght by your side for the most sacred of causes, If now, at this hour, Italy is weeping, her independence and her liberty are such great benefits that in order to conquer them much blood and many tears will yet bo sbed. | Until the moment, sire, when you will be the leader of the Italian cause, grief will be the duration of our dis- couragement and our diacomfort; and of itseif secure, the nation wili be capable of sustaining the most ruthful deetiny. The Peace Address of the Emperor of Austria. [From the London News, July 20 } The Emperor of Austria is reported to be uncommonly Uke other young men of his age. Neither in charactor, temperament, or faculty, is there anytaing remarkable about him. A little headatrong, perhaps, and obstinate, yet veither passionate in feeling, clear in judgment nor decided im purp2ee; capable of displaying emotion and of resisting impulse; somewhat cold aod hard in temper, yet not urgenerous or unkind in digposition, he is a3 much like otber ordinary mortals betweeu twenty and thirty who hase been born to great possessions and few respousibili tes, a8 Can be expected of the arbitrary ruler of miilions of human beings who are epecifically addressed as My Peoples.” When we consiver for a moment the way in which the son of the Archduchees Sephia must have been brought up, and the mouid of thought and feeling in which hig mind must have been cast, oae begins to wonder at euch ® product of pricsts and Camarilias—nureed with the milk of the purest despotism, weaned on a dict of edicta, tempered by the tonic virtue of bayonsts—moy ing among his fellow creatures like ® man. Adversity, it is trve, tgan admirabie school for “che hamanitics,” and gives a touch of philosophy even to the sajings and do- icgs ofan autocrat. Francis Joseph, at the mature age of twenty-nine, isa bumble recipient of Heayen’s blessings {o Oieguie, as misfortuncs sre sometimes described by disinterested obsorvers. He addresses hia “peoples” in a moet exemplary strain of patience and submission, as tho commarder of an army which haz*ought for God, their Emperor and their country’? with a chequered acd in complete success. His account of the war which has just | clozed is a resily instructive and novel veraion of the rage cf Kings for whom nations bleed. Nothing can be more satistac- tory than the reason he gives for the invagion of Pic It was duty that placed Lim under the stero neveeait manding from his peoole new ant al sacridce Ger to place in a slate of defenco their mos ests. Tt was not, ee was ignorantly saposed, a royal s {mperial affair, but a grand act of popular justice on ba- | balf of Joyal and faithful holders of motallics, to sead aa army wcross the Ticino to ravage the & ada of Pi crf, Slaughter a fow peaean' their carts.’ Surely, this identi | au inger Kaiser of big people's e b's own, {a dezerving of all reco ; 76 con cension to the congtitu Of the rigtts of the governed, Toe the unanimoas en tbhnelaem and th as well ea ihe brevery n this Impe! weil believe et can of to the constant aud heroic if the ‘ peoples’? a j of the Austrian’ gol: are credited with a degree of Sepgent loyalty which they uave hardly bad time to con(iMlict, at all events thoy | have endured sacrifices of purze and of person which will probably be repaid in promissory notes; ber the Imperial ordinances of August, 1851, and January, 1862, they have, like true eubjo:ta of an epostolic empire, given the other check tothe smiter, and recompensed evil with good. We canvot pretend to know to what extent the Austrian army reciprocates the ‘ legitimate pride” which Francis Jeseph confeeses in beiag cbief. Tt fe somctbivg to sueceptible enough to look on sn to die under the orders of achief who has no orders to give, must be a blessed boon to a posr Behemian con. Script; but these are beatitudes which vulgar minded | people in free countries cannot grasp, Let us turn | to that pertion of the “manifesto” which is neerer to our | ension, Where, {t occurs to us to ask, do Emps their hearts? Fifty or a hundred thousand men at mere scratch; but somewhere above tna! amount of slaughter the imperial heart bieeda, too, ‘The onemies, We are assured, ‘had been abie to obtain only advan. tages, not a decisive victory,” and the Austrian army was ‘animated by the eame araor,” but it was the thought of ‘‘ new sacrifices of blood and money”? that con- | strained Austria to listen to proposals of peace. Not, how. ever, the new sacrifices only, but, what was far more terious, the obstinate refusal of ‘ our natural allies, our most ancient allies,” to make the cause of Austria in Italy their own, Toe neutrality of Eogland and the tardiness of Prussia were the blows which laid the Cwsar of Austria low, * in spite of the ardent sympathy” of ‘the journals abd peoples of Germany.” Strange bedfellows for an Austrien Keiser— the journal the peoples!” It is to “political considerations,” then, rather than to reverses in the fleld, that we owe tho ‘acceptance of | pence by Austria; and these political considerations re | folve themselves: into the conviction which the young | Kairer bad acquired that be should get better terms from Jou's Napoleon than from the neutral Powers, his “na tural giice—most ancient allies,” We leave to public Opioion in Frence and in Lily to welzh these words, The Moniteur, no doubt, will vouchesfe in a day or two to interpret them in a Napoleonic senee. We do not profess bo be provided with a Mt concordance for harmonizing French and Auetrian texts. In arrceting a revolutionary war, aud ip treating on the basis of the line of the Min- cio, it is easy to perceive that France acted as the ag. eignes of Austria; but itis not so easy to reconcile the claime of that poor ded creditor, Italy, with the iret c'ase certificate £0 freely accorded to the bankrupt. We await the expianati: The conciuding passages of the Austrian Emperor's manifesto derive all their interest from the authorehip. The maa who, in the summer of this present year, re. Joices in the return of peace becauee it will give bim “the | nereaeary leisure for beetowing heccoforth, without dis. | traction, ail bia attention and solicitude on the fruitful task” of “ameliorations comformable to the spirit of the time tn legislation and administration,’ is the same who fight yeare ago declared that bis minisiers were responsi- with tears in his eyes: the Pope bod offered lipertier open » Bat Pagh hey La ble to himeef only—dirsoived the National Guard—abol- iberty of the prese: who reven years since ution which three yeers before be had bate for the dita will be an ¢e LN. Bonapasto” will find it