The New York Herald Newspaper, January 27, 1859, Page 2

2 of our citizens by the local authorities of Cuba, for many years past, present, in the person of the Captain ¢ 4 ‘ihe anomaly of absolute power to inflict injury without any corresponding faculty to redress it, He can, almost in sight of our shores, confiscate without just cause the property of an American citizen, or inearcerate his per. Son; but if applied to for redress we are told that he cau not'act without consulting his royal mistress at Madrid ‘There we are informed that it is necessary w await the re turn of a report of the case which is to be obtained from Cuba, and mapy years elapse before it is ripe for decision These delays, in most instances, amount to an absolute de: nial of justice. And even when the obligation of indem- nity is Admitted, the state of the treasury or a change of minist?y is pleaded as an excuse for withholding payment. ‘This would long since have justified us in resorting to measures of reprisal that would haye necessarily led to war, and isiand, Indeed, such is the acute sense of those wrongs prevailing among our people that nothing but our rigid neutrality laws, which, 80 long as they remain unrepealed or unmodifie chiet magistrate, acting under the sanc- tion of his official oath to see that the laws be faith{ully cxecuted, is bound to enforce, has prevented the- success of organized individual enterprises that would long ere this have revolutionized the fSland, It is in part, proba. bly, for this cause that the President bas recommended the policy which this bill embodies, and the world canuot fail to recognise im its adoption by Congress a determina- tion to maintain him in his efforts to preserve untarnishod ‘our national character for justice und fair dealing. OURAN COMMERCE AND AMERICAN INDUSTRY, The effects of the acquisition of Cuba will be no leas bene. ficial in its commercial, than in its political and pects. The leugth of the island is about se ‘aud seventy miles, with an average breadth of about forty miles, comprising an area of $1,468 square miles, ‘The soil i6 fertile, the climate genial, and its ports the finest in the world. Havana is more familiarly known to us, for apart from our extensive trade, which employs several Lundred American vessels, thousands of our citizens have touched at that port in our steamers, on their way to Cali- fornia or New Orleans. They have all carried away with them vivid recollections of its magnificent harbor, aud have breathed ardent prayers that their next visit should be bailed by the stars and stripes floating from the Moro, And yet Cuba can boast of several other harbors equally safe and more extensive than that of Havana, In 1865 the importations, by official Custom House re. turns, were $31,216,000, the exports $34,803,000. As duties are levied on exports as Well as imports there can be no exaggeration in these returns, and the real amount is undoubtedly considers When we consider th at more than two-thirds of the whole area of the igland is susceptible of culture, and that nota tenth part of it is now cultivated, we may form gome idea of the immense developement which would be given to its industry by a change from a system of mo opoly and despotitm to free trade and free institutions, Whatever may be the enhanced cost of production, caused Dy the increased value of labor, it will be nearly, if not quite compensated, by the removal of export duties, and Of those levied on articles pri d in the United Stat which are now by unjust discriminatton virtually ex cluded from consumption It is not posatble within th limits which your committee have prescribed to them. selves for this report, to cite more than a few of the important. Of flour, on an average of three y from 1848 to 1850, there were imported from United States 5,642 barrels, per barrel. From other ‘countries, and it is be: lieved exclusively from Spain, 228,002 barrels, paying a duty of $2.52 per barrel, a discrimination against our flour of nearly two hundred per cent on its present average value in our markets. On lard, of which the importation from the United States was 10,168,000 pounds, a duty is levied of $4 per quintal, while of olive oil $481,000 pounds were imported, which is chiefly used as its substitute, paying a duty of 87 cents per quintal. Of beef, dry and jerked, but 389,161 pounds were imported from the United States