The New York Herald Newspaper, February 12, 1859, Page 2

2 P THE CUBA QUESTION. Important Proceedings ia the United States Senate and of the People. THE REPUBLICANS SHOWING THEIR HA'l SENATOR HALES SIGNIFICANT OONFESSION. Threatened Demoralization of the Re- publican Masses. Necessity of Taking up the Subject to | Save the Party. MASS MEETING AT NEW ROCHELLE. The Slidell Bill to be Forced to a Vote, | &., &e., ke | THE QUESTION BEFORE THE PEOPLE Mass Meeting at New Rochelle—The Popu- | lar Cuban View—The President Sustalned— Speeches by E. W. Andrews, J. Ww. Law- ton and Captain Ackerman—Letters from Senator Slidell, Theodore Sedgwick, John ©. Mather, Gouverneur Kembile, and Others—Strong Resolutions—Great Enthu- slasm, dc. ‘The first grand mass mecting of American citizens for the peaceful acquisition of Cuba and the sustaining of the President in bis proposed negotiations for that island was held at New Rochelle on Thursday evening last. Posters had previously been circulated throughout that and neighboring towns, specifying the place and purpose of the meeting, and headed with a volant eagle, beneath which the following lines were prominently displayed:— No pent up Ut ptracts our powers; ‘The whole boundless continent will be ours. Before the hour for the meeting arrived the quiet little town of New Rochelle echoed to the reverberating roar of cannon, which were not inaptly denominated the first guns for Cuba, Tbe meeting was held in Reeber’s Hall, which was ap- propriately fitted up for the occasion. The American ban- ner was displayed behind the speakers’ stand, with a new evergreen star worked across the stripes of white and blue. Upon the star spangled red was lettered in gold the werd ‘‘Cuba,’”’ with a little gola star immediately be- neath it, The ceiling of the hall was festooned with ever- greens, and otherwise decorated. ‘The meeting being called to order, Capt. ACKERMAN was elected chairman. The Captain, on taking the chair, made afew remarks appropriate to the occasion, thanking the audience for the honor they had conferred upon him, and expressing bis unfeigned delight at bebolding such a popu- | And, although the Zribune has thought | people honor, the prosperity and Soe sagrendigescnt of their county above all political considerations. ioe. On motion, the following committee were appointed om resolutions: —Geo. W. Loyd, John Chrystal, Wm. Brady, J. W. Lawton, W. H. Morgan and P. D. Gulagher. | “Phe Cuaratay stated that amoog other gentlemen who hod promised to be present and address the meeting were Wm, Little and Judge Bowe. Mr. E W. Andrews, a citizen of New Rochelle, was | then called upon to address the meeting. 1 W. ANDREWS. Mr, President and fellow ‘citizens-—1 am happy, sir, to mitted to meet with you on this occasion, although sadly disappointed at ‘nding that the gentieinen who expected to address you this evening, and who the w | President informs me had promised to be here, seeing that the interest of the meeting largely depended upon them, | fave not attended according to your expectation, T came here rather to listen than to speak—to receive instruction. | rather then to occupy much of your time with any remarks eee wi. stil, sir, I feel itto be my privilege, as an ct yon citizen’ wo meet my fellow citizens in’ New nelle or any wbere else to discuss questions concerning the policy of government with reference to the progress and interests of our republic, whether at home or abroad, | Gr“connected with our domestic or foreign relations, fit to assail the for mecting together to discuss questions of vital ietbpal interest, tradueing and vilifying those who were expected to address this meeting, yet we shalt not be in- tmidated from pursuing that nes and privilege which belopgs to us as citizens of the United States. And, although the Tribune charges some of us falsely with ope: rating against the whig party, it cannot be denied that the defeat of Henry Clay in 1844—0f the coryphous of the party—was owing entirely to the machinations of ‘Thurlow Weed and Horace Greeley, because some new had taken place and form in the bosom of the ne, and ip the other there was a personal feeling of ani- mosity to Henry Clay, And these were the men who were the prime causes of a defeat which caused 80 much sorrow aud sadness to the tens of thousands of patriotic hearts tn this republic. Now, gentlemen, what have we met here to-night to discuss? A ques. tion which {admit bas not the attraction of novelty about it, for it is a queetion which, for nearly half century, bas been regarded as’ one of deep in- terest to this government; and it has commanded the earnest consideration of many ofthe most distinguished of our statesmen, from the time of Jefferson to that of the present great Executive of our government. But, although the annexation of Cuda to the United States is not a new question, it is one of great and growing importance. It has been discussed in the Legislature, and it has formed the subject of communications to Congress. It is indeed rapidly growing more important, and such is its position pow that it must very soon be decided, either by peaceful and honorable begotiations between the two natious who are the parties directly interested, or else other meaus not entirely unkoown in the history both of the Old World and the New. (Cheers.) It is therefore in a high degree important that as American citizens we should make ourselves intelligent on ali questions con- nected with the interests of our republic—of which there is none greater than that which now occupies our attentiion—and one of the most effectual, and to the majority perhaps the most agreeable modes of accom- plishing this end, is by the public discussion of such ques: tons in popular agsemblies. Our prosperity as a nation— the very existence our free institutions—depends on the intelligence of the peopie—their intelligence on political subjects—subjects connected with the policy of our go- vernment both at home and abroad—our foreign and do- mestic relations and interests. No citizen has a right to remain in ignorance upon such subjects. He is solemnly bound to render himself capable of discharging the duties and obiigations of his citizenship understandingly. Hap- pily for us we have abundant means for doing thig. By the power of the press and the freedom of discussion, every citizen, however bumble hig position or scanty his means, can be enlightened on every question of national interest or importance. I may be permitted to say that that citi- zen dwelling in bis log cabin, and eating the daily bread of hard handed, honest industry, who en- lightens his mind go as to know what his po- litical duties are, and knowing, promptly and faith. lar manifestation of interest in regard to the acquisition of Cuba. He hoped that it would not be long before that gem of the ocean would be added to our constellation of stars. Such am occurrence would be of equal, if not of greater, importance to the Cubans than to ourselves. Cuba ought to be ours, and some time or other she would be. (Appiause.) Mesers. H. Gulager, R. Rhodes and F. H. Kallanburg were elected vice chairmen of the meeting. W. H. Mor- gan, Esq., was elected secretary. Mr. GzorcE W. Lovp stated that several gentlemen who bad been invited to be present and address the meeting bad been unable to attend, but had sent letters, some of which he would read. LETTER FROM SENATOR SLIDELL. Senate Cuaamer, Feb. 8, 1859. Ihave the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 7th inst., inviting me to address a meeting to ‘be held at New Rochelle on the 10th inst. , for the purpose of discussing the question of the acquisition of Cuba, I am much gratified to find that this great measure is now seriously occupying the attention of the country. I re- gret that public duties will not permit me to absent my- gelffrom Washington, or I would gladly take part in your proceedings on Thursday evening next. JOHN SLIDELL. oo Gxorcr W. Loyp and J. W. Lawrox, New Ro- Chelle. LSTTER YROM GOUVERNEUR KEMBLE, CoLp SrRING, Feb. 9, 1859. Your letter honoring me with an invitation to address a meeting of national democrats at New Rochelle on the 10th instant reached me yesterday. Participating asIdo in the almost universal sentiment in favor of the annexa- tion of Cuba, whenever it can be effected by honorable and legitimate means, and beifeving that this must be the final solution of this great question, it would afford me pleasure to address the meeting, sithongh little qualitied to be a popular speaker, but I am at this time laboring under a severe cold that renders it impossibie. While 1 sympathise with the national feeling on this important subject, I yet must be permitted to say that itis by no means ciear to me that the bill now before the Senate of the United States were well devised to produce the desired result. The Spaniard is not a man to sell his birthright for a mess of pottage, and may feel offended by an offer of thirty millions. The people of Spain, always proud, sensitive and brave, have recovered much of their former indomitable character since the separation from Mexico and South America, which exhausted the mother couatry ‘of al! its talent and enterprise, and becoming the principal source