difficult to surpass, The Anglo-Prusstan Sonality Likely to be | Majesty bas not taken y | cules and reguietions obtaio. | ment = onee wot, Ul, ge esabanlied peBary Borgia | a age perrapce of the liberator of Italy = Tais + ich even the author of the Cuvres: Continue (From he London Times, Suly, 20. * Austria bad pot.been content with the deminions se- Cured to ber by the peace of 1868. By treaties and occu- pation abe bud made berseif a dominant Po wer in Italy, und was not disposed to retire from the position aho had created Sardinia, On the other band, represented, as Lord Jobn Russell says, the sorrows cad aspivations of Italy, and would not retire from tho position she had tekep up. Theee conilicting cluups, and this indisposition to retire from ious equally untenable in face of each otber, led, ag they necessari'y must, to conflict. France wee called ip, and war bas beep the reault. Lord Joha Rugesel! bad the sagacity to sec two days before the battle of Solferino that it was an arbitrary assumption that Frapce would pecesearily proceed from ber Italian battle field to the banks of the Rhine—an bypothesia for and against which much might be stated, but which did not posseas that degree of certainty which could authorise Prussia to involve fret herself and u'timately the reat of Eorope inthe contest. The consideration is alao urged with much effect, that it would be unworthy of Prussia to draw her sword in ordez to perpetuate mi mment in Italy; the danger of exciting the military spirit of France is wiso dweit op, and the wisdom of Pruvsia in following the example of neutrality set her by Engirnd. Let Austria say what she will, Hogiand aod Prussia bave gained much by their policy of neutrality—ro much that their conduct must not onlv be to them @ Batisfac- tion for the past, but as ofe guide for the futur ey have shed no innocent biocd in wanton conflic!; they have betrayed co allics, and excited no vain hopes, They have neither joined in an atiack on the treativs of Vienna, nor lent their aid to strengthen the cauze of in- juatice and oppression. So much ior the past. For the future their course neal plain, They must hold the ‘same course in peace as they have observed wn war. If it we wite for want of certain clear grounds of action to keep out of the fled of baitle, it will be equally wise, for ex actly the same reason, to keep out al the Congress cham. ber. Upom what grounds would they proceed? are England and Prussia to take whatever is agreed upon by the Emperors of France and Austria aa the baais Cr pegotiation, and to submit to the ignomintous task of devising means for carrying ovt the will of these imperious potentates? Are we to assist in reatoring the supremacy of the Pope over the rebeilisus Legatio, bringing back the expelled sovereigns of Tuscany and Mo- dena, and in consummating ead confirming the plunder of the Duchess of Parma’? These are no occupations fur free England and enlightened Prussia. Let those who bave coucerted such proceedings among themacives carry them out ss they may, but let us siand aside, and, true to the policy which bade us forbear from aesisting either of two sides, neither of which we could approve, tet us for- dear a'so from mixing oureelves up with messures which remind us alternately of the Tr ny ord Lepidus, ona of the proce. the partion of Poland, [From the Londo News, July 20} * * * * * We believe that al) Englishmen, whether whigs, tories cr radicals, aati Galiican or fricnaly to Austria, have only cue wieb for Italy, the wisn that by come meaue or otner her chidren could get the mensgement of their owa af faire apd live in peace. We do not want to settle who eball govern Modena: that ig neither eur bus iness nor th: of the Emperor of the Freoch We all thought it was the persistence of Francié Joseph in interfering with mat- tere that did not concern him that lea to the war. The war ia over; in its progress princes have lost their thrones, and itis pow proposed by Napoleon Lil. to repeat the wrong he has just chastised. It is for the Emperor of the French to cousider whether there is not something indecent tn closing the vicierious campaign of « war of liberation by imposing anti pational sovireigns on their reluctant people, apd whether the elect of eight millioa, Ewperor ‘by the grace of God and the will of the pao ple,” is the proper person to voluateer in the work. This, we repeat, is for him to corsider. But for us there can be no allernaty ‘S ily a des hommes qui ne compron- nent pas lcur epoque, nous ne sommes pas du nombre.” Just ag litle can any one who desires the permaceat peace of Italy approve ibe arrangements by which Lombardy has bech dismembered and stripped of its fortresses in the act of its trerster to the King of Sardinia. On the East, where its territory touches that of Austria, the now king dom of Northern Itsly haa literally no frontier—not even ariver; for the Austrians are left on aa island of the Miveio. The project of an Italian Confederation would, under some circumstances, be wise and good; but it would be converted into en ergine of mischief by ihe introduction into it of an extra Italian Power, having more people than all the princes of the Confederation put together. We do not sey that it is abaoluteiy impossible to make arrange- men's to guar against this evil; and we bave no inclina- tion to doubt that it is for the purpose of making them that the French Emperor dcsires our help; but the chances are emnll. The erential terms of tae peace exist, although in an undeveloped state, and they cannot be altered witn- ovt a renewal! of the war. The Emperor of Austria bas | Jukt lord wwe world that bis reason for making peace was the readinees of Napoieou IU to great him wetter vers than Le could procure by means of the non belligerent Powers; and the government journals of Vieana tell dis- | contented neutrals that if they are not satisfied they must take up the war where France bas laid it down. If Eog- lund abstaine from all participation in the negotiations by which tho pre)iminaries of peace are to be enlarged into a treaty, it will be in no narrow, petulant, invidions spirit, but becauee ste sees in their conditions no security for the tronquillity and liberty of the twenty-five millions of peo- ple whoze weifare is at stake, The Duchies of Central Italy and the Sar dinian Government. ‘The following corresponsence respecting the alleged an- nexation of the Duchies of Central Itaty by the Sardinian government, ia published 3 a parliamentary paper in London :— LORD J. RUSSELL TO SIR J. HUDSON. ForriGn Orrick, June 22, 1859. The Marquis @’Azeglio has read to me two despatches, signed Minghetti. Tne first relates to the affairs of Lom: bardy, the second to thore of Parmaand Modena. Both are intended to jvatify the Kieg of Sardinia in all that he bas done in relation to those States. I asked the Marquis d’Azegiio whetber he had any question to ask me in rela- tion to there deepa'ches. He saii he was not instructed to do 0, It is, therefore, guflicient to remark that everything done at present must be considered as provisional. A battle on the Miocio might enable the Allies to advance to tho Tag- liamento, or might drive them back to the Ticino, As her Sny part in the present war, it would be premature to decide grave questions of lic law onthe present state of possession. The same observation applies to Tuscany and the Legations. All that is to be desired for the present is that where the previous govern- ment has been withdrawn, or has been overthrown, an authority capable of main'aining order, and of making iteelf respected, may be immediately ‘constituted. It would be lamentable to sce the disorders of 1848-9 re- peated jn 1859, The will of the Italian people, the fortune of war, and finally an European treaty, must, in tho last resort, ecttle the territorial arrengements and rights of sovereignty ia Northern aad Central Italy. £1R J. BUDSON TO LORD J. RUSSELL. Tcrix, June 26, 1859, Ihave the honor to report to your lordehip iniam government have addreseed a circular o the m'niaters, governors and extraordinary com- crs of the king, to the following effact:—The king’s | gover: nt bare created, at the department for Foreign Af- faire, a temporary office for the transaction of business aris- w of the rejutions which have sprung up from the an- rexation to, or protection by, Sardinia of Italian provinces uring the preeent war. The government had to deal with States of Italy which herctofoge had laws and admi stvetions of thelrown; of these States some are simp! protected by Sardivia, others ere annexed to her. Witl ard to the Jaiter, this pew office with prepare the way no regelar administration of their affairs and will jite thew business by trantacting it with pereons i with their Jaws end customs, inttead of con- them to the Sardépian ministries, where different Tho Sardinian government, iberefore, have determined to invest their loca! governors with exceptional powers, in order that the current busi- nets of each province may be carried on without delay on the spot; and with regard to thoge points vpon which the reepective governors may deem {t edviszble to consult the bome goverpment, their correspondence is to be ad- Creezed tothe cflice now established; and as by degrece uniformity in the conduct of offairs shall be established between the parent S: and the province annexed, the conduct of those Lechenp [Salil bo ee to the central Cepartments of the general government. ie. 3 J, RUD3ON. LORD J. RUSSELL TO SIR J, HUDSON. ForniGn Orrice, June 28, 1859. Sm—TI bave received and iaid before the Queen your despatches, to that of the 25th instant inclusive. With re- ference to the last number of those despatches, giving a summary cf a circular issued by the Sardinian govern ment announcing to their authorities that they ‘‘have cre. aed, atthe Department for Fore'gn Affairs, a temporary cillce for the transaction of busizess arising out of the ro- Jations which have eprung up from the annoxation to, or protection by, ‘Sardinia of Tealian provinces during the Present war,” Tbave to state to you that her Majesty’s government readily admit the expediency of uniting the efforte of those epgeged in war with Austria, either by the regu’ar action of the respective sovereigns or the *pontaneous movement of the inhabitants, under one common direction, But with regard to the permanent an- Dexation to Sardinia of States hitherto obeying their separate sovereigns, her Majesty’s government have adopted a line of conduct which they believe to be in con formity witn thelaw of nations. Her Mojesty’s govern ment, as Istated to you in roy despatch of the 224 fostant, coptider that everything done at proaent mist be cousidered as provisional; and that, although it may be necessary to make arrangements for tbe temporary main tenance of order in countries woere the previous govern ab been withdrawn, or has been overthrown, yet the wall of the people, the fortune of war, and finally a European treaty, must, in the laet resort, eetile the terri torrial arrangementa and rights of sovereignty in Northern and Central Italy. Her Mojesty’s goverument are happy | to find that the view they have taken of this matter is ed by the government of the Emperor of the French, coufited by the declaration in the Monileur of the 24th inet, munousclog thet it has been erroneously in ferred, frem the fact that the dictatorship having becn offered to the King of Sardiais from al! quarters of tbat Sardinia, without consulting either the wishos of the people or the grest Powers, reckons, by the uapport Ol the armé of France, on uniting the whole of Italy in a sirgle State; but that such dictatorsuip is ® purely tempo rery power, which, while uniting under a single authority Uhe'common forces, bas the adv .ntags of in no wise pre: judging future combination. From the language of Baron | Bronnow I infer that euch is hkewise the view taken of the matter by the Russian government. You will read this deepstoh to Count Cavour, but will hot furnish hia Excellency with a copy of it. Tam, & JR PROPOSED REFORM OF THE GERMANIC CONFEDE™ RATION. A letter from Munich, on the 18th of Jaly, saye:— The members of tue Chamber of Deputies have airealy held @ preparetory weenoe, avd aid that they are A taat da Ui ely Gets lywedel edua.fe ton ja desi Tuot qveetion will form the basis of the address be prerented to the King, A pveupg of moo of th 0 peety, from atl Parte of Gertacy, ee heeo how at Kaewach, Toe foluiow- 1g LeROlULODE Were oy Ferd to: — We bee in the prvent condition of sifuirs great dan- Bers bo the iedepeoves @ of Our German fatneriaod, wad Loree Cangere bave bu iocreagod rather thaa dimioiea < by the peace just couciuced between Freuce aud oetr 2 eve depgere bave their witimate cause in the faults of abe federa) covetitutioa of Germany, and they Can only be averted by @ seedy modification of that cou bttution. With that object, it [e necessary that the Germanic et ebould be repiaced by & Central government of Ger- many, fim, Bu Ong snd peraanent, aud thats Nahioaal As- acmbiy RboU'd be convosed. 4 Uader present circumstenes, the propor steps for attaining tbat chject can ovly emenate from Pruesia, aud it ig therefore poceseary to use every effort to induce Pruseis to tnke tho initiative. 