The New York Herald Newspaper, April 23, 1859, Page 1

WHOLE NO. 8266. AFFAIRS IN EUROPE. THE MAILS BY THE FULTON AND ARABIA, WHE MINISTERIAL CRISIS IN ENGLAND. Buteresting Speeches of Lord Derby, Mr. Disraeli, Lord Palmerston, Mr. Bright and Lord John Russell. THE. WAR QUESTION. Our Paris and St. Petersburg Correspondence. Whe Fight Between Tom Sayers and Benjamin, ao., de., ‘The United States mail steamship Fotton, Captain Wot- fen, arrived at this port carly yesterday morning from Havre and Southampton. She left Southampton on the @th inst., with s large cargo of merchandise and one Imadred and forty-six passengers. ‘Zhe Cunard steamship Arabia, Capt. Stone, arrived at Beston at five o’clock yesterday morving. She left Liver- &e. Miux. We received her mails at six o’clock last evening. ‘he Hong Kong (China) Register of the 15th of February wemar! sregret to hear that the difficulties connected with the eae Consulate are not yet at an end—O. E, Roberts, Iiaq. , the Inte Vice Consul, having been arrested here yes- ‘terday, at ibe suit of General Keenan. We do not care to go into the causes that nave been assigned for this act; ‘we fear, however, that the legai disputes consequent upoo ‘this arrest are by no means over. Our Parts Correspondence. Panis, April 8, 1859. | Bde English Ministerial Orisis and Its Effects on the Conli- ment—Theorists on the Old Constitution— Palmerston and Russell for War—Doubts if a Peace Congress will Meet— * The Political Horizon Full of War and Alarms—F. ance end Austria must Fight It Oul—The Danubian Confe- vence—Monks of La Trappe—Paul Morphy on his Way Home—Grand Banquet by M. Mirea—Art Exhibition— | Opera and Theatricals, dc., fc. ) The political crisis in England seoms scarcely less in- teresting here than there. Parliamentary government ‘was not sufliciently long established in France to have ‘ts characteristics very deeply engraven in the French mind, and as it has ceased altogether for some ten years ‘@ vory large portion of the community are considerably } puszled by the aspect of affairs at prosent existing across the Channel. By many it is thought the long expested re- ‘velution is on the eve of burating forth, and parties of all shades of political sentiment are etrongly disposed to sus- pect that this iz, at all events, only one more of tho indi- @ations of late so frequently given of the fearful eruption }} that must come. 1} Ibmay truly be affirmed that anything moro impolitic, ‘mere desperate and suicidal, than the conduct of the aris- Hf} tecracy of whatever sie of politics was never perpetrated |) than the choice of such a moment for a reform of the 1) @enstitution. Just now it was of the last importance to Present to Europe generally, more particularly to France, {| @ united phalanx. Not a sure spot in the constitution @hould have boon uncovered, not a woak member dis- } played. There was but one domirant sentiment through @ut the length and breadth of the land—to take a high | and with the Emperor of the French; and Lord Derby, | prieked on by jealousy of Lord John Russell, has flung | d@ewn an apple of discord the seeu of which may form so Many dragon’s teeth. It is true that Lord Derby assumed ) the government, with a pledge to bring forward a Reform ) BM; but, in the present state of Europs, had he withdrawn | from the task and appealed to the country for the con | gtitwencies’ support, they would hardly have failet te endorse the act. No one expected a good biil {from a party whose antecedents are irreconcilabl with anytbing of the kind. All men saw the utter inconsis- |) temey of their interference, and thus the absolution afford- ed them would have been all the more easily obtained. But the constitution of England is at any time a danger- }) us subject to lay on the dissecting table. Many of its anom- |) alles im the main work very well in practice, but in theory ‘are wtterly indefensible; and should it happen that men’s minds can be turned aside from the absorbing nature of foreign relations and brought fairly to grapple, with the sub- Jet, even Mr. John Bright may find that his theories are ‘get within a league of men’s desires. Ever since the reign ef the Stuarts the poople have been making inroads upon ‘that remnant of the feudal system which still constitutes government of England. The independeace of Ameri- the French Revolution, the Reform agitation of 1830, have wonderfully ripened men’s capacities on the f and a more close intercourse with in @ measare, has deepened jonalities on both sides, has, notwithstanding, the effect of opening Englishmen’s eyes to the fact that, in the most liberal sense of the term, France is for ‘the French, while England is for its privileged class. They that here the lowliest born peasant may, if he has sand the necessary perseverance, rise to the highest in the State, while at home honor, dignity and reward wre only attainable by rank and wealth, Lord John Russell’s theory ia that the people can be pt back by timely concessions; but these concessions, juiring &® periodical review Of the whole sub- are apt to discover more and more the weak and parts; and though his principle is doubtless a one, still, when so many things are rotten in the , there is mo ssying whither it may lead. At all its, with all Europe—not to say the civilized world— oking at England with a jaunaiced eyo, this was not the for organic changes. From what I know of the Eoglish character, I incline to that Lord Dorby’s party will be placed in a still minority by this appeal to the constituoncios. Ay said before, had he nover brougnt on the Reform bill, gone to the country on the plea of more strength for * affairs, it would have been very differont; but ow it seems the election ery isto be Lord Derby and ce, or Palmerston and Russell with war. The Russian ‘was certainly not popular, and I suspect any war just now would bein the ascendant. 1 feel so d myself of tho fruitiessness of this contem- d appeal to the people, that I should novor be surprisod hear that Lord Derby had reconsidered the advice ho given the Queen to dissolve the Parliament. But to revert to matters more germane to @ corres. ‘ich dates from Paris. much gossip about an approaching congress. at the same time, many men predict that no Certain it ts that at no period troubled teen in the horizon were warlike preparations fe. But yesterday instructions were given .that men, scattered about in difforent districts, should Got logetBer; and at Lyons there is an army of 60,000 with everything for instant march. Colonels ddreas their subordinates as if the question of or no longer had ln exintence, and there are daily oms of peop! ing the steam np. Neng Tei seoms but little probability of France and ia Deing brought foot to foot anywhere but on the d battle, Austria demands, as a sine qua non, that dinie shall forth with disarm, while France protoats that, : skeet naire, i she moet Austria with 6 validi The ‘ad ae ity of the treatios of naval protection, and’ to be bi at Sardinia’s exclusion from te D ‘a ta rome bee re vi terponed a check to the Kmperor, but T suspect Majesty had too clear an undorstanding with Great off at the treaty of Paris for much faith to be placed in yy such whi ‘The whole movements of the Kin. or have ing about them of an ef charac. are based on a thorough understanding with ia, without whose tacit consent ho must be aware he do nothing against Austria, The Conference on the subject of the Danubian Princi- ities commences ite sittings to day, Sir John Lawrence arrived last night, in Paris, from LS The Trappiets of Forge have brought their Order into I disrepute by the cruelty thoy bave been rumored exercise upon the youth committed to their care. For ‘nO means disheart- the Congress, It is 8 prevail about Russia ial faults the pupil was ox; bareheaded, the sun, chained to a wail, an for on fastened round his neck, ‘his head ke ht, and iron rings linked togother his wriste. fa ool, 'a thong of Knotted leather supplied the piace of quondam ferulum, and not content with ite applica to tho hand, the