of revenue, rendered the crown independent of the people; and it is very remarkable that from the discovery and colonization of America to the separation from the great colonies, old Spain was morally sunk in wealth and population, from which time, notwithstanding the wars ‘and continued revolutions by which the country has been devastated, her population and resources have been on the mcrease. Cuba and Porto Rico now remain the last posseesions of Spain in America, and these only main- tained by @ large military and’ naval force stationed always on the island of Cuba, costly to the nation, but useful to the crown by the patronage it af- fords, exercised to reward jis adherents and vo control the National Cortes; and it should be the desire of every liberal Spaniard to divest the executive government of a power but too often exercised to the injury of the eountry; when, on the other hand, either as belonging to the Ame- rican Union or aga separate sovereignty, the trade with the mother country would be increased and a great expen- diture cut off. In either contingency It is not we alone that would be benefitted, but Engiand and France and every commercial and manufacturing country in Europe would participate with us. As part of our Union, the insular position of Cuba would render it more difficult to defend in time of war, would increase the cost of maintaining it in peace, and greatly extend the patronage of the general government: and were it not the strategic position, and the harbor of Hava- ba commanding the whole trade of the Gulf of Mexico, as it were cutting the high road between the Northern and Southern portions of our confederacy, I should be satisfied with things as they are; but the possibility of Spain trans- ferring her rights to apy one of the great maritime nations of Europe renders it imperative on us to acquire the pos- session whenever it can be done with houor and without injustice to any one. Humanity, too, calls upon us to ex- tinguish the African slave trade, by which aloue slavery is maintained in the isiands of Cuba and Porto Rico, In the United States the ei population, under the mild and be- neficent treatment exercised towards them, and wise laws evacted in all our Southern States for their protection, has risen, by patoral increase alone, from 735,000 at the ‘first census in 1790, to from three and a half to jour millions at the present lime—a rate of increase nearly equal to thatof the native white population, and treble that of any coun- try in Europe in the same time; while in Cuba the negro population has been continually on the decrease, and is only sustained by the constant importation of alaves from Africa. These facta speak volumes, and were more than sufficient to vindicate our country from the libellous ro- mances of Mrs. Stowe, and the ravings of abolitionism at home and abroad. GOUV. KEMBLE. LETTER FROM JOHN C. MATHER, SENATE CHAMBER, ALUANY, Feb, 9, 1859, It would afford me great pleasure to attend the meeting of the ‘‘national democracy of New Rochelle and the ad- joining towns”’ of Westchester county, called for the 10th inst. , to discuss the question of the annexation of Cuba to the United States, but my duties at the capital will pre- vent me from accepting your kind invitation. From every section of this wide spread republic comes the approving voice of the people in favor of the annexation of Cuba to the United States. Partisan malignity and sectional pre judice may for a while impede the ees of public sen- ‘iment upon this great question, but in the end it is des tined to sweep down all opposition, and become the raily- ing cry of the masses, alike at the North and the South, the East and the West. I trust that the initiatory steps taken by Congress to place at the disposal of President Buchanan sufli¢ient means to enable him to further or se- cure this great object may be successful. This important trust couid not be confided to safer or more patriotic hands, ‘The acquisition ot that beautiful iland, rich in the produc- tions of its soil, with a climate unsurpassed on the globe, Would add substantial and enduring wealth to our coun: tay, and etrength and stability to the republic, JOHN ©, MATHER. LETTER FROM THRODORE SKDGWICK. New York, Feb. 8, 1850. As I told you was probable when you first did me the favor to ask me to speak at New Rochelle to-morrow night, I sball be on my way to Washington at the time meeting takes place, I regret very much that it is ‘Bot in my power to take iw with you in your demonstra- ‘The acquisition of Cuba, sooner or iater, is the tra. ditional policy of this country, and 1 cannot imagine any time for taking the preliminary steps tosecure the result than such as is afforded by the present restless and uneasy state of Europe; nor can I see any other practical mode of the object Hanh putting such powers of the Executive as will enable him not only negotiate, but practica close the bargain. ‘This is be of Mr. Slidell’s bill, T do not vee why it should be regarded as a party measure, unless made such by the treatment it receives at the hand of those opposed to the present government. The measure seems w me, on eminently American, prudent and dis- seeks to close a question, than which none other in our foreign relations is likely some day to prove more embarrassing, and in every way calculated to command the warm sympathy of thoee who prize the fully performs them, is a vastly moro important member of this free nation than that citizen who, al- though he may roll ip wealth and riot in luxury, disdains all political subjects and giories in his eninge of them, and who, rather than he would defile his sacred person by mingling with the vulgar at the polls, neglecta the higher responsibility of American citizenship. I trust, sir, the time may never come when the majority of our citizens will be too indifferent to political subjects to as- semble together for their discussion. Indifference to po- litics, of which some men loudly boast, is indifference to the active interests of our government—indifference to the character of our rulers, and to everything connected with the progress and position of our republic. I say, therefore, never let the time come when we shall not feel interested m politics and questions of this kind, but let ug always ussemble to discuss them freely, calmly and diepagsionately. For this reason we have met here—not as partisans, but as American citizens—not as supporters 1 this political party or that, but as members of this great free nation, and invested with the responsibility of citizen- ship more influential and more honorable than the world ever saw befere. (Cheers,) Now, let us look at the subject a little nearer, and inquire, is the annexation of Caba to this republic desirable to us? (Cries of “Yes, yes."") Leay yes too. You are all acqnainted with the his- tory Of the island, and with its physical and geographical character. Cuba lies near us here—directly in the mouth of the Gulf of sfexico, between Cape Sable, the southern point ot Florida, and Cape St. Antonio, 'the northern point of Yucatan, It is between seven and eight hundred miles in length and upon an average about forty miles in breadth, containing not far from 32,000 square miles. Its population 1s about one million and a balf, of which seven-eighths are whites and the rest blacks and slaves. It belongs to Spain and is governed by a Captain General and other subordinate officials who are appointed by the Spanish throne. The government is in reality a pure despotism—there not an element of popular rule in it. It bas a soil of great fertility, and a climate whoze salubrity cannot be surpassed in the world. A single glance at the geographical position of this island reveais the incalculable importance of its on by the United States asa means of defence. It is almost within eight of us. In fact, it is said that on clear, bright days, it can be seen trom Cape Sable with the naked eye. It holds the entrance to the Gulf of Mexico a3 compictely as an island in the middle of the Straits of Gibraltar, and extending half across its width, would command the en- trance to the Mediterranean. {ts possession is as impor. tant to the defence of our vast commerce carried on over the Gult of Mexico, and constantly growing out of the rich productions of our States, as the possession of the mouth of the Mississippi to the free navigation of that mighty river. The extent and importance of that commerce can be appreciated when we remember that it embraces the teade we have with Mexico and much of Central America, and that regulting from the rich productions of sixteen or eighteen of our Southern and Western States and Territo- rica. Let any naval power like France or England be in posession of this island and at war with America, and it would have uot only the advantage of a splendid harbor— and that of Havana ia one of the most magnificent in the world—but they would algo have absvlute command of the mouth of the Mississippi, the Gulf of Mexico and the Ca- ribbean waters. The importance of connecting this island has been openly admitted on all sides, and so far there is no difference of opmion. From the time that we pur- chased Louisiana of France, and thereby secured the