paying a duty of $1 96 per quintal, while the importation from other quarters, principally from Buenos Ayres, was 30,544,000 pounds paying a duty of $1 17, the difference being, in fact, a protection of the Spanish dag, which thus enjoys a monopoly of this branch of trade. To-day, with its increased populatien and wealth, it is fair to presume that, were Cuba annexed to the United States, with the stimulus afforded by low prices, her annual consumption of our flour would be 600,000 barrels ; of our lard, 25,000,000 pounds; of our beef, 20,000,000; and of pork—the most solid and nutritious food for the laborer—10,000 000 of pounds. The same ratio of in- crease would be exhibited in our whole list of exports. Many articles that now appear uot at all, or in very limited the paying a duty of $10 81 ultimately resulted in the conquest of the | NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, JANUARY 27, 71959. bles concerning statistical details of matters treated of in this report, All which is respectfully submitted. | | BILL FOR THE ACQUISITION OF CURA. |. Whereas, Cuba cally possesses a commanding influence ¢ he large and annually increasing trade, ign and coastwise, of the Mississipp! valley | Heres, the island, in its pregent colouisl condition, | must continue a source of injury and annoyance, endan | goring the friendly relations between Spain and the Uni- | ted States, by the aggressions of its local authority apon | American commerce and citiyens, for which tardy re« dregs can only be had by cirsultots demands on Spain; and, Whereas, in the opinion of Congress and in accordance with the views of the resident, as the last means of set- tling the existing and removing future difficulties, it is expedient that negotiations for the purchase of the island should be renewed— Therefore, be it enacted, &c., that thirty millions of dol- lars be placed in the President's hands for expenditure, either from cash in the treasury or to be borrowed on five per cent bondsof one thousand dollars each, redeemable infrom twelve to tweuty years. AOMMERES OF OUBA. oO 1. Commerce of the Island of Cuba with foreign nations jor the years 1852, 1853 and 1864, made up from the * gene- ral balances."” (From Ex. Doe. No. 107, first session Thirt Commercial Relations of the Uni fourth Congress, tates.) No, 2. Statement of the Aggregate of Revenue and Expenditure as nat of Cuba. a; jue. Section 1—Contributions and imports quantities, would force their way into general consump- tion. The Spanish flag, deprived of the advantage of dis. criminating duties of tonnage and impost, would soon abandon a competition which it could not sustain on equal terms, and the whole carrying trade, foreign and domestic, would fail into the bands of our enterprising merchants and ship owners, but chiefly those of the Northern and Middle States, while the tarmer of the West would have a uew and constantly increasing market open to him for the products of the soil. With all the disad- ‘vantages under which we now labor, the American ves- sels extering the portof Havana alone last year number- et uine hundred and fifty-eight, with a tonnage of four hundred and tbree thousand tour hundred and seventy- nine, (403 479.) To what figure will this be extended when ours shall be the national flag of Cuba? The cultivation of sugar is the chief basis of the wealth and prosperity of Cubs. The average annual production, exclusive of what is consumed in the island, is about 400,000 tons; that of Louisiana about 175,000 tons. The whole amount of cane sugar from which Eu- rope and the United States are supplied is estimated at 1,273,000 tons; of this, Cuba and [ouisiana now furnish somewhat mone than 45 per cent. Is it ex- travagant to predict that, with Cuba annexed, we should ina few years have as complete control of this great staple—which has long since ceased to be a luxury, and become almost a necessity of life—as we now have of cotton ? THE PRICK WE CAN PAY FOR CURA. There is one other consideration, of minor importance when compared with the vast political interests involved in the question of acquisition; it tg that of cost. Ten years past, as appears from the published correspondence, our ‘Minister at Madrid was authorized to offer ove hundred millions of dollars as the extreme price for the purchase of Cuba. If that was its value then, something may be added to it now. Assuming it to be