5 With thet object, and to preserve moro effectually the foreign interesta 0: Germany, it is expedient provi- sionally, aud votil the definitive covstitution of the cer tral Geran government, t» confer on Prussia the directum &f the German military furces and the diplomatic represen: tation of Germany abriad. 6, Iv isthe duty of every German to support with ail bie mishi the Prussian government as far as it tends to this object, and ageurealy the German people wili not ebrink from any eecrifice required by the. tadependence, unity aud bappiness of the German fatherland, ‘The Free Press of England. [From the London times, July 23 ] Of all our public men there is not one wao does not make tbe fuliest confession of bis sliegiance to the great ductrine of tbe freecom of the preee—“the palladium our Liberties,” the ‘aafeguardjof ourgcovsticution,’’ ‘the means Of diffusing emong peopte that kaowledge, that en) ghter ment, which enal ‘them to judge of al: sul jecte with candor, impartiality and moderation, aud thue makes democratic influences permanent by protecting them from violence and excess.'’ Woo doos uot holt this larguagc? Yet who, we may venture to ask, really and Don sly subscribes 10 its truth? There are fow Eugtisn- men, we believe, who eee a newspaper in their own lan- guage amoxg tbe periodical Literature of the§Continent, op the table of a reading room in a Freuch or German watering place, without expariencivg a certain emotion of ational pride; acd yet few of these © persons have probably ever considered, or frank'y admitted to tuem- gelves, the reat condition oo which tue incontestable su. periority of the English Prean depends. The Eng!ish Press is euperior to tte foreign cotemporaries for the simp's rea- fon that itis free—free in the widest and fullest sense of the word; not ouly free to write that whichis agreeable to men in power, Uat which suits the popular impulas of the moment, or thai woich may most factilate we opera lene of this or thst government, but free to utter that which men in power often will not teil or Wok in the face, which the people at large do mot always sea, and which the masters of mankind a9 nut often wish t be seen—the bare and naked tuth. Ttere is burdiy a statesman of oar day who has been able to form to bimsclf the real and genuine joes of w Free Preas. Freedom from vexatious pro- secution they ure, indeed, willing to couceive, bot there is ecarcely Sone of them who his elevated big mind anove the idea that the press should be the repreentstive of particular men or particular parties, fons to acmitthatitmsy esfely and wisely be lef to draw ita own coelvgions end abnouuce its own opinions Lis in vain that one after another the sickly sions of pe ricdical literature—hept in existence to meet no public want, but to serve the purposes of a man or a part: droop ard die. Experience is ‘thrown away, aud thesamo folly recomrmences. We caonot wonder that mea who feem just 28 upable to comprehend the perfectly free aud tel regulating action of the press a8 a biiad man is to ap precikte the shades of color, should think it necessary from time to time to lecture tose whom they would willingly coerce, and to take credit to themeclves for superior wis dom by ceuouneing any trath which it is mconvenient jo them tw hear. This distrust aud hatred of tue press is pecultar to no party—nay, it probably prevais with more violence among those whose professions are most liberal. There is Mr. Bright, for instanca. de has, as we ow, peculiar views on the subject of peace and war, which sender it exceodingly inc2aventent to him ‘thet the truth should be tid. He is a friend of peace to such au extent that he cannot esdure that any one should say anything which would show that there ig the slightest coubt as to its continuance, fo men who write and think witbout prejudice, the proper way to pregerve peace is to biate the whole truth fairly and explicitly, that the nation may judge of ita real position, and neither be puilad up by overweebing confidence nor depressed by unreasonable pavic, This is the couree we bave observed with regard to France. Without the slightest cumity, with the best good will to our gallont neighbors, but we trust with a true appreciation of tho natare of the goverament under which they live, we have had to remark thas the Empire wea rot quite Bo much peace as the Emperor would bave us believe. We bave obeerved that from the termination’ cf ibe Crimean war, we have found France uniformly siding with Russia ogainit ourselves, and that the whole of her policy with regara to Italy has been in com- plete contravention of the wishes expressed by England. We bavo becu compelled to show, from time to time, what formidable augmentatious France has been making to bor navy, and how those avgmentations render abso- lntely neceseary corresponding efforts on our part. True, aleo, to our duty of impartial verucity, we have not hesi- tated to show bow little the treaty just concluded eatisties the wants of the Italiang or the pretexts on which tae war was commenced. Nobocy seriously denies these fecte, but tt is very convenient for thore who affect to beliove that perpetual peace ts not orly desirable, but porsible, to ignore their existenco. Mr. Bright is very Angry with us becauee we do not choogs to sot them aside altogether, and to substitute in their placa visions of mu- tual dicarmament and treaties of perpetual commerce. No country knows better than Eogland that commerce is & Burer road to prosperity, STedaine and to greatness than the most brilliant victories; but this is truth which, though pations may feel it, Kings and Emperors have rarely shown themselves able to appreciate, They are seldom content to lay the foun ue of prosperity, and trust to the happinces of tuture ages to do justice to their memory. They want reasy payment for their actions, something on which their pane- pyriets may descant, comething on which their Courtiy rbetoricians may heravgue. Let France disarm, and how giadly, how Ny ey will we imitate aud surpass her exsmple; tat while Italy is left either to be crusned by intervention or convulted by revolution, while the termination of one war is accompanied by words which annmnce the commencement of anther, it may beflt Mr. Bright to mauncer over ireaties of commorce and projects of dis- armarncnt, but it will hardiy become us, who are bound to reaecn from the materials which we ourselves supply, and not on arbitrary aseumptions or conventional reti cerces, to accept his conclosions, No