con- trol of the navigation of the Mississippi, American states- men haye been united in the opinion that the acquisition of Cuba is of the highest importance to us as a means of national defence and safety. Cuba, then, is necessary to us for the protection of our commerce; for what bevefit could we derive from the wealthy productions of our six- teen or eighteen Western States which must pass over the Gulf of Mexico if the island of Cuba is commanded by a hostile nation? What would become of our coitmerce with Mexico, with Central America, nearly the whole of which passes over-the Gulf of Mexico? Captain AckEaMANN—The whole of it. Captain Ackermann gays the whole of it, which makes the necessity for the possession of the isiand still, stronger. Then there are the millions of wealth which are borne across from and to our shores by the same great highway, and if any nation ex- cept America were to hold it in possession they would in time of war close up at once the mouth of the Mississippi, and cut off forever our extensive commerce which floats over the Gulf of Mexico. Such is the great importance of the subject to our government; such is the position in which we stand in relation to Cuba; and there ig no man in this republic—no man in Europe—no man in the world—who could look at a'l the facts I have alluded to d say that the island is not of paramount importance to . ‘The Puropean Powers have always been careful of { their territories in the New World. England has her pos- sessions in the West Indies; France has her’s,Spain has her's; Sweden and Denmark have their possessions also; but the United States—this great republic—to which these islands naturally , geographically and by political proprie- ty belong, has not one toot of laud there; and in case of war European fleets may put into these sheltering ports, and, receiving supplies, sally forth upon our coast, while we are left with nothing but our harbors on the north from which our fleet could sail for protection of the commerce of our nation, and although there are some whose sentiments are dif. ferent from mine, | am convinced that we cannot be safe until we follow’ the injunction of Washington, that in time of peace we should prepare for war. (Cheers.) Bat the annexation of Cuba is desirable, not only for the defence of our commerce, but the necessity bas also been wimitted with equal unanimity by all the prominent statesmen of the republic in view of the commercial ad- vantages we should derive. A few facts will place this point in a very strong light. Cuba imports upon an average 250,000 barreis of flour annually, Of this 350,000 barrels only about 6,000 are imported from the United States. The reason js obvious: the duty on American flour is $10 per barrel, which almost amondts to a prohibition, Cuba being ours, every barrel of flour consumed by its inhabi- tanté would be supplied from the United States; and put ting the price at $8 per barrel, would return to our farm ore $2,000,000; at $10 per barrel, $2,600,000. Of beef, cured in various forms, Cuba imports about 52,000,000 ivs., and of thie only 400,000 Ibs. are imported from the United Sates, the discrimination agains American beef being such a8 virtually to excinde it. The article of lard also pays a duty of $4 the quintal, while upon olive oil, which is used ina great measure a8 a substitate for ‘ard, there is only a duty of 87 cents per quintal. Were Cuba annexed to the Union, it is entirely reasonable to Ppreeume that with the reduction of the price of these im- ported articles that would immediately follow, the remo- val of all duty upon them and the increased consumption that is usual, we should at once find a market for at least 600,000 bbis. of our flour, 26,000,000 Ibs. of our beef, 20,000,000 Ths. of our lard, Jo,000,090 ‘Tbe. of our pork, and ois amperes ne ose ke in proportion—exports many of which now are entirely txclutied trom ‘the island by heavy duties im) upon them. The whole car- of , domestic and foreign, would be- gan immense additional business to our ; and the farmers of the West would find a new and constantly increasing market for their unlimited egg ie Pro@uctions. The sugar exported trom iba is more than 400,000 tons; this, added to the 175,000 tons raised in Louisiana, makes more than 46 per cent of the whole amount sugar supplied to Europe and the United States. Now when we consider that two-thirds of the island is capablo of cultivation, and that not one-tenth of it is now culti- vated, and connect this fact with the tremendous impuiso that would be given to the industry of the island and to the developement of its various resources and tbe rapid increase of population that would follow the cetablish- jl ment of free institutions in place of the despotism that rests with crushing weight on its annot 1 | Steed tha nw short tins te ited Bat «ould con- that ty all the industrial ‘interests of this ! ¥y Bit, even now, under all the disad ww TOO « merce is sul are vist ject by Spanish rule, annually by 150 eteamers and 1,600 ‘vessels from our shores. It is hardly possible to represent in too glow- ing colors the advantages that would result vo our com- mercial, agricultural and from the acquisition of this and beautiful island. To the Northern and Middle States especia. ly, would such an event open sources of wealth and prosperity richer and more than have been opened by any addition we to our original territory. Another reason why the acqui- sition of Cuba is desirable to us is, that it would enable us entirely and at once to suppress the During the last seventeen years our gover pended from $13,000,000 to $15,000,000 in maintaining a squadron on the coast of Africa to suppress the slave trade, and England has expended for the same purpose some $5,000,000 annually; and we all know bow utterly futile their united efforts have proved. The infamous trade has gone on according to the demands of the market. ‘The slaves now shipped from Africa are exclusively tor the two Spanish iglands of Cuba and Porto Rico—from 30,- 000 to 40, ayear. The moment Cuba was ours this trade would cease—a trade which has disgraced the his- tory of almost every nation within the circle of Christian civilization, but at present is tolerated by no power but of in. We, as a nation, have declared this trade piracy, and profess to desire it utter suppression. And this undoubtedly is the real sentiment of a vast majority of our citizens. Now, if we can annex this island to our domain, bring it under the flag of our Union, Subject it to the laws of our government, by that act we shall do more towards annihilating this traffic in human blood and human souls than can be done by the expenditure of twice the amount of money it will cost us in maintaining fleets on the African coast. But, sir, there is another reason. The acquisition of Cuba by honorable negotiation and fair purchase, as Mr. Bu- an proposes, I regard as the only means of preserv- yng undisturbed our peaceful relations with Spain, and beste other European Powers. About forty years ago, john Q. Adams, after representing in strong language the political importance of the Ay syeryr of Quba by the Unit- ed States, predicts that within half a century it will be ours. He says:—‘‘In looking forward to the probable course of events for the of half of a century, it is scarcely ible to resist the con- viction that the annexal of Quba to our fo- deral republic will be indispensable to the continuance and ee of the Union itself.” We need no stronger evideuce of this than the fact that almost every administration for fifty years has given Spain distinctly to understand that this government never will quietly permit ber to transfer Cuba to any Power but the United States. This is taking high ground, sir, towards an independent State in the disposition of its territory; but its propriety, from the very relations of that island to this continent, is so obvious that Spain, with all her Castilian pride and national sensitiveness, has never that 1 am aware of resented this position of our go- vernment. This position, sir, is sustained by the univer- gai sentiment of the American ple; and should Spain attempt to tranefer its m to another Power by negotiation, or should there arise any danger of its being secured by conquest to uny nation with which Sphin might become involved in war, with one voice we should take it, even if it brought us into conflict with the mightest Powers of earth, Spain is a decaying Power. She bas utterly fallen from her once proud and lofty position. She lies entirely at the mercy of the present ruling Eu governments. Those governments regard our advancing greatnees and power with anxiety—with jealousy. ge ae entirely conscivus of the importance of Cuba to us. is appears from their attempts to draw us into a tripartite treaty to secure it to Spain forever, which attempt Mr. Everett met and defcat- ed with such consummate skill and irresistible argument. Ifin their power papal prevent our acquiring Cuba. They desire to retain possession of the West Indies ex- clusively under European control. They are unwilling to divide with this republic the command of those waters over which floats the richest part of our mighty com merce, and the control of which