lad wae stripped, Inid flat, and each poe! on the 9th inst., as announoed by telegraph from Ha- | comrade tompelied to administer a stripe on the naked fleeb. Am indictment bas becn preferred also agai we order, for crimipa) assanits on the persons of the boys. Mr. Morpby has just left Paris for England, on bis ro- ‘vwrp to we United States, after a stay of six moaths in the Freneh capital. He was obliged to depart so aaex- pectedly that time was pot allowed to terminate the oness tournament commenced not lovg since, which I mentioned in a former letter, The admirers of thia famous Amori- an could not, however, permit him to leave with- ont a public demoustration of their full sense of his merits, both as a worderful chess- player and a most straightforward and courteous gentieman. Accordingly, upwards of forty of the best players in the French capital invited the America player to a eplencid dinner at the Oufé de la Regence two days two. At the dessert, with ttre consent of M. St. Anant, who was in tbe chair, M. Delaunay rove, and in a very elegantly turned speech proposed the beaith of their iustrieus guest, who bad known how, during his visit to Paris, to secure alike the admiration and affection of the chees smateurs of that city. Mr. Morphy returned thanks, expressing his derp gense of the coriial reception he b met with, coucluging with proposing M. St. Amant’s hevith, evlogizing his triple talen'—as a briliiant chess r, » brilliant esgeyist end a brilliant orator, A ble bust of Mr. Morphy, from the chisel of M Le- qacsne, was then introduced, & laurel wreatb encircling its snow white brow, which is te remain as a souvenir of the ‘occasion et the Café de la Regence. The nember of emigrants who sailed from Havre fur America last month was 1,122, and of these 893 went to New York. M. Mirés, who bas been attracting the attention, though, perhaps, not the presence of the bea monde of all Paris, by an eptertainment which is said to‘bavo cost him po jess @ sum than twenty-five thousand dollars, has pur- cbased the Hotel des Princes, in the Rue de Ricbelioa, in order, itis stated, to convert the building tuto offices for the Credit Industrial Company. It is said that he is charged with the organization of the new company. M. Mirés is one of those phenomena which a highly spocula- tive age often produces. Originally a menial, a seiler of old stoves or something of that sort, his riches are at present said to be of a perfectly fabulous character. His natural ambition to surround his opulence with the beau ‘monde, however, does not succeed, and though 8,000 guests’ filled his’ rooms, and among them many of the notabilities of the secoud Empire, the result of his expeci- ment must have greatly disappeinted him. The Marquis of Hertford hes placed bis magnificent hotel in the Boulevard des Italiens at the disposal of a com- mittee consiating of the following parties: Count de Morny, the Marquis Maisons, the Marquis of Hertford, Edmond Fovld, Myres, Delacroix, Horace Vernet, Robert Fleury, Pernet, Ju'es Cavetier, Henrique Dupont and Louis Gal- lait, organized for the exbibition of tac works of Arv “Scheffer. The following anecdote is current respecting M. Meyor- deer’s recent “Perda de Ploermel,” the performance of which at the Oera Comique is now creating so much gen- sation:— Alone of the most dramatic periods of the work, dur- ing its first representation, a violent storm bursts forth, it is of course accompanied by thunder. fhe manner in ‘which the Upera Comique represented this MORNING EDYTION—SATURDAY, APRIL 23, 1859. £0 far benefits! to us that i tas cured ur of all inclination 10 tnerifice policy to sentiancnt, and to lose oar alliances oo on theoretical principles than on Mentity of in- While, bowever, thie government was willing enough ‘0 keep vp'a mort cordial understanding with Napoleon Ill, it by nO means intended to follow him blindly in all his politics! evoutions. As apt sa be Co content to ~~ the common enemy wit! iplomatic weapons, and to trust for eucoess to hie skill in negotiation, the dread of bis po apd the jealousies and divisions of his actag»- Dista, he could depend with certainty upon the coanto- Dance and eupport of Russia; but when he aj in. clined to push the diplomatic struggle to the ex- tremity of actual warfare, the case assumed a dit- ferent aspect. There is, indeed, a party here whore belligerent propensities ‘are as decided ag those of the French Emperor, and at the head of it is Prince Gortschakofl, our Foreign Minister, the Hotspur of politicians, who, like almost all diplomaties ‘that bave reeided at the Court of Vienna, is imbaed with a bitter hatred to Austria, amd would desire nothing bet ter than to seize the present opportunity of strikiog a morta! blow at the pewer of that empire; but the majority of bis colleagues, and the Emperor himeelf, are more temperate in their opinions and more circumspect in their views, At the present moment Russia ig en- gaged in internal reforms that demand a seagoo of peace and tranquillity; tne construction of her gigantic railway system has only — just commenced, her mavufactories are beginning to disp!ay unwonted activity, new outlets are being sought for her Taw produce, and @ spirit of enterprise is visible among her population that promises the happiest results. Russia can loge nothing by waiting; every year she remains at peace {ucrestes her power, while it enfeebles that of her rivals; and by rushing into hostilities now she would forego the certain rewards of the future to Tealize @ doubtful advantage in the present. Such considerations could not but determine our go- vernment to uge its influence in a pacific sense, even while extending {te diplomatic assistance to Napoleon in return ior the support he had afforded Russia on other o°- casions. This double object was attained by the propowsl of a congress which, while it moved the prospect of wor to a distance, coincided with the desire of France to make political capitel out of the Ita'ian question, and to arraign Austria, as it were, at the bar of nations for the misgo- vernment of her dominions in the Peninsula. That the proposal was really viewed in this sense is obvious from the slacrity with which it was accepted by France and the reluctant and-hesitating consent given to it by the cabinet of Vienna. Whether the congress, the initiative of which belongs to Ruesia, will succeed in restoring unanimity among the Powers, or whether it will widen the existing breach to u deadly rupture, is another question which 13 argued pro and con with great earnestness, but the decision of which rests in the womb of futurity, Our government, though exerting itself in the cause of pease, cannot shut its eyes to the possibility of war, in which Russia might be involved, even against her will. A good deal depends upon the attitude of England and Pruseia ; if they remain neuter, France will want no assistance from us, aa wit the help of Sardinia, and of the thousands of Italian volunteers storm did not eatisfy Meyerbeer, and he wandered about the city listening to every noise that was made, in tho hope of hearing something that came up more closely to his idea of a thunder peal. At Iast, one morning, in pass- ing before a house in course of demolition, the falling of the stones and mortar on the ground, through a long wooden trough, gave precisely the sound which he wanted. He bastened at one to the theatre, ordered a long, square funnel to be mado of boards, and then sent down through itm quantity of stones, “The sound is too loud,” said the composer, ‘‘we must have smooth lead or iron; grape sbot would do admirably.” ‘But it is impossible to ob- tain them,” said the manager, ‘without. permission from the government.” Moyerbeer immediately wrote to the Minister of War, Marshal Vaillapt, on theeubject. The Marshal is suid to have Jaughed heartily at the letter, and to have replied that all the stores of Vincennes were at the disposal of the composer, Tne ehot thus obtained produces when rolled down ‘the wooden though, the thunder