twenty-five millions more, the annual interest, without refereuce to the probable premium which would be realized from a loan, bearing five per cent interest, would be ($8,250,- 000) six million, two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, Of the imposts ‘of ($31,216,000) thirty-one millions two hundred and sixteen thousand dollars in 1856, your com mittee have not before them the means of ascertaining the Proportion coming from the United States. From the summa Balanzas Generales, from 1848 to 1854, in the report of Commercial Relations, vol. 1, page 187, it may, however, be fairly assumed to be somewhat more than one-fourth, or about eight millions of dollars. This pro- portion would, doubtiess, be largely increased. Admit- Ung it to be ($16,216,060) sixteen millions two hundred 1d dollare, it would leave a balance of ($15,000,000) fifteen millions of dollars on whi could be levied, Under our present tariff, the av rate of duties is about 181% per cent: but, a the articles stare of very limited consumption in Cuba, wuld be at least 20 per cent. This would yield a revenue from customs of ($3,000,000) three muillipps of dollars. But under the stimulus of free trade and i us, with the removal of ma dens from be greatly and speed ented. Itwould not be a molerate calculation to that in twotyears it would reach four millions of dol 8 ($4,0€0,000.) On the other hand, it may be safd that ‘would be largely ine ur committee. On the contra: is ed that from the greater security of our foreign rela- ting from the settlement of this long and disturbing question, our naval expenditure might be safely reduced, while no addition to oor military establish ment would be required, It bas aiready shown that an ani ng of eight hundred thou doliars (800,000) may be effected by withdrawing the African squadron, when its services will no ionger be necessary. Thus our expenditure for the interest on the debt in- curred by the acquisition would be credited by four million eight hundred thousand dollars ($4,800,000), leaving an annual balance of but one million’ four hundred and tweuty-tive thousand dollars (31,425,000) to the debit of the pureh is this sum tobe we) in the balance with the advantages, political end com mercial, which would result from it? Your committee think that it should not. ‘A few words on the wealth and resources of Cuba, and your committee will cloge this report, which has swollen to dimensions not incommensurate with the importance of the subject, but which, it may be feared, will, under the pressure of other business during this short session, be considered as unduly trespassing on the attention of the Senate. The amount of taxes tbat can be levied upon any people without paralyzing their industry and arrest- ing their material progress is the experimentum crucis of the fertility of the land they mbabit. Tried by this test, Cuba will favorably compare with any country on either side of the Aliant WEALTH AND RESOURCES OF THE ISLAND, Your committee have before them the last Cuban budget, which presents the actual receipte and ex gone for one year, with the estimates for the same for the next six months. The income derived from direct taxes, customs, tnonopol ries, &c., is sixteen millions three hundred and ueand nine hundred and tifty dollars (16,803 he eXpenses are sixteen millions two hunared ty-nine thousand six hundred and sixty-thr: Mare ($16,299,663). This equilibrium of the budget is accounted for by the fact that the surplus revenue is remitted to Spain. It figures under the head of “ Atenciones de la Peninsula,” and amounts to ($1,404,059) one million four bondred and four thousand and fifty-nine dollars, and js the only direct pecuniary ad- vantage Spain derives from the possession of Cuba; and even this sum very much exoceds the average not revenue remitted from that island, ail the expenses of the army and pavy employed ator neat Cuba being paid by the island. The disbursements are those of the genoral ad ministration of the island, thove of Havana and other cities being provided for by special imposts and taxe’ It may be moderately estimated that the personal exactions of Spanish officials amount to five millions of collars per annum, thus increasing the expenses of the government of Cuba, apart from those which, with us, would be considered as county or municipal, to the enormous sum of twenty-one million three