is of vital momen: to the protection of that commerce. Now, sir, this state of things cannot last. There is no prospect that Europe will long remain ina state of peace. The clements are cvi- dently gathering for a terrible conflict. The mutterings of volcanic fires are heard beneath the surface. Many of the present dynasties feel that they stand on an abyss, into whose fearful depths they may be plunged at any hour; and the hearts of men fail them for fear of approaching events. Now, sir, is it not desirable that, before Spain is brought into warlike conflict with any of the other Euro- pean Powers, we should by fair purchase, if possible, ac- quire this island, aud thus avoid any complication with European affairs? But, sir, if any shall say this is a pacific view of the subject, there is another to which I desire to call your attention. Cuba herself will not long remain in quietude, under the despotic rule ot Spain, Her proximity toour shorez—the daily and constantly increasing inter- course between our citizens and ber inhabitants— the multiplying social, educational and business re- lations between us,’ are making her perfectly familiar with the institutions of this republic and the ex- aited rights and privileges of our citizens. There are thousands now among the active and influential of her people who received their education in America, and thou- ands of her youth today are found in our schools and colleges. Everywhere—in our marts of trade and com- merce, in our political gatherings, in our social circles, we meet with Cubans, and we find them intelligent, and’ be- coming more and more so, in regard ‘to our republic, and we find their admiration more and more awakened for our institutions and laws. Sir, from ten thousand towns in our free Jand influences are flowing in upon Cuba which are calculated tu weaken the bonds of tyranny that are now open them. With the light of American freedom hus roe upon them in increasing brightness, you might as well expect men voluntarily to turn their backs upon the glorious sunlight and go down and dwell in the depths of cavernous darkness a8 to expec t the Cubans to rest quictly under the crushing weight of Spanish despo- tism. Sir, if a popular vote could be taken to day in Cuba ‘on the question of aunexation to this country, and the vote be a fair one indeed, I believe a large majority would vote in its favor. With the royal power supported by an army of 30,000 men and a strong uaval force in her ports, and a new penetrating system of espionage reaching every de- partment of life, public and private, men, it is true, are very cautious in giving expression to’ any opinion or sen- timent that should prove disagreeable te royal ears; and at the point of the bayonet submission and apparent peace are maintained. But, sir, we know what the true senti- ment of that island is. We know it from past outbreaks of feeling on the part of its inhabitants; we know it from the representations of American residents on that island, and the representations of intelligent, highminded Cubans who have taken refuge amongst us from pur- suing tyranny; we know it from x- traordinary measures adopted by the Spanish throne to crush every rising sentiment of liberality and of favor towards this republic. The censorship of the press has been made more severe and tyrannical; the army has Deen increased, the police strengthened, and the vigilance of officials stimulated by regal commands and by regal powers. But,sir, this is all invain, There never will be, there never can be contentment in Cuba until she enjoys the biessings of American freedom. Th there are in that [stand eo together in secret but solemn bonds, never to rest till Cuba is tree; till the yoke upon their necks is broken; till the sceptre of tyranny now over them is beneath their feet. In this sentiment and purpose they have the sympathies of free Americans. These sym- thies will find expression, and it is right they should. Ris part of our great mission as a free people to give sympathy aud aid to those struggling for tfoedom against oppression. If it was right for us to sympathise with Poland and Greece in their struggles for deliverance from tyranny; if it was right for Henry Clay to lift his clarion voice in support of the Spanish colonies on this continent when they rose against that despotic throne and prostrat- ed its cruel power, then especially is it right that we should sympathise with Cuba in her aspirations for free- dom. She is naturally a part of this confederacy, neces- sary to its proper developement and strength and security. In ber deliverance we should rejoice, not only as another triumph of liberty, but as furnishing another guarantee of our own growth and perpetuity. In every effort Cuba shail make for freedom, she is certain to have support fron So strong and universal is the sentiment among us in favor of her freedom that our federal government would probably find itself powerless to prevent, if it desired to do 80, expressions of that sentiment in such forme as to settle the question of ish rule in that Island forever. The regult, therefore, will almost inevitably be that unless we can acquire Cuba by {air negohation and parchase, we shall become ere long involved in war with Spain, and not unlikely other Earo- pean Powers. I advocate this measure, therefore, as one of peace—one which if successful, will prevent, what other- wise I regard as unavoidable, the disturbance of our rela tions of amity with Spain, and consequent war. Such, then, are some of the reagons why I think the purchase of Cuba and its annexation to our Union desirabie to us. Mr. Andrews continued, at great length, to show the advan- tages to be derived from the annexation of Cuba, and forci- bly urged ite acquisition, either by purchase, or, if need be, the republic must go to war for it. Weil, it is said, continued be, that France and England have entered into & treaty between themselves to prevent our getting Cuba. Now, gentlemen, T have never, except when considering the necessity of “her possession, felt more fierce to obtain Cuba than I did when T heard that reason hit forward to terrify us from obtaining by honorable purchase or otherwise that beautiful island. Why, what are we, that we should be dictated to by France and England in this matter? Did England ask us if ehe should take Gibraltar? She took Gibraltar—[Voice—Stole it in the night.) Yes, she stole it; and if she is so anxious to have Spain g id powerful, why don’t she restore Gibraltar er, instead of keeping itas she does? Why don’t France give up her poressions in Algiers? How did she acquire Algiers? I hope we never shall take Caba a8 France took Aigiers. You recoilect when some hundreds of Arabe, men—women and children—nad taken ret ina certain cave, the French fastened up the month off and smoked them to death. Did England ask our permission when she took her posseesions in India at the expense of thoueands and thousands of lives? when sho took her sions the worid over, on which she boasts that the un nover rete? And yet England and France league together to pre- yent our acquiring by peaceful and honorable measures the Island of Cuba. If we are to.be prevented by these Pow- erg from growth, power and security, then let us bend the knee humbly and recognise them as our masters. I don't know but you are prepared for this, but I don’t believe it. 1 bave got to have a different estimate of American cha- racter and American patriotisin before I shall ever come to such @ conclusion. (Applause.) Let England and France combine to prevent our pursuing what course we deem advisable, and see if we will be deterred. They may sweep our naval forces from the seas; they may burn our towns; they may destroy our ‘commerce; but they will find the American Le will ¢warm in millions from the mountains and valleys to defend the honor of the American fiag, and the honor of the r ‘We have not advocated stealing Cuba, as Mr. Haskin did daring the last Congress. He said he was not in favor of filibustering, but he would commit grand larceny. 