which is now heard each night the piece is performed. ‘Tatoberlik bas again returned to the Italian Opora, and is more popular than ever. Ho appeared as Manrico, in the “Trovatore,” and though Mario—the favorite, par excellence in this character—has been singing all the sea- sop, his suecess was a real triumph. The great air, as it is called, though far from one of Verdi's best, “De Quella Pina,” bad the unprecedented honor of a double eacore, and consequently he saug it three times. It is seltom indeed that the proverbi ly cold audieuce of the Italian Opera permits itself to be thus carried away. He ia soon. to appear yn Donizetti’s opera “I Martiri.’” The principal Character in which is said to be Tamberllk’s chef @euure. Our St. Petersburg Co: dence. Sr. Perersnunc, March 31, 1859. ‘The Mediation of the Czar in the Italian Imbroglio—Close Diplematic Intercourse with France—How it was Brought About, and its Important Comsequences—Alerander will not Fuilow Napoleon Blindly in Politics—England and Prussia Somewhat Controlled by Recent Events—The War in the Caucasus—A New Minister Plenipotentiary w China, &c. ‘You will have been informed ere this, by way of Lon- don and Paris, that our government has stepped forward as mediator in the present European crisis; that it has Propoeed a congress of the great Powers to meet at some neutral point; and that this proposal has been accepted first by France, then by England and Prussia, and finally by Austria. The negotiations that preceded this impor- tant move of our diplomatists have been kept very secret, but, nevertheless, certain data have become known which afford some insight to them. That an active diplomatic intercourse has been carried on between Russia and France ever since the treaty of Paris, and particularly since the meeting of the two Em- perors at Stuttgard, is a fact sufficiently notorious, and to which frequent allusion has been made in my correspon- dence with you. But the topics discussed between the two governments would naturally only be ascertained by observing the line of policy pursued by them in conse. quence, and noticing the results it ledto. It soon became evident that on all subjects connected with Oriental af- fairs Russia and France were quite of a mind; the difficulty between Turkey and Montenegro, the digpute about the election of Prince Milosh in Servia, and the union of the Danubian Principalities, found us ranged side by side with our quondam enemy; and thanke to this combination, to the adhesion of Sar- dinia, and the friendly attitude of Prussia, all those and other questions growing out of the late European sct- Uement were decided in accordance with the views of the two Emperors, Now, all these points aro of the utmost im- portance to Russia, and the successful issue of the negotia- tions relating tothem has gono far towards repairing the loss of political influence we sustained by the peace of Paris, in baving to share the pro- tectorate exercised over the Christian population of Turkey, with the other Powers; as, moreover, the inter- ests of Russia coincided in every one of these instances with the wishes of the inhabitants of those regions, our statesmen had the unusual good fortune to concillate the affections of the people while pursuing their own schemes of policy, and the Christians of Tarkey were led to consider Russia more than over as their best friend and protector, and to look to her for their final deliverance from the Mussulman yoke. France, on the other hand, was very little interested in any of these questions; her influence, far from being increazed, could only be woakened by the renewed Preponderance of Russia in the East, which she had In- vished such an enormous amount of blood and troasure to destroy ; and it was natural to infer, therefore, that she must expect some other compensation for ending a work which, a few years since, she had been at such pains to accomplish. The instinctive joalousy of Austria and Eng- Jand was not slow in arri a Tree ne in order to gain our assistance in obtain! ote Wen injag the dominion ie estal iment of a friend! understand. ing between this country and France was Proved by the revolution in the political relations of the European Powers’effected by the Oriental war. The Austro Russian alliance which had existed since 1815, and been cemented by the Hungarian campaign, was completely broken up, and had given way to mutual resentment and disgust. The enmity between us and Fogland continued evea afer the peace, and though it has partly worn off since the ac. cession of the Derby ministry and the return of Baron Bronow to his post at the Court of the interests of the two nations, both East of Kurope and in Asia, are so tible that new causes of dispute cannot fail to arise; and the times are not likely to recover when Eng. land found in Russia hoes a confederate and zealous auxiliary against her Western neighbors. With Prussia we are stillon intimate terme; but this is mainly attribute. ble to the family connection between the two dynastios, and affords no guarantee inst rerious differences on po- litical questions. After Peace of Paris, therefore, it was necessary for our statesmen to look out for new Alliances to replace those that bad been dissolved, and un- der theee circumetances the advances made by France could not but be received with unfeigned satisfaction. Between Russia and France there is, in fact, a community of interests; she has nothing to foar from our \dize- ment in the Kast, nor we from hers in the south of Eu- rope; and there is no reason why each should not co.ope- rate to forward the views of the otner. There oan bo no doubt that Louis Napoleon has always feit anxious for Such an alliance, and it is not his fault if it was not con- cluded immediately aftor the coup d’état which raigod him to th noe. It was the superstitious veno- ration of the Iate Emperor Nicholas for tho princi- ye of legitimacy, and his excusable dislike and ow ‘' a man whom he considered «a low-born “ adventurer and « perjured usurper, that provented it, Russia has suffered severely for this gees hongh it is gome consolation to think that Eng- ind and Austria, who, by joining the confederacy against us, contributed so much to raise the French Emperor to Present eminence, have no reason to ra late incompa themselves on thoir success, and may in future bave stilt | seater cause to rue it; but the loavon rocelyed. has beet, | that would flock to her standard, it will be an easy matter for her to drive the Austrians out of Italy; but if Prusaia, and especially if England, should intertere, the affair wii! assume a more serious turn, and it will then be hardly Possible for us to remain idle spectators, It is not con- sidered jikely, however, that Eogland will take the part of Austria as long as Napoleon contines himself to an attack upon the Italian possessions of that Empire, or that Prus- sia will stir unless the French ‘Einperor should menace Germany—-a blunder too egregious for 80 wary a politician to commit. In the mean- time, we are silently but actively preparing for every emergency. Yesterday the term of three years expired during which the conscription was suspended throughout the Empire by a manifesto issued after the peace of Paria, and an ukase ia expected ordering a levy of recruits wo take place to fill up the vacancies that have occurred in the military and naval forces during that period. Prince Gortechak off, Viceroy of Poland und General-in-Chief of the Firet Army, is concentrating the troops under his com- mand, and it is no longer dented that a corps of ob- rvation bas been stationed in Bessarabia, A loan of fifty million roubles has been contracted with a company of English and German capitalist, partly for the purpoge of enxbling the Minister of Finance to withdraw a quantity of Treasury notes from circulation, and partly for advances that are to be made to tho pea- fants to facilitate the requisition of land by them from their former masters ; but if war should bo inevitable, it is to be feared that m