hundred thousand collars ¢$21,900,000), or about thirteen dollars and filty ceuts ($15 60) a head for the whole population of the isiand, free and siave. Under this eystem of government, and this excessive taxation, the population has, for ageries of yeurs, steadily increased atthe mean rate of three per cent per annum, about ‘equal to that of the United States. ‘Since the reference of the bill to the committee, the President, in response toa resolution of the Senate, re- questing him, if not incompatible with the public interest, to communicate to the Senate any and all correspondence between the ment of the United States and the government of her Catholic Majesty relating to any pro- Position for the purchase of the island of Cuba, ‘which correspondence has not been furnished to either house of informs ns that no such corr ° dence bas taken’ place which has not already been communicated to Congress. He takes occasion to repeat what he said in bis annual Message, that it is highly im- 0 if not indispensable to the success of any negotia- Pon for the Purchase atthe measure should recive the previous Congress, ‘emphatic reiteration of his previous recommenda- Py Congress the reeponsibility of failure if w held, , the inference is sufficiently clear that, «out some of opinion by Congress, the President will not Feel justified in renéwing negotiations. $4e committee beg leave to append hereto various ta + $3,026,833 69 Section 2—Customs........++. . 9,807,878 87 Section 8—Taxes and monopolies. ! 10897795 44 Section 4—Lotteries ... *6,719,200 00 Section 5—State property. i] ”/1197285 94 Section 6—Contingencies, 595,928 94 Total. ..se-seeee seeees a eeeesescens $21,338,928 88 Deduct for sums paid as portions of the for- feitures under seizures ........... ee 12,972 88 Actual total, $21,325,956 00 Expendi Section 1—Grace ang justice, $712,755 00 Section 2—War..... 5,866,638 36 Section aaa cand veer = Ordinary expenses, . f Section af eatraneninaey expense! 1}190;700 37 Section 5—Executive department 215,833 12 Section 6—Attentions (remittances: peninsula... seman 1,404,059 00 Total... seeeeeereceeceesceeeee eee oS2,821,665 44 * From this sum should be deducted $5,022,000, which figures among the expenditures of the exchequer under the govern- ment guarantee of prizesin the lotteries, and which is in- cluded in the sum, of $7,645,145 43 wet down as expended by that department. ‘This leaves a net revenue from that source of $1,697,200, and a total net revenue of $16,105 96. No. 8. the number of Sea-going Vessels Comparative Statement ¢ Havana for the years named. ~Spanis Entering the Port in hk. English. 1968. ton. ‘No. Ton. ‘No. Ton. January. 44,162 64 10808 136,256 3 87,367 29 «6,006 © 22 «9,976 44402 32 70224884 April... 42,492 66 18,623 21 9,347 Way... 42,359 81 18961 15 5,940 20836 65 14,895 «= 115,184 20,400 67 16,058 10 4,181 20,768 10256 = 115,324 21,097 4626 105,443 October 35,540 12,976 15 7,500 November. 30,813 17,729 7 44052 December : 23,825, 19,182 15, 6,090 Total for 1858.958 992,572 51,027 161 ‘Total for 1857.909 406,873 158,651 152 1856.83 150/504 131 185.889 120,881 116 1854008 § 111/628 123 813 113,029 136 1852. 114,338 143 1851856 844,046 114,215 191 1850.634 298,299 107,230 164 Otuer Nations. Ag.of ea. Mo. No. tm. No. Ton. Jam 4 3.845 183 66,116 Feb 18 «(3,710 146 88,684 Mare 9 2,756 158 = 63,012 Apr au 2 May 10 Jor 13 Ju 12 Aug 10 September 12 5 October, 10 161 = 60,087 Nov ye 15 160 (66,340 December. 12 209 55,493 Total for 1858. 1,949 Total for 1857. 1,953 696,266 56. 1/815 662,426 r 1717 618,155 1864. 69 1,782 657,186 156 152 No. 4, Thile of the Total Production of Sugar, 0 Cane sugar, tons., Palm sugar Beet root Maple sugar 47 11,124 1850. 61 12,466 Tota) Bot the quantity of sugar from which the United States, England, Europe, and the Mediterranean is to be supplied, reaches ‘only 1,278,000 tons. Thus, for the 300,000,000 souls who are dependent on it, it gives but about eight pounds per head, while the consumption in Englan is triple that quantity, and in the United States twenty pounds per bead. ‘The use of sngar in the world is rapidly increasing. In France it las doubled in thirty years. it hog inereased more than fifty per cent in England in fif- toon years, In the Zollverein it has quadrupled. The following table will show the imports and production of sugar in Great Britain, France, and the United States during many years:— Consumption of Sugar in Great Britain, France and the United States. ——-Sugar Duty Paidin France. —— Colonial. Fore’n. Bert root. Toms. 3 126,107 142155 114,857 155/03 14,882 16,044 uary. Great Britain. ———-——United States Foresgn. Liniviana, Tons. 60) Tutal, Av. Tons. Percent. 