less hostile to {ree discussion is Lord John Russell. He is a icading member of a Minietry whic takes credis to itself for arming the country, and yet ne o-nnos under- #tana why the prees should urge the couctry to arm. We will frapkiy tell him why. It is because we bave taken our measure and formed our estimate of such prblic men as himself; because we believe that, although fuily aware of the danger, they would never put the country ia a posi. tion cf defence unices driven to It by a public opinion which ‘bey csnuo* resiet. They would tell us, as they do now, tbat they bave no fears, no apprehensions; tuey would act as if great dangers could by averied by never speaking of them; and their deeds, inttead of being 28 now, in contradiction to their words, would he in strict accordance with them. Now Lord Jobo Ruese!l and his colleagues talk peace and prepare for war. Had wa adopted that tone they would never have adopted our recommendations. But Lord Joun Rass. cau- tion is only onesided. It is open to him—nay, we believe he would admit it is open to o—t0 Bay whateyer we please against Austria, o> the psity States of Italy. There is no good to be done by such declamations, no evil to be averted, and there- fore we forbear from them, though Lord Joba would give us full licence. It is only when @ rea! and gerioas danger Impende that Lord John Rugseli would bind us over to pi- lence, Lastly, we are taken to tesk by Lord Patra:raton, who is scandalized by what he calls the tone of hostility which the prees las adopted towarus Krence Of course, there was no hostility to Austria in Lod Palmerston’ s declara: tion that he hoped.thut Power, his good friend and ally, woutd be driven cut of aly; ond we ave furaishes with an oxact meagure of our own indiscretion by knowing what our censor considers may be disrreetly eaid. For ¢ifferent Teacons it suits the purpose of the Premior, as it suite the purpose of Mr Bright, that too much sight should not be thrown on the present state and porfdon of France. He maiptains that the war wl has gome to euch an unexpected end was not of the Emperor’s making; it had his boarty wishes for success, and ho is evidently anxious to go into a Coa. grees to rescue the Emperor Napolcon from the iuvume- rable d'fliculties and dougers which a war begun and a peace ecncluded in defiance of the enlightened cpinio of England and France and Ialy and Germany have broug) up him. Lord Palmereton may follow out his objecta, ‘but let bim not expect that wo ehall promote their attain: ment by a wilful mystification of facts, or that the people which once hurled him from office because he consulled the withes of the Emperor Napoleon rather than the dignity o his councry will permit bim to pledge its name to the ful- fitment of the stipulations mado at Villafranca, or send Lord Jobn Russel! as a Plentpotentiary vo repeat at Zurich his vagaries at Vieona, [From the London Times, July 28 ] Much of the advice that one hears lavished on all sides is €0 totally irrespective of its object, and so purely for the convenience of the giver, or auybody but the person mos} concerned, that one can only class it with the com- mon forms of imprecation. Oce understands what a man means when, with various Saxon expletives, he recom mends apy body to be gone apy where or nowhere, to cease to exist, and be forgotton. The adviser in this case does not projess to care ior anybody or anything but himsolt ‘and his own immediate occupation or smusemont. OF courte, he wishes you to hang yourself, or diepose of youreclf /n avy way you pleaee, £0 as you nevor stacd in his way egain or interfere with his pleasure. If wishes 0 this sort bad their way, half the world would dis eppear before tonight, ant half the remainder to morrow. We really caunct place under any other cate gory whe frequently-expreesed wish that we would fay retbing about Napoleon III. and Frauce and thel Goings. Ibis our vocation and our very being to spaak truly #nd freely about all public charasters and affairs. 1° we Gapnot follow our vocation we cease lo be altogether Were we to say that we cannot imagine a ne wspapor con taining no perscnal reflection whatever, wo should stand corrected, Jor some foreign journals lie ‘before us, and w see what we might come to. su we are a fret press, which ts abcut as distinct a thing from Continental journalism as a living man is from a ikel:ton, or a forest’ from a timber yard. The day may come when Me. Bright, surrounded by the carcasses of the Loudon press, permittea to appear under en iraperial imprimatur, will deliver himeelf with bis own accustomed encrgy and frecdom against tho British Court aud all the ola estates of this rcalm. He will affront nobody whose anger can do Lim apy herm, end will certainly please thore whom it is desirable to propitiave. But the moral aspect of political alfairs will be a thing of the past. Convenient abuse will then be the order of the day. The unfortunste journalist uiity Of an opinion pot founded on the justest catculation of prompt advantage, or safety, will hear his doom pro- nounced by a cautious legislator, who can equally ascribs the vilest motives to a fellow Eogiishmen and the purest tou foreign autocrat, Censure will then be reserved for ite only legitimate objecte—the honest or the weak; and, erorsand jegions have done their feil work, r clond of peat up indignation will burst on the Read sf Res Goede Betas! UY RAE VESIMIGA be reyta duce eome trile and truisma about wrongful and uopro- Stable war if we b aid what is not (rue, that is another ques Foo, but if our crime is that wo Devo rometimes Bait ton fe ot wa Kaperor or bis foldiers, then we beg to our case. We existed before aather Nopolon HL or Napoleon I We are os much an excntial institution of this country as thy of theirs We ere precisely what we were pot only when Louis Napo leon Joc geo ip St. James’, but when his uncle was @ sub- officer of artillery, Weare what we were before either Mr. Bright of Lord Jobn Russell was born. ora whicb gase France ite Revouton gave Koglaad its free prees That press bas preserved ita freedom by eoting 'p to iteeif, aud speaking the truth, to the bent of ite ity aud judgment, of evory- thing end every body, No one can overestimate ite weiyht ag the auxiliary aad mouthpiece of a free legisia- tore ond ve justice. But hero it exits, one of tie chief forces of the country, Dow algo & heritage from our fore- fa'here,to be bequeathed to our cbidrea, Cae Kmperor of the French hee bed it before his eyes as one the great facts of European politics, before he ever fred a gun, made a epeech, or solicited a