portion of it at least will be diverted into other channels. From the Caucusus we have advices that General En- dokimoff, whose operations last year were attendad with such signal succers, had at length penetrated to Veden, the mountain fastness of Schamyl, and set down before it, The brave Imoun seems determined to dispute ene A inch of ground with ors, and it will be no easy task to dislodge him. Hf he should be taken prisoner, it would be ® great step towards the pacification of the Caucasus, although even then the warfare would not be entirely at an ond, as some othor chieftain would probably be found to succeed him; but even if Veden should be captured, it is by uo means’ cer- tain that he will fall into our hands, the mountain passos offering 80 many chances of escape that he may succeed after all in eluding the vigilance of his pursuers. On two Previous occasions, in 1889 and 1845, when his fortresses of Auhigo and Dargo were taken—the former by General Grabbe, the latter by Count Vorontzoff—Schamy! got off un- scathed, tothe astonishment of every one, and goon re-ap- Peared in another part of the country. General Ignatieff, the son of the Governor of St. Petera- burg, who returned lately from a successful diplomatic expedition to Central Asia, has been appointed Ambasea- dor Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Court of Pekin, and wilt proceed, via Siberia and Mongolia, to the Place of his destination. THE WAR QUESTION. The Efforts of ei 6 to Preserve the Peace of Europe. In the House of Lords, on the 8th instant, the Marquis of CLaNRICARDE said that, looking to the’accounts which were received in this country through the ordinary channels of information respecting the threatening aspect of affirs abroad, he would suggest to the noble earl oppesite that it was desirable, before Parliament was prorogued, that foreign relations. The Earl of MALwesnvRY—My lords, unless there should be some unforcecen ohjection to my doing so, I shall be ready, before Parliament is prorogued, to make a rtat ment to this Honse which I hope will satisfy your lordshive that her Majesty’s government have done all they possibly cam to preserve the peace of Europe. In the Houre of Commons on the same night, the Cnay- CELLOR OF THE Excargver said:—Sir: I wish to make a re- mark upon a notice which has been given by the nobie lord the member for Tiverton, that he would to-night ai- dress some observations to the House, and urge some in- quiries respecting the present state of our foreign rela- Uons, What I would earnestly request of the noble lord ig, that he would forbear to-day to make those observa. tions and urge those inquiries. I can agsure him that any discussion to-day in pursuance of his notice would be in- convenient, and more than inconvenient, to the public interests. What I propose to do is, on Moaday or Tuescay next—at all events early in the week—to make a com- Plete statement to the House of the position in which this country is now placed with respect to foreign Powers and the negotiations now in progress. ‘That will be an oppor. tunity when the noble lord may be able, in a more satis. factory manner than the forms of the House would permit to-day, to offer those observations to which I am suro the House will listen with great attention, Lord Patwenston.—It is impossible for me to refuse to comply with the request of the right honorable gentleman. pe hear.) Ican assure him that my only Odject is it the country should know, before Parliament is dis- solved, what is the condition in which we stand with respect to the state of affairs on tho continent. Ihave no doubt that the statement of the right honorable gentlo- man v Cet completely answer my Led or afford myself an ers an opportunity of ‘farther in- quiries. (Hear, hear.) x! “ey 7 Siti THE PEACE CONGRESS, e Mémorial Diplomatique publishes an analysis of Spend oo reply to Russia's proposal of a Congress. 8 as follows :— In this note Count Buol declares that his Mi the Emperor of Austria, fully appreciates the vane the ion of the Court of St. Petersburg, and that the tenna Cabinet is quite willing heartily to join # work in- tended to confirm treaties and the privileges confirmed by them. Count Buol declares that the whole difficulty is to be found in the policy of Piedmont. The object of the Congress would doubtiess be to put an end to the dangers with which she threatens and to prevent a recur- Count Buol prinet t Buol regards such task the Save social order. Should other questions Be tsomet, they ought to be precisely stated beforehand, and treated conformably to the rules established in the Protocol of Aix rs of 16th November, 1818, insomuch as Low ld concern internal reforms in’ other States of iy. Count Buol warlike pri are detrimental to %, exposing the Powers interested to great pecun’ 'y sacri. fices, and prolonging the general anxi Count Buot draws the conclusion that i is that should ditarm, and declares that her consent in thet re et should late the condnct of the other Powers. ally, he dec! that if Piedmont is willing to disarm. Austria will do likewise, Until the preliminaries indicted gee ocho tad been Lecco Austria may relax Preparations, but not them altogether, troops will continue to march towards Italy, oa | (From the London Post (Lord Pal ‘ apse), merston’s Organ), * * * * * * Sardinia is obviously acti \. tion hy 8 the time for’ Fup “the. Tatlan eves against Ani have those of Sardinia. It is no secret that he Jooks to and that Fran Promised a considerable corpe darmée if the Austrians tier. Without such assistance Piedmont could make no stand against, powerful military neighbor. It is fair, therefore, orn that oe is fully aware of the 108 OF | mont, admits and subscribes to the correctness of her exposition situation, Thin does not mend the bad proapecte of 3 for if Austria be obstinate and domi neering on the one side, and Piedmont be progressive on the other—in als Phelan et France insist on the alien question beong now entertained, and Austria, refusing, should alienate the great Powers Srom her, the result must be war, because it can be nothin tie, she proba lat the pro! llities of Anstria’s quiet ivi bardy and Venetia are too remote Ww be ean Haraseed with debt, pinched for money, eaten up by an a ty 4 she cevertholees is at ber Italian sud} Geof to the demanis iesserainine eonunues to ‘orm, ford. an fies every availiable position, and puts herself tude of contemptuous defiance. Her tone towards the great Powers are not such rage the hope of peace. And it is more though the largest share of sks she demands. possibilities @ any show of likelihood? The quarrel cannot be sald to rest entirely with Austria and mont. The other States of Italy have @ voiea in it; aad the people of the Duchies are not likely to remain isle or indifferent while it is boing settled. There is no security that the whol+ may not atany moment, Ly a popular oulburst, be cut of the hands of authority, and brought to an isvue ferent from that which would be to follow from Siplemate action ser ‘This zerious state of things points tothe duty of the English government. We all want toknow what is being done—firet, to prevent war at all on this question; and se condiy, to keep this country out of it, if unfortunately it prove to be unavoidable, We trust that the statement which government is to make in both houses on Tuesday night will relieve the pubiic anxiety on these points, We cannot hold Lord Malmesbury responsible for the issue of the present complications, but it ought to be proved to the satisfaction of Parliament that he is doing, aud with somo show of effect, all that is possible for a foreiga Mintater in 80 critical @ position to do, and he should offer some con vinciog evidence that the arduous task of wieldidg the influence of Engiand to prevent an European war may be safely left in his hands during the interval between the diszolution of the old and the assembling of the new Par. liament. {From the Memorial Diplomatique (Austrian organ) i April 4) * * . ‘We have reazon to know