1 will say to this meeting, we have advocated nothing unjust or dishonest towards Spain, We rogard the acquisition of Cubs as important to the protection of our commerce; as adapted to Fe ee ae Oe our tural and manufacturing interests; prevent the African slave trade; to keep peace between ourselves and Spain, as well as to keep peace with other nations; to elevate the inhabitants of Cuba, to deliver thom from coolesiastical tyranny 8 adapted tw promote curity ar out ‘progress, developetanat, and ‘power. t for our am A favor otaving our executi' hed commence the negotiations power to tions as shall from her—I say gathering millions in the island of Cuba, aided by corres} jing millions on this continent, will ere long, in our opipion, prevent her holding it, prevent her tyran- aj cj nizing ‘over tho Cubans. (Great applause.) Voice—Three cheers for Cuba! ‘The cheers were given with a will. ‘THE RESOLUTIONS. Gro. W. Lorn then stepped torward and said:—Mr. Pre- sident, we can now present the report of the Committee on Resolutions. The most dmportant thing is the If we get a platform made of Southern pine and Northera oak it will surely stand, (Cheers.) The resolutions report- ed by your committee are as follows:— red, That the acquisition of territ forour glorious republic ia extending the area of freedom to the white race, on a perfect equality with the old States; and in re- moving the government from despots we transfer it where of it bel nth Decay Me yr ROAD Buaren tee for its oe ity. Resolved, the rpomeeions of Cuba has become a na- tional necessity, and the democracy of this district having perfect confidence in the intelligeape and patriotism of the present administration, will give their cordial support to any measures they may deem requisite in the faithful dis- charge of their dut oo nee Resolved, That it is the duty of this country to acquire Cubs, both in a political and Christian sense. She would then be relieved from the exaction and oppression now crushing her, enjoy for the first time civil and religious iberty, and become, under the invigorating influence of vbe constitution of our Union, the most prosperous of the States. beads Cia put the resolutions, which were unanimously arried. REMARKS BY CAPT. ACKERMAN, @ ;—Were I a speaker I could tell you many things afput Cuba, from personal knowledge. Many times, on landing at the port of Havana, | have had to pay a dollar and a balf fora permit to go ashore that would only last eight days; then a new one had to be purchased. This oppression is ‘not only extended to Americans, but also to the Cubans. If any one, citizen or foregiaer, de- sires to go into the country, he bas to purchase a passport in order to doso, When he arrives at his destination he is compelled to report himself to the alcalde. If he de- sires to go saywhere else, another passport has to bo purchased. Wherever he goes he has to report himself to the alcalde. On returning to Havana he has also to report himself to the alcalde. Everything in Cuba is ona footing with this. The people everywhere suffer; every: where they are oppressed. They endure this tyranny in silence, for they dare not give voice to their outraged feclings. Their condition calls for your sympathy. They look to us for hope and salvation. Shall we disappoint them? (Appiause, and cries of ‘No, n0.”) J. W. Lawton, F. H. Kellanburg and others made long and interesting speeches, after which the meeting adjourned, THE QUESTION IN CONGRESS, THE INITIATORY DEBATE IN THE SENATE. In the United States Senate on Wednesday, Feb. 9, Mr’ SupELL moved to postpone all prior orders, and proceed to the consideration of the bill making appropriations to facilitate the acquisition of the island of Cuba. Mr. Hunter—I should hke to understand whether the Senator means, after it is taken up, to occupy only the mornings, as I have suggested, and give the evenings for the appropriation bills? My vote will be governed by that. My vote will be given to take it up with the understand- ing that it shall only ocoupy the morning until two or half past two o'clock, and give mo the evening for the appro- priation bills. Mr. Supert—I will, with the understanding that if any gentleman is prepared to speak on the subject this-after- noon he may goon. I have nothing to say myself at pre- sent. Mr. Sewarp—I beg leave to say that the two honorable Sovators seem very fairly to make a bargain to which, I think, they will find it impossible to get the consent of the Senate. If the Cuba bill is to come up, it isto have a fair chance on both sides; and it will not be the debate of an hour in the morning for one morning, ‘or two or three, but it has got to be discussed from Deginning to end, through and through, up and down, come whenever it will, if those who oppose the bill are not silenced by some superior power. I certainly shall not be prepared to agree that a speech may be made in favor of iton one side, and then no more to be said before de- ciding it. Mr. Suupeti—After the very emphatic notice of the Senator from New York,I think the friends of this bill have but one course to pursue, and that is to progs itsim- mediate consideration. I therefore make the motion. MN, HALE ON THE MONSTROSITY OF THE BILL. Mr. Hate—I do not know, sir, how anybody else on this side of the chamber will vote; Ido not know how the friends with whom I have acted will vote; but I'shall go ‘with the Senator from Louisiana; and I shall go for taking the bill up, whether it takes flittie time or loug. I know that in the kection of country from which I come, and amongst my own immediate constituents, there is an im- pression prevailing with the people that this measure, which I upon as monstrous, is dressed in such @ shape, and put to the people under such motives, that it is considered here not safe or prudent, from politi- cal considerations, to oppose it. Sir, 1 am opposed to it— utterly to it; aud I propose, not in a long speech, but a brief one, to address myself to the question when it does come up; and I want ittocome. I am not for skulking this question, and I use that word in no offen- sive sense, because I do not suppose that anybody is; but I, for one, am not for ekulking from any responsibility in regard to this question, or any other. Sir, the people whom I represent are opp to this measure, utterly opposed to it; but whilst they are opposed to it, they are not opposed to it because they are opposed! to all acquisitions of terruory. 1 do not take that ground. I propose, when a fit occasion comes, to show to you—it seems to me rather absurd to have to talk geography here, and I may be ex- cused if I refer to a ical fact—I propose to show to the country and to the Senate this geographical fact, that if there are any considerations relating to the defence of the country, if there are any considerations of ® mili- tary character which require the occupation of Cuba, there are the same considerations, multiplied a hundred de- grees, that require the annexation of another country than Cuba. I propose to point you to the atlas, and show a great river entering the North American ‘continent, and running back, connecting with the great lakes, opening the whole continent to the easy approach of the most gigantic Power of the earth. I propose to show you, sir, that by re-annexing the provinces of Cana- da to ihis country, and building a single fortitication below Quebec, on the St. Lawrence river, which can be very easily done, we sball dispense forever hereafter with any naval armament upon avy of our great lakes. And, sir, give us these $30,000,000 that you know you cannot do any- thing with in the way of annexing Cuba; give us that, and Iwill furnish you responsible contractors in ninety days to annex Canada, and hold it until you give it away by gotiation afterwai (Laughter.) Mr. Bexsamix am exceedingly glad to hear from the honorable Senator from Maine that he is going to assiat in getting this bill up for debate, Mr. Hate—I live in New Hampshire, four miles from the line of Maine; that is all. Mr. Bexsasnn—I am exceedingly glad that.we are going to have a discussion on this bill; and [ shall be very glad to meet the Senator in his discusaion about annexation, either North or South. I do hold, sir, that this whole question of the foreign relations of the country, at the preeent moment, is the most interesting, we most important, that’ can be brought to the consideration of the Sevute and the country: and I trust that there may be some opportunity for a full and free debate on it. Tam anxious to give the Senator from New York (Sr. Seward) lo every opportunity of discussing it, top and bottom, insi and out, ae he says: and J think that when it is brought} the country in its trae colors, when all the considerations applicable to it are brought before the country, so vhat the people can properly understand them, they will make then a. wise and judicious selection between the gentleman's propo- sition for contracting to take Canada, for $30,000,000 within ninety day:, and that for acquiring the island of Cuba, which I balieve to be perfectly now within our power. MK. MASON ON THY AMISTAD BILD. Mr. Masox—MMr, President, I shall litea with great in torest, and doubtless instruction, to the debate which is promised us on the part of those who think the imme- diate acquisition of Cuba go important to the country, and I shall throw no obstruction in its way; but I sub. mit to the honorable Senator who has charge of this bill, and to others who think with him of the im portance of the immediate acquisition of Cuba, to aid me in removing one htve obstruction out of the way, which, email ag it may be, yct may be foand ‘oné of gome importance when they’ come to negotiate ut Cuba, J mean the Amistad bill—that claim which upon the honor of this country for nearly twenty, nd I would ask those gentlemen to permit me on rivate bill day, to call up the Dill at hi elve o'clock, for the purpose of doing Justice to c ny and got Uiat out of the to it, be- Senator from the State of Connecticut (Mr. Dixon) has examined the subject with some care in the view which he and his friends take of it, and it would be very desirable, as a matter of con- venience to him, that he should be heard. The bill has 0% Off the private calendar because it was made a epecial order, 1 will say to the Senate that I will not debate it if the Senate will take a vote on it. TI wiil hear that Senator with great pleasure. 