108,606 49,52 45.42 42.30 41.82 40.40 41,85 34 Tons, 118,278 169/967 224,662 173,317 115,718 36,933, The production of beet root sugar in France was for four yeare a8 follows:— No. Working. Kilor, 1864 77,848,208 50,160,864 276 91,003 098 1867 341 182;000,000 The figures for 4867 are ouly to Margh 1, aud exoged by $4,000,000 kilogrammes the preduct of last year. The premections ip the Zollverein in 1855 was as follows:— Prussi vi < 634,196 9,188 ,4 The increase in the con- sumption is immense. la 1841 the total for the three countries above vamed was 420,000 tons. This bas in- creased 10 800,000 tong, or a quantity nearly doabled, and the supply has come from Louisiana and from beet roots; the former failed covsidesably in the last two years, aud, 8 a consequence, nearly convalsed the world,” The value Of sugar in the open market, then, seems to depend upon the precarious crop of Louisiana, ‘since, when that (ails, the prices rise all over Masts —U. S. Ecenomist. No. 5. Talle of number of Chinese shipped from China from 1847 to March 23, 1858. The following table, derived from a reliable source, hibits the total number of vessels that havo arrived this port since 1847 with Asiatics, their flags, tonnage, number of Asiatics shipped and landed, number and per centage of deaths, &c., which, I think, will not be deemed uninteresting :— ™ a hase ME | 6x- at 138 13,546 6,744 6,929 29 21,275 10,791 9,205 8 5,003 2778 2/463 7 6.037 3055 8,154 15 2038 1770 1,489 Portuguese 3 1246 1049 1021 Peruvian, 23 24e4 1314 aia Bremet 1 560249986 Norweei 1 470 «691179 Chilean... 1 20 8602155 Total.......++-71 28,777 24,643 4,134 From the foregoing, it will be seen that the loss of life on the total number shipped actually amounts to 143 per cent, and whilst the number of deaths of those brought hither in Portuguese ships amounts to only 2% per cent, the pumber brought in. American ships amounts to 12 per cent, in British ships to 1434 per cent, and in French ships to 13% per cent, whilst in Peruvian ships the number of deaths amounts to 383g per cent, No. 6. Pypulation of the West Indies, as stated in Colton’s Allas ~~ ig the World, Volume 1. wi Hayti—Haytien empire 572,000 186,000 Dominican republic . Cuba (slaves 380,425). 1,009,060 447,914 154,975 Porto Rico,, French Islan Martinique. 121,478 French Guiana... * 82\110 St. Bartholomew. + 9,000 Danish Islands—St. Thomas- Santa Cruz. St. Jobn.. Dutch talands—Curacoa, &e ... Dutch Guiana......... . British islands—Bahamas. Turk’s Island . Cay MB oe aoe aa ‘Trinidad (acquired from Spain)... Tobago... Grapada.. Anguilla Virgin Islands .. British Guiana,’ Total .....sese0e vee 8,575,376 Mr, StipKLt—I move that the report be printed; and I aigo desire that the bill shall be made the special order of the day for some day neat week. I will say Monday next. Mr. Pork—I beg to submit a motion that there be printed two thousand extra copies of the very lucid and able report just read by the Senator from Loui » as coming from the Committee on Foreign Relations. The presiding officer, Mr. Stcart—The motion to print tke extra number will go to the Committee on Printing. MR. MASON QUESTIONS THE OPPORTUNITY. Mr. Mason—Mr. President being a member of the committee from which this report emanates, I think it due to myself, and perhaps otherwise Fight, that I should say & very few. words, upon the certainly able report which has been submitted by the Senator from Louisiana. The report, in parliamentary phrase, is properly styled ‘the report of the committee: ut I presume it does not follow, in parliamentary inter- pretation, that all who concurred in the presentation of ‘the report, concur equally in the reasons assigned there for the conclusion which is arrived at. This question of the acquisition of Cuba, is greatest that has been presented for more than one gone- ration to the consideration of Congress. If I understood report correctly, as a part of the reasoning upon which this acquisition is recommended to Congress, it is said to be the policy of this government, by succes. sive acquisitions ot territory, to enlarge ‘its bounda- ries. I do not mean to go into any debate, but more to exclude any possible conclusion in reference to my position now or hereafter upon similar ques- tious. I’m not one of those who cousider it the policy of tbis government to enlarge its dominion by successive ac- quisitions of territory, fer the purpose of Such acquisition only; and if that were the only reason for acquiring Cuba, I should be one of the very last to give in to the policy. 