that Austria has ma/le no ob- fection to the admission of Piedmont into the Congress, if the same permission be extended to the other Italian States; and. that the opposition to that course has come from ; and still. mare from |. The solution ‘which has the best chance of success, if it has not even been already adopted, confines to the Plenipotentiaries of the five great Powers the right of deliberating, at least ‘until their labors have attained a certain degree of ad- vancement. The Italian States would at that period have the power of making known their views, and may be ad- mitted to take partin the final arrangement. As to the preliminaries, a thousand versions are already in circula- tion, all go erroneous that it would be useless to mention and still more to discuss them. It is England which has been charged to draw up thoso preliminaries. We hope that the withdrawal of the troops to a certain distance from the common frontier will strengthen the confidence felt in the maintenance of peace, by still more diminishing the chances of coats, < * . . As soon as the great Powers adhered to the proposition of Russia, relative to the convocation of a Congress, Lord Malmesbury drew up a rough draft of a preliminary basis, which forms at this moment the subject of negotiations between the Powers. Without pretending to be acquainted ‘with the details of the preliminaries drawn up by the head of the Englieh Foreign Offixe, we have reason to know that the maintenance of the statu quo, such as it results from the treaties of 1815, bas been place@ aloof from all dis- cussion. On the other hand, the particular treaties coa- cluded by Austria with the oifferent States of Italy will be submitted to the examination of the Congress. The plent- potentiaries will also occupy themselves with the reforms which should be recommended to the governments of the Ttalian peninsula, in she iptarest, Cs waiyecent Reape * * * The five great Powers have already come to an under- standing that the labors of the approaching Congress shail comprise a double order of deliberations. They will first take into consideration such questions as come within the exclusive competence of the European concert formed by the five great Powers. When fesse fo shail have thus laid down the principles of a gen un- derstanding, the Italian States will be invited to come to the Congrees to defen’ their rights and interests, in order to pee apes the plenitude of their sovereign indepen- dence, to the stipul which the European concert shall have drawn up. * * * * * . . Some journals bave pretended that the right of presid- ing at the Congress belongs to Russia, as having taken the initiative in proposing it, but we do not think that thore is in diplomacy any precedent whatever to justify that opi- . If the Congress were to sit within the one of the fivegreat Powers, the Minister of fairs of that State would doubtless fill the post of ji dent. As, however, the approaching meeting will take Nace ina neutral city, out of the territory of tho great wers, itis more than probable that the plan will be | adopted of each Power presiding in turn. That mode was | Intely adopted a; the sittings of the European eom.nission established at Bucharest, to inquire into the state of the Danabian Principalities. Each delegate directed the labors of the commission in alphabetical rotation of one month. It is, moreover, well known that no special prerogative i3 attached to the presidentship of a Congress. Even in the signature of the documents and minutes, the president only occupies the place according to the alphabetical order ofthe Power which he represents, . * . . . Count de Cavour expresses the painful astonishment which Piedmont has felt on seeing herself excluded from the Congreas. He protests against this unjust exclusion. He then states that, though having no interest in the war in the Crimea, she did not the less take an active part in the military operations of the allied Powers; that tbe had not shrunk from sacrifices, either of mon or money; and tbat ber participation in that distant expedition cost her 3,000 or 4,000 soldiers and 60,000,000fr. He remarks that Piedmont, after the Eastern war, was called upon to take part inthe Congress which assembled at Paris to conclude a treaty of peace, and subsequently in the conferences which regulated the situation of the Da. nubian Principalities, matters in which she was com- pletely disinterested; and he says that he is firmly con- territory of Foreign Af- fome statement should be made as to the position of our | Vinced that those circumstances gave her the right to be called on to express her opinions in the de- iberations of the five European Powers, when ber own existence ia concerned. The Count cannot that the objection that if Piedmont be admitted to the Congress, all the other Italian States must also be permitted to at: tend, will be made; but he remarks that in addition to the preceding considerations, which give her a right apart from that of her neighbors, Piedmont invokes the situa- tion which the events that preceded the propositions for ‘a Congress had established for her. Russia did not spon- taneously propose to the five Powers to occupy themselves ‘with the general situation of the peninsula, and to seck an amelioration in the condition of its inhabitants. The starting point of the conflict was the complaints of Pied- mont on the situation of Austria towards her, and the grievances which Austria put forward’ in ro- ply to thoeo complaints. It is, therefore, be- tween Piedmont and Anetrin that the? Ooneross will more particularly have to +pronounce. Ought Austria alone to speak and vote in the Congress, when Piedmont, which denounced to Furope her infractions of engagements as regards the customs treaties, aud the se- cret conyentions with the petty Italian States for the ag- disement of her power in Italy, is set aside? ‘Count do Govour next remarks that there would a great difference between the altitude of the other Italian States and that of Piedmont in the Congress. The government of King Vic- tor Emmanuel has always testified great solicitude for the sufferings of Italigns, not subjects of Piedmont; the other governments, on the coatrary, all allies of Austria and acting with her, have always denied those suf- ferings, and have shown themselves constantly’ op- posed to all reform; their representatives yrould consequently in the Congress only y give support to Austria ‘and embarrass the action Europe. The case would be different, he observes, if the populations sub- yee to the domination of those governments were to imitted to send de to the Congress, and to give ah account of the sufferings which they impatiently support. After having fully discussed these three princi- Points of the note, Count de Cavour concludes by re- capitulating the dangers of the maintenance of the status in Italy, and by declaring that if the great European wers allow the present opportunity of ameliorating the condition of Italy, and of pasifying her, to the res- ponsibility of the events that may occur will fall entirely on them, and that Piedmont will not accept the slightest share of it. ‘From Lo Nord, of Brussels (Russian organ), April 4 fhe Congrone wil ats in te Giainge wo Reve tag tow. i ints adopted :— "G Pine sovereign independence of the Italian States, sit- uated beyond the provinces reserved to Austria by trea- ties, will be anew prociaimed, and placed out of reach of all attack, by the collective guarantee of the Powers which sign the future troaty, These States will bo de- clared forever neutral and inviolable; and any encroach- ment on their security and territorial {ntogrity will be con- sidered as @ question of general interest. As @ measure of just reciprocity, they will be bound to respect that neutrality, both between themselves and as regards all other States; and not to undertake anything against the internal or external tranquillity of others. No exclusive protection is to be exercised over them by any of tha guaranteeing Powers; and none of those Powers is to have any special right of meddling in their internal a(faire, without @ previous understanding between the five Powers. 