28 to the #ide oo which be stands; but I shail trust to the report which has been made from the Committee on Fo- reign Relations in advocacy of the claim. Ibope, then, by | ord consent, we shall be — to take it up at Malf-past ve o'clock on Friday. WHAT MR. SKWAKD THINKS OF THR QUESTION. Mr. Sewarn—TI must be allowed to gay a word on that proposition, sir. If it were true that the disposition of the Amistad case would facilitate the present of the ‘Dill which hag been introduced here by the Committee on Foreign Relations, to put $80, 000 at the disposition of the President of the United , that would only be to add an additional reasoning to the many which I have, why 7 shoutd be to the ‘of the Amistad bill, Jt is with reluctance that I object to taking it np, and more especially, since my honorable friend from Connecticut is expected to be favored with an opportunity of speaking atrocious act upon the subject. Still I think it the most lation which the Senate could ly adopt; and 1 therefore am bound, when it shall come up, to attempt to expose it on behalf of the minority of the Committee on Foreign Relations, who have protested against it from the first until now, and expect to meet it aball times and on all occasions. At this stage of the session, with only twenty-three or twenty-four days before us, with the great question how we are to raise the revenue, or to make the revenue of the next year meet tho ditures of the year, entirely undeterminod, with no majority in either house, and with no administration to guide us through that difficulty, I confoss what seems to me the paramount duty of Congress is to confine its atten. tion chiefly to that great subject until we shall be pro- parcd both to retreugh the ¢xponditures of the govern: NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 12, 1859, . ment and to provide revenue #0 as to arrest the expendi. tures blic money. We are today puting up two tees cota in tront of the Treasury building, at a , to ornament Lap ory) buildings of saying nothing mut what we are improvement and enlargement of the doing here in t! Capitol and the water works; and to day we are payipg five per cent upon every $2,000, the cost of every column of that T think that instead of contriving how wo $30,000,000 to put in the bands of the , we had better begin to see how to ‘arrest expenditure and to bring the revenues of the & vernment up to the standard of our expenses, and at ‘same time do something towards reviving tho stagnant in- dustry of the country. PREEIDING The question is on postponing all prior orders and proceeding to the consideration of the Dill designated by the Senator from 4 MR. FRSSENDEN THINKS THE BILL CANNOT PASS. Mr. Fresenpex—I feel disposed to say a word, sir, on the subject of taking up this bill, I trust that it will not be arene STAY nee ye ee Yew Hampshire (Mr. Hale) having prepared him: ; Sel, i Oe Kanes @ Dee earliest moment, ‘Ise no object in bringing it up at all, ‘except to enable gentle. men lo make speeches on it to I. ou al 8 to triend from ithoogn the country; that is to say, for the benefit of the elections that may be approaching, there are but three weeks loft of this session, and gentlemen talk of bringing up mea- guren which they know v well cannot get into the shape of I at this , when we have question after question of ordinary business, quite as much as we can attend to, crowded upon us at the very heel of \. honorable Senator from Virginia talks about the Amistad case as one standing in the ion posit bripgwg 5 honorable friend from Connecticut that if he is ready to epeak on it, he would infinitely pre- fer thet be never have the occasion to speak upon it by having it brought up here; and I know that if there is any class of Senators bere (which { cannot believe) who desire to have measures come up to which they are opposed, for the sake of speaking on them, my friend from Connecticut, at any rate, is not one of them, Now, sir, I never promise to speak on any question, because I do bot know whether I should have tbe ability to perform the promise if I made it; and Iam @ little careful, there- fore, how I promise. 1 infinitely prefer that the Amistad claim—which the honoroble Senator from Virginia speaks of as a debt of honor to Spain, but which I consider an ture--never should come up in any shape or form. If it does come up, I may have something wo say about it,or I may not. certainly am desirous: that it never should present itself, for I really look upon it in the light of a claim that presents itself with the utter absence of apy merit, or any honor of ~~ kind or de- scription. That is the view I take of it. It is perfectly ‘well known that if that question docs come up, it must lead to a protracted debate; that it can be attended with no result; for, if the bill passes through the Senate, it cannot pass the House at this session of 8. The same istrue of the Cula bill. IC they come up here for debate, we have nothing but debate; and, as I said before, the: is time enough for both these questions before the impor tant elections which may be approaching. They will keep, aud we sball have time to spesk upon them here- after without crowding them upon tbe business of this closing period of the session of Congress. Sir, I almost despair of having anything done in reference to the reve- nues at this gession; and I see, or I think I see, in the fu- ture, difficulties that we are ‘to have, as individuals, in coming here to act upon bey ep questions at a season of the year when we would gladiy be elsewhere, But there is time enough leftto us at this session to do something. There is time enough to get through with the pressing business of the acssion if we are disposed to do it. We have time enough to dispose of the appropriation bills, and other bills that are before us awaiting our action, that are practicable, that do not call for mere de- bate and talk. Why then not take them up in their order, or take them up as we can get them up, and dis- poge of them first; and then, if we have any time left for the Amistad question and the Cuba question, we can take them up afterwards, and have all the addresses we wish to make for the country on subjects of that description? Lhope my friend from New Hampshire will reverse his decision, and will not vote to bring this question up until he is compelled to do #0; not that anybody supposes that we shrink from meeting questions ef this description be- fore the country. Ido not for one, Iam willing to listen if I do not speak. I am willing to vote, at least, upon these subjects whenever I am brought to a vote on them, and to express my opinion on them beforehand if neces- sary. St that we who stand in opposition, at any rate, to these messures bave to do is not to aid in bringing them up at a period so late in the session as this, when there are many things cise to be done for the benefit of the country—much that we ought to do. I hope, there- fore, that neither of these motions will prevail. ‘Mr. Dixox—I have only to say, Mr. President, that I have no desire, one way or the other, with regard to taking up the Amistad bill, I think it can be shown that the claim is entirely unfounded; that it is unjust; aud I be- lieve the Senate will be convinced that it ought not to be paid. Ihave no fear of meeting it; but have no desire thatit shall be taken up, one way or the other. Mr. Mason—I will call it up if 1 can. Mr. Bexsamixn—I merely desire to say one word to guard against apprehension, If the Senator from Maite sup- poses that I desire the bill in relation to Cuba to be taken , up, simply for the rurpose of having the bill discussed, and the discussion go out to the country without any re: sult, he misunderstood me. J expect the Lill to pass at this’ seasion, and to result in the acquisition of Cuba. That is the reason why | supportit. ‘THR DEMORALIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Mr. Hatz. —I want to say a single word in answer to a remark that fell from my friend from Maine. He inti- mated that I wanted the Cuba bill to come up for the purpose of making a speech that T bad prepared on this subject. T can say to the Senator and to the Senate, I haveprepared no specch upon it. If the thing is taken up, I shall speak with such preparation as I can give to it; and I shall have to devote to it more labor than Iam desirons of expend- ing on the subject this session, I will repeat what I said before, and 1 cali the attention of the political friends with whom it is my pleasure to act, and whom it is my pleasure to lead where they follow—(laughtor)—well, I ¢@ blunder, sir, 1 take it back—my pleasure to fol- low where they lead, (Laughter.) Take it that way. Tsay, sir, that I have received letters to.day from the State’ of New Hampshire, from some of my political friends, in whose judgment I have great confidence, and whom I always foliow, let them lead where they will, and they tell me that the sentiment there is that this question ts demoralizing the republican par'y in this country, and that they dare not meet it. J know that they will look’ upon it, and they 20 write to me, as a great measure that is got up not so much for the acquistiion of Cuba as for the acquisition