auffrage. What good or what barm we have done bim ig a matter beyond calculation or cenjrcture; but be ia pow, as we are assured, a cordial Ally, apd, ag all fcel, @ powerful neighbor. ipg,'Mr. Gladstone fells us, eight miilio ‘han usual in our armaments, against a cortsin ooa- Uingency which, there {a no disguising it, i the posibilt'y of cither am invasion by our ally or some out- roge om his part beynd all endurance Our words bave certaioly not weakened tue french Emperor, either for gcod or for evil. Hocan still make a terrible war and a megpanimous peace. He can still punish and Boras cne great neigboor and be immediately formida- Ne to apotber. It there is one point on which we may venture to express a Opinion, it is that Na- poleon Il is a moo of sipgulerly fixed ideas and unattera- bie sentiments. This is the opinion of his friends, and the very boast of bis life. But Mr. Bright affects to believe that be 1s 98 irritable as himself, and that we, by occa- na) criticiem of bis conduct, Have cstranged hie friend- ip and imperitied the alliance. We take tis to bo a pure imagiration, founced on a very superficial know- Jecge of fscte, and @ much leas respectful opinion of Na- polecn IL than our own. Mr. Bright bas undertaken a client who cares little for 8 adv The Emperor knows us and our country too well to underrato that love of truth and that plain speaking which are to be found nowhere elao. Ia proof of tia we cen adduce a recent and most credituble example. Much wiser thea the peopie about him, be saw the in terest which he, bis army and France had in an‘ authen- tic and impartis] history of the war; and he therefore ap proved the presence of our correspondent with the French army in Italy Freoce hav to thank the Kmperor, rather tha Dis advivers, that a scientific soldier has deacribed to tbe world some of the moet brilliant ex>foits of the French my, its admirable orgavization, its im tuors spirit, end toe cool courage avd good general: tbip of the Emperor. Tbe few French correspondents Who get out to describe the campaign woat no further than Alcesandria, but the representative of this joarnal ‘Witni seed the first encounter at Montedetio, the attack on Palestro, the bloody combats of Magenta nné Malegnano, and the crowning glory of Solferino. Fravce knows hor own Victories priastpaily through bis pon wud through the joc rns) which ts described ag ber worst enemy, Bathow has thts allege’ enmity been otherwise showa? We cluvg to pexce aa loug 28 peace was postible, and, indeed, whea it wae dere ate, because, great as were the wrougs of Tsely, we bad to set against them the cos: of 8 war, the escrifices of Which woult bo terribie, the results uacer tain, We cesires that Austria should be inauced, oue way or suolber, to quit the soil where ow tions) sntipatby hsd made her a curge and had brovgbt? eysbonor fon her nme; but we could not bare the respovsibiliiy of unsbeathing the sword When the Autwians were 80 infatuated as to crows the Ticino it wes clear tbat peace was imporsible, and their utter expuision across the alps seemed the least prize of the now inevitabl> war. The Emperor himself prociaim ed thie—we accepted his programme—‘{taly shall bo free from the Alps to the Adristic,’’ bie march from the Ticino to the Bf wak obe unbroken triumpa; the vi tory of coiferino cost enough to pay for the indepen- denco of ali Italy; Venice was ready to yield; and the great quadrengle, attacked on all side@, must gooa ave been reduced, when, on a sadden, withoat conrulting even hie ally’ in the text town, the Emperor couciuces a peace which Jeaves Austria fii supretoo m Iialy. We may not yet know how that weigbed upos him, but we cannot forget what we had said at his own instigation only a momeut before, We share the regret of ail Italy, of the Krench army. ond of France herself—that having ‘paid the price mos: lavishly both of blood and treasure—he did not win all Italy to independence. He feels this regret himself 20 strongly tbat every day he explains and apologizes. Eu- rope, he tells the Papal Nuncio, was in general #0 unjust to bit at tho beginning of the war that he was happy to conclude peace as soon as the honor and interests of Fravce were ratirfied. Here alone in toe Britigh Parlia- mcnt it is beld all but treason to fee! and expresa tho regret that every party tothe war avows to the whole world, But is ie true thet the Emperor bimeelf cares for no ori ici#m? Why should be? Napoleon Il. is & foremort man of bis time; the most prominent actor upen tho grest stage of the world. He likes praiae, no Goubt; but he takes bischance of blame. But one thing he would not ike is to be unnoticed, and that ts the treat- ment prercribed for him by the Pariiamentury cengors. He cap shut out the Zimes from all France whenever he likes; his underlings sometimes do ro, but be as ofien overruies them. He knows better than his officious ‘ser- vants, eitber bere or at Paris, that we are the friend of both nations. We deplore our own immenee armaments, bat they are as nothing compared with those which the Empe- Tor declares to be none at all, We have reazon to prowst againet his estimate of a peaceful security. it compels on us no amall part of the inconveniences of war: we vuller; nd, with the use of our ton; and pen, it 1s impossible ot to complain of a burden which weighs boayily upon France as well as upon England. Italy end the Roman Catholtc fablet. {from the Dublin Usiversity Magsz’ne } ° The Loudon Tablet sums up the spiritual combatants in this boly war of Austria sgainst Franco, as, on the one side—indulgences, Immaculave Conception, intercesion of the Virgin, Mother of God, prayers for pea :e and the Holy See; on the other side, the Waidenses, church robbing Oa- your, Victor Emanuel and Lord Shaftesbury. Tuat Provi dence fights on the side of strong battalions was a maxim of the First Napoleon, which has not been disproved as yet in the compaign begun between the French and Aus- irians in North lty, On Saturday, the 4th of June last, theee ghostly aids to Austria and ls gros batiaillons of Na- poleon met at Megenta, and something like one of the inci- depts iu one of tbe Homeric battles occurred, when Mars Was wounded in the hand by a Grecian spear, and fled up to Olympus to get his wovnd drenacd by Jove.’ The Virgin Mary was proclaimed in Vienna the “Patroaess and Generalissimo of the Austrian armies,” while on the same day and bour her forces were re- ireat'pg over the Ticino, and leaving thelr dead snd dying by thousauds in the bands of the French at Mogenia. There isa strange coincidence in thess things hich will set sceptical Romaa Catholics and profang Protestacts thinking why these Coristian deoigots that the Tubict $0 freety juvokes to the sido of Austria. nave fared no better thas thoss of Homer. Trojauz and Greeks fovgbt as well wituout ag with tacso heaventy allies; and uo we evepect tbat Baron Hees (a Protestant by the’ by) 8rd warsbal MoMsbon (the deacentant of an Lrishman) will meke mcre scouunt of strong battalions than of ail the Pope’s artillery which the Zablec can laguch st inflsel France Still the Ziblet is not far wrong in calling it a war be- tween Cavcur and the immacalate Consoption Lord Soasreebury and the Bible Society are the ghostly allies cf Sardinia as muck as the intercession of the Virgin and indulgences are of Austria, erms; and men wi!) range theme. ciber secoraing as they incline cr the Concordit—1o Bibie spreading Sbaftesdury or st. Peter’e patrimony We do not bla of the Pape end Suatria for taking their s1¢ supporting ft. Ina war of opipic Hoglishaen may er party, but it 6 Of one side rally re in arma for oi! iffercnt to ibe auc ty pity of him who cannot make vp to sympathize with the Allies Austria in the preee campaign. So far from being the Zublet in ding with Austria aod agaiost idenor, We consider it the natural, legitinate these who haye no King but Pits, and no country but the patrimony of St. Peter, We thavk the Tablet jor #0 boneatly wkibg iis side, and telling English- men for which cause the weasures of the Courch will be vniorked. Wecnly give the Tublet what we ask for our- selyee, the credit of sincere partisanship, Opening of the Bavarion Legisiatare. Too Bavarien Chambers were opened at Munich on the 201h Md July, and the following is a summary of the royal Fpeech:— The King bas assembled the deputics at a serious time in order to re establish the moans for the fulfilment of a federal duty (Mite sur Bundeayjlight Erfullung herzustel kn). ho state of political affairs requires cxtraordinary ef- forts, but the perple do not fear any sacrifices for their and for the country’s interest. ‘The conclusion of peace hag leesened the want of money. Jn conclusion, a bill was brought in, according to tho requirements of tha constitution, for the election of a Par- lamentary Committee, as required by the law of 1843. The Budget was also communicated to the Chambers, ‘The sitting cioeed with enthusiastic cheers. ' The Peruvian Guano Trade and Dutte Tn the Hovee of Commons on the 22d ult., Mr. Gat Wistbed to aek the Secretary of State for Forcign wheth’r avy communications bad lately been reset from the Peruvian government on the subject of the re- duction of the price of guano. Guano was now ar urticle of auch primary nece y in Ireland tha’ any reduction in the price of it would be of the greatest benetit to the email farmers of tbat country. By the instrementality of the Earl of Melmeebury a reduction amounting to £1 per ion bad been made to the English consumer, who was placed on the same footing ag tho American. Ho had, however, been given to understand that a still greater recuction might be expected. In July, 1858, the Karl of Malmesbury wrote to Mr. Jorniogham to ark the President of the Peruvian government to coneider the propriety of making a materia! reduc- tion in the price of guano. Mr. Jerningham took up the task with alacrity, and a discussion upon the doctrines of political economy thercupon ensued. Tho President appeared to think that it was better to ecll a emall quanti- ty ata high price, and that the Peruvian boads might \bus be kept up, while Mr. Jermingham endeavored to convince bim that by eelling a larger portion at » smatler price a portion of the bonda might be paid off, and the ro- mainder capitalized for the beneGt of the Siate, In Sep- tember, 1868, the correspondence was atill going on, but at thst date the Peravian government were not ready to recommend a reduction in the price of the article. The present wes a proper time io prees the matter npon the notice of the Peruvian government, as there wes a large elock of guano on hand, People’ would not ake at the present price, and a great doal of Ingenut ty wes at work to Gigcover an article ata lower price, He trosted that the government would continue to prava «reduction of the pfico of guano upon tho Peruvian go- vernment. Tord J. Russe did not know that any very late bad been recelved on this Ribjort, th weed fee GbE OL Le, wey Bie Ls ge Parr course purtued by the Peruvian gover beleved that at present tiere woro 300, Peruvian guano in store in this couniry, of ty value of £3,000.000. The Peruvian goverum to be satiated to soll w small quaatity at « bi there were go mapy artificial mavures in u Were Bot likely to Ooteia the high price the) Ic anything more could ve done, her Majesty's, would be prepared to maxe a treah re; Peruvian government, but it was in the government to witbold the guano from the E if they thought proper. . The Great Wool Fair of Ri The annexed report of the Harkoff (Russi from Messrs. Zenker & Co., is forwarded by Witson, Jr., & Co,, of London: — Tee prospects of cur this year’s wool fair, I to the vory healthy condition of our bome ay were ip cy ceeniee bly favorable, and| views of the last fow weoke in favor of lower based exclusively on the gloomy aspect ot brilliant progress of our manufactures gives &@ permanent demand for the rai w mater’ opened tute ut the fair, not till the 6th inst , b fo briskly that it may be censidered to have c 10th. Pricts, owing to close competition and sire to for home consumption, dency to rise, and an average advance was 6 to 10 per cent on the rates of 1858, reaching etances even 12 aad 15 per cent. Foreiga o1 Urely aloof during the beat of the market, and 1ith apd 12th inst. took rome email quantity (about 3,000 poods.) The consition of part o Wwarbed wools was better than last yoar; p however, as wellas those in the grease, more wasting, and wouid give lesa yieid im sod quantity Broun in for this year’s June sale bind 1868, und reached only about 190,000 rashed (pers and wools, of whic a cooregen) grease we half br ‘The Late King of Sweden and NI The Stockholm journals bring some inter lars of the last moments of this deceased md Mojesty’s illness was of long duration, and he in ihe affairs of government for a year and th before his death. This event, however, was ately expected, and, indeed, in the early part toere was un apparent {mprovement in is col in the night succeeding nis birthday, the Sexi suffered much from cough aud expect bes oreared until the morning of uf nen ho expired while lying ou # gofain his o rrovades 9; the membere of the royal f militude