2. The special treaties now existing betwoen them and the signing Powers shall bo revised and set aside, if ne. coamary in he rin with the principles of the pre- ing proposition. 8, An invostigation shall be made to ascortain if the rights of garrison ascribed to Austria by the act of the June, 1816, and the treaty of the 10th Jane, 1817, in the towns of Forrara, Comachio and za, are com- patible with the full independence of the Italian States; and if those rights are not sufficiently compensated for to Austria by the adoption of the iples of neutralicy and of a collective guarantee applied to those States. In any case, the regulations relative to the exercise of the said rights, eettied between them and Austria, shall be revised and brought back to the strict terms of treaties. 4, As the seourity of the governmenta and the welfare of the Vo rere gye depend on tho conformity of the institu tions with the tondencies, wishes and of tho latter, the sovereign princes of the States of Tialy shail be re: commended to revise the political and admi of thelr Sates That revision freely in the Independence of their a0 and after consulting the wishes of their people. Tt is wall an- derstood that im no cage can the Powers moddie, either collectively or separately, in the relations between the Ttalian goveromenta and their subjects, nor in the aaminis- tration of the Italian States, 5, The Powers reserve to themselves tho right of pre- renting in the course of their negotiations special propo- sitions in addition to the four whieh precede, PRICE TWO CENTS. THE M1) STERIAL CRISIS IN ENGLAND. The Derby Cabinet—Speeche: of All the Political Leadere—Earl Derby, Mr. Disraeli, Lord Palmerston, Mr. Erigat and Lord John Eussell, ko. &., ao. Jn the House of Lords, on the 4th of April, there was a very full attendance of peers on both sides of the House, the peereeses’ and strangers’ leries were weil fitied, and the space in front of the throne was thronged with tbe more privileged spectators. The Eari of Derby eatered the House at ten minutes past five, when the expectation of the amsembloge r ite height, i LORD DEKBY’S EXVLANATION OF HIS PORITION. Lord Danny, mn order to make a statemeat oa the pro- sent state of alfairs, moved the ajournment of the House. It must be fresh, be said, io the memory of their jordships that on Thursday night last the House of Commons had, after a debate of seven nights, characterized by the great- eat ability and courtesy on doth elles, adopted the resoiu- tion of Lord John Russeil, and pronounced a decision ad- verse to the bill introduced by the government for amend- ing the represevtation of the people. There were, in cou- sequence of this decision, but two alternatives left for bim- sell and colleagues—either to resign office, or to diasoive ‘the present Parliament and appeal to the country. It had Deen suggested, both by,their friends and by their eue mies, that another course was open to the goveru- ment; but such a course would not have been res] ful to the House of Commons, nor in unison with constitutional practice. Besides, it was impossible for her Majesty’s government to conceal from themselves that ‘the vote of the House of Commons was equivalent to a vote of want of confidence; and hg thougnt the govern- ment would bave laid themselves open to a charge of in- difference if they took no notice of such a decision. Before stating the couree which the goverament intended to pur- sue, he begged their lordahips to remember the circum- stances under which he bad accepted office, and the diffi. cuities with which he had bad tocontend. The present distracted state of parties in the House of Commons ren- dered it almost impossible to administer the affairs of the nation. He excepted, indeed, the conservative party from this censure, ‘whose ‘unwavering, cordial and generous support he had received for 80 many years; and then proceeded to enumerate the various political achievements of Lord John Russell, whose ability and energy as an advocate of reform’ every one would acknowledge, but whose attentions resembled more the zeal of a lover than the judicious superintendence of a pa- rent. It bad been the peculiar forwune of Lord John Rus- sell, from the reatless energy of his disposition, to over- throw many governments, not only of his opponents, but also of bis friends. The consequence of such conduct was that hardly a year now passed without a minis‘erial crisis, and if the sysiem were persevered in it would put an end to all government; for it inflicted injury at home and da- maged the influence of the country abroad. In accepting office, he had endeavored to on the government, not by aa but by conciliating ali parties, until & party should be formed capable of carrying outa fixed and definite policy, One of the questions bequeath- ed to him by the government was the damnosa hareditas of Parliamentary ‘m, He had in consa- quence introduced a bill to meet that question. The way that bill had been received was well known to their lord- ships. It had not beon saffered to be read a second time, and to be amended in committee, buthad been met by a resolution, which, according to some authorities, was con- trary to Parliamentary practice, and had been swamped without discussion. the bill been proceeded with in committee he and his colleagues were prepared to vindi- cate its principles as well as to consider proposed altera- tions, which, if admissible, no false pride would have pre- vented them from accepting. An opportunity had thus been given to the House of Commons to settle this question, but they had preferred tne interests of party to the interests of the country. In his speech in the House of Commons Lord Palmors- ton had gaid that the government should be con- demned to hese Gate Places and do ‘our’ bidding; but he begged to tell Lord Palmerston they’ would do no one’s bidding but that of the Queen as long as they re- tained her confidence. But whose bidding were they to ao? Was it that of the liberal party, wno were of such motley and heterogeneous materials that it did not know what ite bidding was? He would not disguise from the House the difficulty in which the Cabinet was placed by the refusal of the second reading of the bill. Taoere were but two courses open to them—the first was to dissolve Parliament; and ths second to tender their resignation to her Majesty. Considering, however, the present grave condition of European aflairs, and the domestic interests of the country, he had deemed it his duty to recommend to her Majesty as early # dissolution of ‘liament as was consistent with the public service. Her Majesty bad consented to this proposal, and he looked with confidence to the about to be made to the coun- try. The Ministers, he considered, had redeemed their pr by the introduction of the bill, and held them- selves free on thatground. He was not afraid to go to the hi “<4 on this question; for the measure, ich had been by the decision of the other House deferred to another session, was a large and liberal measare. Much mischief had been done by that decision, and no prineij ple oduced on which a future Reform bill could be based. it was not, however, on the reform question only he “ pealed to the country, but he appealed to them as Eoglish- of fair play, whether they would sanction the overthrow of a government which had been defeated ‘not by fair Parliamentary opposition, but by what, not to use an offensive term, he would call an ingenious manwuvre, APRECH OF MR. DIERARLI TO THE COMMONS, In_the Commons on the same night, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Disraeli, who upon ente: the House a few minutes before had been reccived with some cheer- n rose and Baid:— , SPEAKER—TI shall commence the few observations which I have to make by moving the adjournment of the House, in order that any honorabie gentleman who may wish to remark upon my statement may