of this country in the next Presidential election. That is the way they look upon it. THE TONICS OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, Sir—I precume you have read the Arabian Nights; and if you have, you may havo read an account of somé sovereign who had received a mortal wound, under which he languished, and that he was kept in life year after year, and year after year, by the arsiduous attention of his nurse, who, every now and then, had to administer some extraordinary tonic to keep him ‘in life. Now, air, the democratic party in this coun- try occupies just exactly the position of that Eastern sove- reign. In 1840 they received their death wound, and they havo only lived a sparmodic life ever since | (Laugh- ter.) They have been kept alive by tonics and stimu- lauts. They took the annexation of Texas, and that was a very salutary dose. It gave them new life. Then the have taken various measures, uaiil they have ran out all the ordinary nostrume that ‘are advertised in the cata- logne of patent political medicines; and there has been a Cabinet Council got together, and they recommend now a strong dose of Cuba as the only thing by which tho party can possibly survive another Presidential election. (Laughter) That is the way my political friends look Upon it in New Hampshire; and, sir, I confess that I very much concur in the ‘view’ which they take of it, Locking upon it in that way, they think that it implies a lack of courage and a’ lack of con- fidence in the discernment of the people to avoid this digeussion, I do not bélong to the administration party bere, though I have had to dofend this administra- tion against its friends a number of times. (Laughter.) I did it last sestion on the army bill. In fact, I do not know tbat there { an administration party on ‘this floor. J understand it is given out in high quarters that Mr. Bu- chanan has joined the opposition; and that may possibly be the reason why he was not invited into the democratic caucus, and had not a chance to be heard there. (Laughter.) Or, perhaps, it was because the administra tion was against him, and’he had, like the historical Doge of Venice, been plotting against his own administration. 1 do not belongto the administration party, and I do not belong to the majority in this Senate. I am emphatic in saying that now, ise Ido not know how long I can be justiled In saying it with truth—I take jt, however, that this js the measure of the adminis: tration and its friends; for in my unsophisticated ob- vation of what has occurred upon the floor of Senate since this administration bas been in power, I bave thought that if there was a single mem- ber of ‘the Senate who spoke the views of Mr. Bucha- more clearly, more emphatically, more decidedly, mgore—omething beyond what my friend from ylvania (Mr. Bigler) would call “semi-officlally”—<it je Sevator from {auisiana (Mr. Slidell.) I may Jone him injustice; or, rather, 1 may baveslone him more than justice—not injustice. That has been the way it has struck me, Well, sir, when I saw that gentleman occupying this official and’ confidential relation to the President—as 1 have certainly supposed that he has— coming forward and asking for the consideration of this measure, and urging it, 1 took it to be the exposition of the way in which the ‘administration proposes to admi- nister the government, and that we should be called a sactious opposition, and be accused of throwing impedi- ments in the way ofa fair and honest administration of th vernment by the Executive, if we failed to give this exeentive measure fair consideration, The President, in his message, re est humanity, in 0} been expressed, not far from here, in regard to the re. opening of the African slave trade.’ When Mr. Buchanan, from the impulees of bis benevolence, and from the pious purpoces of his philanthrophic heart, desires to throw the force of his administration in the way of re- opeving the slave trade by the acquisition of Cuba, Tam not disposed to shrink from the examination of thal ques- tion; and I beg my friend Maine to do me the justice to believe that it is not for making any be of mysel ‘on thik occasion, Teay, sir, with the honorable Senator {rom Louisiana—Mr. Benjamin—i és @ great question— it suspended the aa rah I look upon it as country. Took upon it as Inangurating a now policy, fatal to our rogrea®, and even to our existence, But, sir, looking upon it in that way, when its frionds put it forward as they do, T think that, let the time of the session be what it may, we should go home subject and liable to that reproach which my friend writes to me from the little State of New Hamp- shire we are laboring under in that State, if we refused take up ie glove of debate which has been thrown down to us. Sir, let it come; and let this great question, so full of ‘80 full of consequences that aro to be developed not in the future, but in our own day, be discussed ‘u all its amplitude. I say, we should go home to our constituents subject to the reproach which they tell me = ~s we are already laboring under, if we sbrink from meeting and discussing this question. an extra session of Congress #8 @ UG the consequence, Loan qesure my honorable friend | cular organ and to enjoy his partici Maine that Tknow there is not a member on this flour ‘would deprecate tt more than I would. I know thére ia Rota member on this floor upon whom it would impose ‘More personal inconvenience than it would myesif, Still, rather than suffer under the reproach and the oppro- brium br be my lot, if) seek to sven a oie lis merits of nestion, I will consent, ever: at the hizard of an extra session of Congress, to mevt this question, and to meet it as becomes a inan and a Seoator; und T hope that I need not again repeat that it ts from ae desire to discuss this question myseif. If my honorable friend from Maine would pedge us that he would bring his gigantic intellect and his great powers of scrutiny and analy i ‘Dear upon this question, I would willingly sit and lian bes plesk: for one, that £ will not put my- of, avoiding the question © \n* mPstation raised upom mo ir. wish to say a single word in re what fell from the Senator from New Hatapehire Took occasion, some few days since, in reply to an intimation tbat this was a meagure which the Executive had ,vory much at heart, to say that I had never consulted wich hist before bringing in the bill which was referred to the Com- mittee on Foreign or in regard to tho report which was made upon it. J have never consulted him us to [ the course of tobe mann te aoccmmeliah pasage | OF the vil or amy of these deta Tt wou giretecl gap ‘unworthy affectation on my to say that I: Iy persvated thatthe ‘Prewtdent doce tonne: pews a that this tall should pass, infer that, not from auything that he bas said particularly tome more than to others, but from the teuor of his message, and because this bill is in exact conformity with the spirit of his recom. mendation. Now, one word more as to the personal relations that the Senator from New Hampshire bas thought proper te attribute to me; whether meant in the form of censure or applause, I do not know but probably in a friendly spirit, I can say that my relations, personal and political, with are not ofa more friendly character than laos terises those relations towards him on the ‘tof @ great many of my colleagues in the Senate. 1 will ga that nothing has ever fallen from me, here or pod to authorize the imputation that T assume to bo his parte lar confidence, or in any degree to be more reeponsible for his action, or more bound to foilow his recommendations and approy measures, than any other geutleman who habivually’ An with me on this one. sitet asta Mr. SswaRp—Mr. President, in regard to juestioa, which seems to divide the two sides of the Houso is ‘some degree, I wish, after all the debate which hag taken place, to put myselfright upon the record, If there is one mem: Der of this Senate, or if there are forty members, who are in favor of the passage of a bili to give the President of the United States thirty million collars for the purpose pro- posed, I know tbat he will vote for this bill: I know that they will vote for the bill; that the proposition to take it up now will secure the vote of every sincere and earnest adyocate of the measure. If vote should be found ranged with those, knuw of no way in which it could be in- terpreted, except that T myself was in favor of the same measure.’ It is a simple rule with me always to vote, in every stage, in favor of & measure that I thinka proper one, and at every stage to vote against it, if I think it an improper one—much more an erroneous or injurious one. So fai political advantage is expected to accrue from the di ‘on of this bili, it is worthy of serious conside- ration whether each side of the House is right in antioi- pains that it will derive greut advantage from that do- ate, One aide certainly will derive it, and the other will not. Now, I agree with my honorable friend from New Hampshire, that no good is going to result to the i party from this debate; but Imust confess that I havo some respect for their judgments and opinions, since it is 50 clearly understood thut they do expect to derive some reagon, if the subject is brought up here so that they may attempt to gain that advantage, it shall be done only by means ot thelr own votes, and not with the aid of mine. Mr. Cottamer.