1 Mr. President, that there is a political necessity de- ‘on this country to become the owner of Cuba; but nu auoouveing that opinion, I would connect with it a re- gret that there should be such a necessity imposed upon us, Tui not prepared, at present, to say that the neces- sity is upon us, but that Cuba must ultimately bea part of the United States of America I do not entertain a doubt; and it may be that the honorabie Senator who bas made this report is correct in the conclusion that 18 attained, that the necessity is now upon reserve my opinion as to future action, but T concurred very cheerfully in the presentation of the bill and of the report to the Senate, because, amongst other reasons, the President of the United St »to whom be- lopgs by constitutional right the conauct of our foreign urge, ond who is required by the constitution from time to time to give to Congress information in reference to the state of the Union, has informed us, in his annual Message, that he would deem it fruitless to renew apy negotiation for the purchase of the island, unless there was given to him a power, if the contingeucy required it, io meet a portion of the expenditure inadvance of any rati- fication by the Senate: and he has said that he thought it e to the subject and the country that the question should be presented to Congress. I would not be, there- tore, instromental in withholding the subject from Con- grees. I do not mean to go into ar ‘bate. I wish rather to exclude any conclusion that, in assenting, as T cheerful y did, to the presentation of this report, I meant to acqu in all the reasons which it contains. If it should become necessary at a future I may give my views at large upon the subject. MR. SEWARD OPPOSES THE MEASURE, Mr. Shwa' Mr. President, I am authorized by the hovorable Senator from Vermont (Mr. Foot), who, like my-elf, is @ member of the Committee on Foreign Rela: tions, to say that he, with my dissents from the re- port which bas been submittes by a majority of the Com- mittee on Foreign Relations, and aiso from the bill which has been reported by that commuttee, and to submit. oy way of expressing the views of the minority, a bill, whi wo offer ax a substitute tor the bill reported by the com. mittee, which | ask to have printed in the same manner with the report of the committee, and after the bill shall have been read I shail ask the indulgence of the Senate to indicate something of my views upon the subject, al- though not very much at large, I ask for the reading of the bill. ‘The Sxcretany read the substitute, as follows:— A DILL CONCERNING THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THR USWRD Be it enacted, ac.. Tha the Present of the United States, acted, &c.. e of the U: at the ‘beginniug of the next annual pression of Congress, communicate to the Senate, if in hia opinion not incompatible with the public interests. the condition of the relations which shail then be subsisting between the United states and Spain, und of any negotiations that may then be pending for the ces- sion of Cubs to the United states, together with euch state- ents of the condition of the Treasury, and algo of the effective ofthea:my and navy of the United States, as may gress to judge ‘whether, at that time, tt will be ne jopt any: extraordinary 'mesaures to maintain the righta #nd promote the interests of the United States, connected with or growing out of their relations to Spain. and be it further enneted, That the Presi cretion he shall deem it necessary, im view of negotiations with her Catholic Majesty which shall be pending, Gnring the next recess of Congress, ‘may convene ether ihe Senate or Congress in extraordinary session by proclamation. VR INVASION OF LRGISLATIVE Powstts, X WARD—Mr. President, the bills attention of Congress genurally ¢ or in the House of Repre sure is ushered into oor presex Executive palace. tive meosure. lis nature corresponds to its parentage. It proposes to relax