have an opportu- nity of doing so, (Hear, hear.) [took the liberty on Thursday might, after the vote which the House had ar- rived at upon the motion for the second reading of the Reform bill, to move the adjournment of the House uatil thia day, bec: I thought it but respectful to the House that in the course which the government might think fit to adopt in consequence of that vote there should not ap- ar to be even the semblance of precipitancy. (Hoar, ear.) Alter what I stated in the observations whico i made to the House at the close of the debate, and after the declarations of several of my colleagues, the House, I am sure, will not be surprised when I gay that it is not the intention of the government to proceed with the bill for the amendment of the representation of the people which I introduced exactly flve weeks ago. (Hear, hear.) It ia also due to the House to siate that it is nos the inten- tion of the government to propose any other seasure with the same object. (Hear, hear.) On their part, however, I protest against the doctrine which seems to be held by some, that the question of Parliamentary reform is to be the appanage of any individual or the privilege of apy particular party. (Cheers.) I hold, on the contrary, tbat it is quite ree to any body of public men professivg ‘the conservative opinions which ministers do to deal with the question of Parliamentary reform, or, indeed, any other public question, In that manner which they may deem most expedient for the public welfare and most con- ducive to the public interests. ) Indeed, 1 ‘would ssy—not to provoke controversy, which upoa this subject on the present occasion [ studiously desire to avoid, but to prevent misconception—that the ques. tion of Parliamentary reform, of ail others, ia one which may be viewed ‘in two lights. There is thé conser. vative view of the question, and there is—not to use the epithet in the least degree offensively— he revolutioaary view of the question. (Cries of “Oh!” and cheers.) That is to say, there is that conservative view, which, in any change that it recommends, would wish to and maintain the present character ef the House of Commons, which is a representation of the various interests and class- es of the country; and there is that revolutionary view which would attempt to alter the character of the House of Commons, and make it a representation merely of the voice of @ numerical majority. (Cheers.) Bat, sir, ere to ourselves, under all ci our righl ‘to deal with the question of Parliamentary ‘wo feel that at present we bave fulfilled our pledge to the House and the country (sheers) at a great personal and party sacrifice. Soo ibaae And rnd ye not Seaieck, enter into any 8; ‘engagements upon that sul Sealey epee tae ene ne no necessary for the govern- ment to consider their position in this House; iudeed, I am pe Tg because I think it is best always to deal frankly with the House, that before the House had arrived at that vote the government had seen fit to consider their position here. Ever since the commencement of the.pre- rent session of Parliament the government have found themselves frequently in minorities, and that, too, in many instances upon subjects of no mean importance. Our posi- tion has been a painfal one, and we have before had to consider whether it was not our duty to make a commu. nication to the House; but we have hitherto refrained from doing so for three reasons. In the first withstanding the merous be \. ate benches, we could not ereewe that there was any principle cohesion in thote ranks (checrs) or aay unity of policy and purpose more ovident than when, in consequence of the distracted state of partics, Lord Derby was summoned by ber Majesty to place him- self at the head of affairs. (Cheers,) Under these cir- cumatances wo felt that we were bound, as men of hono: bh under our cite wv aee between two thereby preventing, painble, a war tn Europe. (Hear, bear.) It woe therdiore highly desirable teak there should bo, if possible, no change of Ministry, and that her Majcs- ty’s government should, as far as possible, appear at that moment to have the geveral confidence of Parliament. (Hear, et Thero was yot @ third reason which induced us take this course. After the froquent Promises and procrastinations which had taken place on the subject of Parliamentary reform, remember- ing that for ten years it had beon ackvowledged in this Houge that this subject ought to be dealt with—aftor the triple recommendation from the Crown, after the triple pedge of this House, and after tho triple promise of successive ministries, It did geem to us that it would be a very heavy blow to the character of public men and of Parliament if we, in our turn, seomed to evade the pro mise we bad made and the requirements of the country in that re (Hear, hear.) Remembering, likewise, that tho Houge had pledged ‘itself to give a calm and pa. tient consideration to the question—(hear, hear)—we thought that, even if we might not succeed in our general endeavor, it was ® good and beneticial object that an honest and earnest, even if unsuccersfal, moasure of relorm shoud be brought forward and a .) Influenced by these three 2. y power. OUF seals Om taese hewchem under circumsances involving, I admit, a degree of morti- cena! (Some was ackvowledged as such by its privcips! promoter, and as such accepted by the ministry. The House, then, having arrived at that vote, we felt that the government of the Queen was deprived of all authority. I'may be a, for one moment, to offer to the gentlemen whos' these (the ministerial) benches the deep expression of our grati- tude for the manner in which they have supported us during the late struggle. * * * * Duriog the debate an eminent member of the House announced it as hie opinion that the rule of party was over in this House. that observation were true, I shnuld deeply a because 1 hold the opinson that if party rule ts over, that of Parliament \' very soon cease, (Hear.) Tam quite convinced that i. . popular assembly so numerous as the House of Commons there can be no guarantee for its incependent authority but political conaection those who sympethizs generally on the same points of public affairs. (Hear, fear) Tdo not ut all agree with the right honorable geutleman who gave that opinion, and T think T can appeal with some pride to the conduct of the conservative party on this occasion. I think that they. showed a high epirit and a consciousnees of thelr duty to & great political connection, which will be appreciated by the country, and which redounds to the credit of this Houre. (Hear, brea * * * The task of conducting the business of this House is under no circumstances @ light one, but the burden was hocemarily ‘aggravated by the circumstance to which I refer, and I feel that, how- ever imperfectly I may have done my duty, even that im- Eat fulfiiment of it could not have been accompiished it not been for that courtesy and general good feeling which I experienced on all occasions, not ly from my friends, but also from thore who sit opposite to me in this House.’ (Hear, hear.) It now becomes my duty to in- form the House of the step which the govern: feol it their duty totake. Ihave to ask myself, first, whether that evidence of want of cohesion in the benches opposite to which I have already alluded still exists, I have to ask myself whether there is that unity of be gan and policy on questions domestic and foreign which was s0 essen- tally wanting when wo acceded to power, and which was the cauee of our acceding to power. I have to ask myself whether there is any evidence of that unity of feeling — restored, and that political cohesion being eat ‘With respect to the late, division, a reeolution of censure ®as certainly carried against the government, but this was remarkable, that the two most eminent leaders om that oc casion of the opposition indicat d that the moment after the resolution shi be carried they should both recommend exactly a contrary policy. (Laughter aad cheers.) The nobie lord, the member for London, declared thet he should exert his utmost onergy to defeat the measure of the government as being pernicious and obnoxious; but the noble lord, the member for Tiverton declared that ag soon as the resolution should be carried he should, on the contrary , support the measure,as being ove which contain- eda great many good things, and which, sunject to soma modifications, he thought it of the utmost importance should pass. Even after the division a scene took place in this house which certainly afforded no evidence of ‘unanimity of feeling on the part of honorable gentiemen. opposite. (Ministerial cheers.) An honorable gentleman. rose and proposed to append tothe noble ord’s resolution a recommendation of the vote by ballot—(hear, bear)—and, although there was every attempt to preven: that aidi- tion f10m teking place and that proposition from being made, it is a fact that a division did occur upon the ques- tion, notwithstanding the most active modes of repression, and nearly one third of the majority supported a policy which was certainly not recogoized by either of the nobla position con- sists of a number of sections which, no doubt, can at any time combine overwhelm the Queen’s government, whoever may constitute that government—(cheers from the Mivisterial benches)— seeing that in the present states of affairs there is no security, but almost a certainty thatevery February there may be a imnisterial believing that this is Prejadicial to the repute of Parliament, and injurious to the best interests of the empire—believing that ivis of the utmost impor- tance that at ee the oes of overnment él supporte 6 a of Par- flament, and not being conscious por ee al have conducted the government we have done any to forfeit the good opinion of our fellow con rymea—(10 cheers)—1 ave thought it our duty to advise her Ma- sent Parliament. (Loud cheering from the ministerial side. > Recurring to the sense of her people, a state of affairs may de brought about which will, I think, be more conducive to public interests of the country. Under these circum- this Parliament will be 1) a diate dissclution. Sir, I have now stated to the Mouse tne course which the government bave thought it their duty’ to advise her Majesty to adopt, and which her gar 4 has adopted and sanctioned; and, in conctusion, I wi only express, for myself and on the part of my 5 our sincere and even solemn hope that, whatever mey ba the congequence of this appeal upon our personal Position, it will be at least conducive to the convenience ef her Majesty, to the honor of Parliament, and to the best in- terests of the country, id cheers.) I that this House do pow adjourn so Lord Patumretos said—Sir, we bave been informed by tha gentleman that her Msjesty’s government, having understood the vote of ast Thursday asa vote of censure, deliberated, in the first nc, whether they which they now hold, and that upon consideration they came to the con- clusion that it was their — Still to retain them. Theright honorable gentleman stated that the government felt that the state of parties in this House wae such that it was not for the interest of the public service that they should con- tinue to perform their duties with the present House of Commons; but, believing that the people at large enter- tain a more favorable opinion of them than the majority of this House appear to entertain, they have advised the fovereign—and the Sovereign has accepted the advice—that sbe should recur to the sense of the ple by & dissolution of Parliament. Now, sir, Iau not about to taunt her Majeaty’s government with having come to the determination of maintaining themselves in power. I was not one of those who con- sidered that the regolution which was carried by a a a of this wae was to be under- a a8 8 vote of censure upon the government. Oppo- sition cheers.) It was not in that sense that I say the resolution. I looked upon itasa fair Parliamentary, and I think convenient, mode of expressing the opinion of the House upon two leading features of the measure which the government bad submitted to our consideration, and I voted for that resolution as an expression of opinion pon the measure of the government, and not in apy way as implying cepsare of the government; for it cannot be maintained in these times and in this House that when- ever @ majority of the House of Commons object to a particular measure, or to a portion of a particular mea- sure, which the government of the day may Propose, by expressing their concurrence in that objection they ara censuring the government in such a manner as to render it necessary for the government to consider whether they should or ‘should not resign their offices. Sir, the right honorable gentleman has stated the grounds upon which her Majesty’s government, consieting of men who had up to a certain time been adverse to any change in the rep- rerentation of the people in Parliament, nevertheless deemed it their duty to bring in a Reform bill. I think that in doing passed ment, that they ought not to have undertaken the govern- ment as they did in February last year, unless they wera ed to bring in a measure of Par! ly opinion is that if they had brought in # measure found- ed upon principles which bate to bape yg vag: Sere with the Pe Gao oe of the jority ¢ House—a measure in which plainer and noe Practical views had been embodied—a measure founded in and ordi lea —it would bave th House, % woo Dave re- on ive Decor Ja aay en fi might have me law. dope in this instance that which think ey properly did last year with respect to the Indix bill. They then brought in a bill which was the result of their own consideration and decision. That bill was not acceptable to the House, but they yielded to the opinion the possession of power—namely, by upon @ question of great national importance to that which appears to be the view and the opinion ofa majority of the House. The government, however, determined to refer to the sense of the country. Undoubtodly that is advioa which it is competent for any government upon its own responsibility to give to the eovereign. I certainly shall Lot oppore any obstaclo whatever to prevent that advice from being carried out. (Hear.) But this I will say—thag 1 think tt very unwite advice. (cheers) I think that, im the present state of affairs, both at home and abroad, t ig very little to the nat interest that there should ba @ dissolution. (Hear, hear.) The government may say that the quosti put to the country is whether it has entire confidence in them, or wi it prefers any other combination of mon; but every ona understands that the question put to the country upon this diseolution ig, what shall be the Reform bill. whict: the ministry, if they continue in office, will be compelled. by public opinion to bring in, or which any government succeeding the preeent must propose fo the consideration of Parliament? (Hear.) The question wy ings will bo the detaiis of the Reform bill. won't enlarge upon the public inconvenience which may: follow; but I would warn those who are the advocates of & moderate measure of reform that the course which tha government is about to jgrsue is the last course calcu- lated to further their cause and to procure tho ing of such a measure. (Cheers. ) yd will return pledged bo yond their own intentions: and I may ure to pro- Pheey the result, so far from the pext Parliament more disposed to support the present government, I of Commons which will be called together will be far more likely to be of opinion that political power = to be transferred to other hands than those which at present possess it. (Chosrs > That, however, is for the government to consider. set ‘with regard to the state of affairs abroad, we are that this country is engaged in negotiations bearing upon the peace of Fu Questions of peace and war of the most extensive range, upon a #0! siderations are peaks in the councils of Burope. Va it not be utmoet importance, then, that while such questions se pendigg the government of Kogland abould inepirg every bust- 41 OR |