—Mr. President, this question of the order of business is ordinarily rather a troublesome affair, and it is annoying to spend many words about it. It does not seem to be of much use to do so; but Iwill say, that i the Chairman of the Committee on Finance, who has al- ways, by the usage of this body, the right to insist first of all’upon bis appropriation bills, in which he is geme- rally sustained by the Senate, chooses to give way for the porpore of putting forward and giving preference to thia iba Dill, I wish itto be so understood. T trust I am asking for nothing uureasonable in this. If he will have Cuba, be must have Cuba for this session, and get on with the appropriation bill as well as he can; for if we begin a discussion on that subject we must go on with it—we must play out the play. 1 apprise the gentlenian now, in sea- son, that he may have his choice. Mr. Hunrer.—In reply to that, I have to say, that Ihave to choose betwecn this Cuba bill asa separate measure, or the Cuba Vill as atlached to the appropriation bills. I much pre- fer thatit should Ve a separate measure. It will be for the ‘Senate to determine, after it has been discussed a day or two, whether they will not take up the appropriation bills in preference. I think, therefore, I shail do better to wait. The Senator, of course, will vote as he pleases, ‘Mr, Dooutriz—One word in relation to the taking up of is bill, For myself, 1 confess, if the discussion of tho Cuba question 1s to come on at the present session, 1 am anxious that it should come on carl , that it may be dis- cussed, and diecussed fully; but as I look uy the propo- sition at this time to attempt to acquire ube as wholly impracticable, and as comipg to bo result, even if the bill should pass, I shall vote with my friends on this side of the chamber against Nreewiahors ¢ ail prior orders for the purpose of taking up the bill. But I must say, however, that J look upon tt rather in the light of an attempt to change the pleadings, sf I may use the expression, in preparation of the grand Presidential issue which is to come off in 1860; and. that, as au individual, I confess chat I am ready to join in the work of forming that issue, and forming it now. MR. DOOLITTLE ON THE CONTEST oF 1860. I desire that the honorable Senator from Louisiana should understand that when we come to the making up of the pleadings for that great issue, we shall €xpect to take part in its formation; and that it will not be for us on this side of the chamber always to wait for those leading upom the other side, to choose their own battle ground; to decide when and where they will strike the blow; that on this side of the chamber the organization which is now ranged under the name of the republican party of this country is no mere opposition party—no mere oh fe party or federal party, to oppose everything and pro; n0- thing. They will find that the republican ly of to-day. isa Oe orgavization—the re-organized democracy of the United States; and they will find, in the formation of the issue for 1860, and in the trial of that issue, there are blows to take as well as blows to give. That battle will not be fought upon any mere side issue or impracticable issue, like the present attempt to ‘acquire Cuba, but upon that ‘all-absorbing issue which the progress of events is pressing upon us, and which must be met; which you cannot avoid it you would; which, for one, I would never seek to avoid if could. In the formation of that issue let us advise our friends on the other side that we are ready, at any time and at any moment, to join in making up the pleadings for the great struggle of 1860. We understand all thia, It is trans- rent as the merest gauze covering in the world. iu can be seen through by any man who understands buman nature, as easy a8 we can look through a ladder. Thereisno prospect, no hope, of acquiring at this time and in this way. ‘Tho very ‘proposition contained in your Dill was contained in the President’s message. It has al- ready gone to the Spanish government and been jectod by the Crown; rejected by the mmistry; rejected by the Cortes—unanimously rejected—rejected by all parties, not only a8 a thing not to be entertained, but as a thing which would be regarded as an offence, as an insult, to the gov- ernment and people of Spain. I do not look upon this pro- Position new as one tending towards the acquisition of Cuba. It tends directiy to the contrary result. If I were the friend of the acquisition of Cuba at the very carlicet moment, I would not vote for the proposition contained in this bill to appropriate $80,000,000, and put it in the power of the President to use it at his pleasure, when tho Spanish government has unanimously rejected the propo- sition already. It can only be looked upon asa proposi- tion to put $30,000,000 into the hands of the President, to be used as secret-service money to bribe the officials of to go into a treaty which, in their legis- lative capacity, they have absolutely and unani- mously rejected. But, sir, as I said, looking upon this proposition as preparing the issue for 1860, it is entitled to some consideration; and, for one, I do not care how soon the issue is formed. J am ready togo into it now, to take up this question and help to form the issue for 1860. We understand there is great suit going on in this country— a kind of ejectment suit; it ie coming off in 1860 before the grand jury of inquest, We know where we étand, we know what principle we are going for, we know what federal usurpatione we are going against—we know that to-day it is true as holy writ that the administration in power, judged by its measures and its policy, is but a federal ad: ministration—federal in ail its notions, in all its operations, It ig steeped and 4 in federalism to such an extent bat if it were possible for the spirits of the departed to take cognizance of what is now transpiring, the very bones of old John Adams would rattle in the grave at the measures put forward by the cbiet of this administration. On the other hand, the republican party of to-day, stand- ing on the platform of Jefferson—identical in name, in principle and in policy with the republican party of 1800— rallying the masses of the pemie of this country to its san- dard, are marching onward and onward to victory. They are not afraid to join issue with you in relation to this at- tempt to purchase Cuba, or in relation to anything else. ‘The sooner the issue is made the better. It will be no ‘Texas iesue, you will find. But, sir, looking upon this measure as one wholly impracticable—as one so far from being calculated to acquire Cuba that it is more likely to compel Spain, in a moment of exasperation, to enter into a treat (perhaps the has already) with England and France, by which the will bind herself under no circumstances, for no consideration, ever to cede ‘islani to the United States— looking upon it in that light, I shall volé with my friends on this side of the chamber against the takin; present tyne. But if, on the other sido of y they are determined it ehall come up, and shall outvoto us, Tamm, for ome, ready to meet the question-to meat it now, and join in’ making up the issue. We will join that issue, however, upon the living issue of the present— the actual, practical issue of our day and gene- ration, which is, until it is settled, to override all «ther jesues in this country, and which tends to the olution of the two great Homes on tho American continent, worthy’ of consideration of American statesman. One is the solution of the Anglo- American question—the other the solution of the Africo- American question. In the solution of these great ques- ons the men of our own race, from the temperate zones of the Old World, mingling with us and being Amori- canized, will hold, in the end, exclusive possession of tho temperate zones of the New; while the descendants of the man of the tropics of the Old World now among us will find their homes in the tropics of the New; and, sir, they will not go there as slaves, but as free men, to live am free men, and where color is no degradation. They wi 0, under our instrumentality, not to overturn the go- yernments to which they emigrate, but to aid in develop- ing the most productive regions of the whole earth, Thia question 18 stgein Ryd us now. You cannot post fing zou wours: Ibi in the progress of oventa, and must come on; an one Jet ite discussion on, I did nov intend, Mr President a be betrayed or drawn into any speech or of the Henate, but simply to which would govern me in rel which I now give, and to say that, am willing to go into this discussion, and into it at once, I shall fool constrained to friends on this side of the chamber, in taking up of the bill at the present timo, lost feront voto T should appear to fayor the pro; Mr. Witsoy—Mr, Prosidont, tho last sossion of Congress was consuined in discussions growing out of the Lecomp- {on constitution, From Congress wa went bowe W the the while I aes my to tho ‘a dif- tt. 3 political advantage from it; and 1 am inclined, for that, i)