constitetic and Ie siiative re: straints upon the Executive power, and to transfer con- trolover the Treasury , together with the power of negotia. on in foreign affairs, froin Congress and from the Senate to the President of the United States. It is not an isolated Execntive measure of this kind, but it is onc of a series of such mearures which the President of the United States Lus introduced at the present ression in the same way. One of this series proposes that Congress shal! authorize the President to move the army and the navy of the United States into adjacent States of sho republic of Mexico, end establish a protectorate there, Another asks our consent to invest the President of the United States with the power to make war in his own discretion and at his own pleasure sgainst all, or nearly all, the Spanish-Ame- rican States on this continent. A measure thus disparaging to the intelligence, the virtue, and the independence of Ue national Legisiature, @ measure 60 dangerous to the civil and religious liberties of the American ple, it must be expected will receive at the hands of Congress a careful scrutiny. Tt is not my purpose at this time to bestow ‘hatecrutiny in ite tull extent upon the bill which has been reported in accordance with the recommendation of the President of the United States; but Ido intend to indicate some of the considerations which have brought me to the conviction that thie bill, under no eirenm- stances, onght to receive the favor of Congress, FINANCIAL CHATACTER OF THTR Bi ‘The bill bag a financial aepect, It haw al litical character. In regard to the financial aspect, I call the at- tention of the Senate to the fact that the bill proposes to appropriate now, at this time, eut of the Treasury of the United States, $80,000,000, to be placed under the control of the President of the United States, to be paid by him to Spain, wheneyer she shall have conbented to accept any treaty which he may make with her, for the cession of Cubs to the United States, withont waiting for a ratifice- tiou of that treaty by the Senate of (ue Yniled states, 8. But this mea- amoskuge from the It is, therefore, in ite origin an Execu- broad $30,000,000, and not the whole $260,000,000 which "I have supposed. Nevertheless, sir, it ‘ap- propriates the whole amount which the Presi- dent shail write in the treaty. draft on the treasury, aud authorize him to fill up the amount for himself. Ibave supposed he will fill it up this contract with Spain if we ficd it too expensive, and ‘This appropriation of $30,000,000 necessarily in lea ee, virtually @ grant, or appr py more millions of dollars as the Presiien’ of d States, without aby recourse to the Senate or to Congress, and consulting only his own mere am +i tion, caprice or pleasure, shalt gree to give for tht isiand: and this lest amount is attogether unlimit- ed. The bili containy no Limitation, andy the: Itresi-: dent recommends no limitation It isa bill then for) fo many millions as the President shall choose to write athe treaty, What will be the number of those mil- v8? The report of the ealocit ot cn committee Bays that it wUL probably: be $126,000,000. This co leu! based upon the fact ehat Senin refused’ $100,000,000, van, years ago, and thet Cuba has increased in vaine $85,000,090, wecording to the estimate of the majority of the commit- tee, ‘This estimate is inconclusive, and, therefore, ua- fatisfactory. The mount which Spain will ask, Furpose her to accede to this treaty, wilt be all that she’ can get, and tbe mount which. the President will ive, if it be bis purpese to acquire the Island of Cuba at all eveuts avd under all hazards, will be the leagt that Spain will consent to take Ts ear ee just as well and as accurately ‘be estimated ¢ e. a4 to be written in the treaty will be $200,000,000 pr $260,000.000, $500,000,000, as that it shail be only $125,000, Twill assume that if) gathorizes the President to contract a ¢ebt to Spain, without again consulting Congress or the Senate of the United States, for the sum of $250,000,000. ‘This proposition comes at a time when our revenues are reduced to $60,000,000, and thcre Is a confessed deficiency for the ‘of $30 000,000, It is immaterial whether we borrow this $30,000,060 to pay to Spain, as the Dili, proposes, or whether we pay it out O the receipts of the revenues ing into the ry and borrow the money to supply the place of what