cf tbis mournful acene was presery of a photograph, Hie successor, immodiately after the death eapeed a maniiesto.to be read, ia which he prd change in the ocoupation of the fhrone, ant govern in the interests of the psople. He #ckIDD vo# to the Swecieh Council that he tain intact the Constitut‘on of 1809 Tne Pring isiere have eineo taken the oath of allegiance, ‘be oath waa taken vy thogarrigon of Stockh: the arwy. Atelegrephic meeeage wes immedialaly King of Denmark anaovncing the death ‘tho accession of bis ron, now Charles XV, o'clock A. Ma reply was received by tha and placed ia the bands oc the present King. ‘The answer from the King of Denmark was ‘I bear with great sorrow of the desta of your| You kuow how much I am thereby coucerne: give you strength and health to bear the vbat bas falen on you. Greet yoar dear far oify to them my sympathy, I remaia, yor dear friend and brother. Freq Foret, Miscelianeous, In tho estimate of Kuglish expenditure for year submitted by the Chancelior of the Exq acum of £115,0C0, being the cost of the ed porcha covering for the proposed submarine Falmouth to Giorattar. Mr. Gladetone rej ‘tbe late government entertained the plan of to manufacture and lay cown this submariog England to Gibraltar ia the course of the p the estimated cost of which was £250,000; had teen actualiy made before the present came into cflice, for the manufacture of what,| called the core of the cable, at = cost of £1 considerstion, howover, of tho advanced p searon, the operation of laying the cable is n¢ ried out until next spring, The reports received in London ov the 18 the various districts In the county of Kent, resenting the growth of the hop during the most luxuriant. The weather has been exq vorablo for almost the whole of the grou bire ig looking healthy, and is more than ot from ineects. “There is now, therefore, eve be large crop. A correspondent from’ Can in mozt of the plantations the bur is uo its appearance, and that the lateral shoots and kindly;and a Horsmonden correspond speaks of the rapid advance of the burr, add great heat which has prevailed during the ‘bas caused bine on shallow soils to droop, sbowers would now be of great benefit.” 1 Kent might algo serve for Suezex. The Greek government, letters received mail state, have decided on abolishing the the corn duties. The proposition met with tion in the Chamber, but the energy and M. Koumoundouros, Minister of Finance, at its parsing. The Count de Chambord bas left Holland fo on a visit to his eister, the Princees of Parmi A St, Petersburg letter states that great Prevaiis in the Ruesian ministry of marine, ‘vVeszels are to te converted into R Duke Constantine, since his return, has deyot attention to this subject. The Propagateur du Pas de Calais states thj Commissary General of the navy, has ji coal pits of Grand Hornu, Borinage, and othor| and thoge of Nooux and’ Bully Grenay, in France, to ascertain whether they will be abl coal which the French navy requires. It #: experiments are to be made in steam vessels with the coal of Belgium ana the North of Fi Count Ludolph, Chamberlain to the Kin charged to notify to the Emperor Alexander of bis sovercign to the throne, has arrived Lyrae and been received by the Emperor a! nce, The Pope, on the 7th of July, went to th station of tie Civita Vecchia railway, to carriage destined for him when he goes on Holiness was received at the station by the q zeres, President ot the Buard of Directors; © Antoncili, Vice Prezident, and the Prince del tor, The Pope examined the carriage with tion, and expreseed big admiration of its menship, Some intereeting experiments were made cennes to ascertain the accuracy in firing traversed by anew musket bullet, propo the Minié bullet fired frora rifles, It is aid Dell, independently of its superiority bot! and distance, offer® the remaxkabie advan red from a smooth barre!, vy whick the riff be dispenzed wiih, which js so difficult to load some tu keep clean during a campaign Of projectiles, half as mang more of the ne! minié bulicts struck the target et 600 yardal yards the reepcctive nnrabers per cent were’ the former and fourteen of thy inter. A aul ordipury fact ig, toat the new ball will kill a 1,600 yards, while the riflo ball ia not eff than 1,000 yards, Major Nepler, the Dircol perial School of Firing, is the inventor of tm Apother member of the Ru ed at Torquay~—the ¢ titer ty ta ‘Tho police are busily taking ovt of the pri dows of Paria ali caricatures tua’ might be diey polcon Til., late encmy but now close friend end chrvairous” Francis Joseph, Emperor Veuctia, end principal member of the Itai tion. Letters from Turin state that all the Emperor Napoleon which were publicly e| svddeniy dieappeared. Queen Matia Christina, accompanted by Rianzares, arrived at Mareciites oa the t board the Spanizh corvette Vasco Nunez {roy Baron Charies de Soude, Gentleman of ber to the King of Sweden, hag been nounee to the Court of the Tuileries tao acd Majeety King Charles XV. The Baron is sd ‘Stockholm for Paris. The Chateau de la Benatonniere, the Arthor de Beaumont, a legitimist nobleman, overhauied by a critical police; but, says France. “tho most miaute investigations without reuit,”” —— Marine Court, Before Judge Thompson. ACTION FOR FALSE IMPRISO! Williaa H. Rebertion vs. 0. 8. Baker.—™ & ccrumission merchant, and boarded with Who is a lawyer, residing at No. 141 West street. On the 80th Jane Inst the plaintiff Who was an invalid ot the time, were abou defendant's fer the country. The defendt Dill to the platmtif containing an item of: plaintiff refused to pay, whereupon the deff vp his bouse and would not permit the plaid Teo plaivtift was detained for about an action is brovght to recover damagos for ment The Court gave judgment for p) bpd costs, New Arkanoevent or tar Us Hovse ov Rerrenantarives —The ground | cf the House of Represeatatives, under th ino) seesion removing the deske, is now comH the gofas which are to take the place of FOrgeous chairs are not placed, The row! ubove each other on the same elevation tke Fpece is clrcumacribed nearly one-half, bers will be seated much more comfortay niently for the traneaction of business. Ppace# to the right and left of the Speaker sicned by the new arrang: ment, will be large writing tabice nud ail the neccesary a) epecial provision of that sort was made in directing thy change, but it was assumed within the general . The alterations ne out the experiment are of such # character a trial for the who'e of the next session at | would bardly be practicable to rovert to snvine tte poriod of an ordinary adjournyi ayo