w- thus abstract, It proposes nothing ies than to authoriz > the President of the United States to create at once and absolutely a-debt of $30,000,000, and indirectly a further debt of 220,000,000, in addition t0 a deficit, which is virtually an existing debt against the Treasury of $30,000,000; making $60,000,000 of new debt certain, and $220,000,000 contingent. This, added or to an already funded debt of $60,000,000, will raise the national debt to $280,000,000. This is to be done under extraordinary circumstances. We have at this moment no financial system—no system of revenue, We bave, indeed, a tariff law which brought Jast year into the treasury over $40,000,000, and this year if cted to bring in $50,000,000; but a revenue law which leaves an annual deficit cannot be said to constitute a fiscal system, Congrese, after being in session now near two month, bas utterly failed to devise any kind of reve- pue system whatever. Nor has the executive administra- tion submitted to any system for this emergency. This statement is strictly true, if you consider that the President recommends one system in his annual message, ‘and that the Secretary of the Treasury, bis own reeponsi- ble minister of finance, submits to us another and widely different one, This great increase of the public debt we are asked to make at the very hour when, in compliance with the Executive recommendation, we are proposing to authorize him to build the Pacific railroad, at a cost of not Ices thap $126,000,000 more; and simultaneously with this, in the same message, we are afso asked to author- ize the President to move the army into Mexico, which can cost nothing leas than $100,000,000 more; and at the same time, in pursuance of recommendations of the same weight aud authority, we are asked to authorize him to employ the army and the navy against just so many Spanish-American States on this continent as he shall choose, which can require nothing Jess than $100,000,000 more; 80, without any financial system at all, we are to have a great debt created by this Congress of the United States, on the recommendation and application of the President to strengthen the arm of the Executive, while weakening the power and the constitutional force of the Senate and the House of Representatives, a debt of $500,000,0C0. The honorable Senator from Rhode Island (Mr, Simmons) the other day spoke in glowin; terms, and yet most justly, of the credit of tho Uni States, and showed that, with the small debt that we now haye, a nominal debt, we can go into the market, and with a five per cent stock borrow money at a premium, or, perhaps, borrow mouey on a four per cent stock anywhere in the markets of the world. That is be- cause we are novices, inexperienced, untried and unknown in the money market, except for paying such small debts as we have made. But, sir, when we shall havo shown that we can increage our debt in forty days, for that is the period which remains of this session, from 60,000,000 to $500,000,000, 1 beg leave to express the opinion that the rate of interest will be found to rise in proportion to the liberality with which we propose to borrow. In that case you will tind your revenue derived from all sources Scarcely more than enough to pay the intereat of the debt which you shall thus have created, leaving no funds whatever for carrying on the ordinary operations of the ernment. This however, it might be said, is a fanciful picture, because the bill appropriates only We give him a blank with $250,000,000. But I am told that we cau retrea’ from abandon the measure without paying the additional’ sum which the President may write in the treaty, Slowly and carefully, Mr. President, let us consider. Certainly wo cannot retreat from it without forfeiting the $30,000,000 which will have been paid. That condition will operate as aconstraint upon Congress t appropriate all the ro- maining millions which the President may stipulate, and it will equally operate as a constraint upon the Senate to ratify the treaty, whatever sum may be stipulated by its provisions. Again, sir, no one can suppose that the President would pay the $30,000,000 in advance to Spain, without securing possession ot the island of Cuba. When he has once obtained the island of Cuba, and paid $80,000,060 as an advance upon the consideration money of the purchase, the treaty will be a contract executed, and Spain and the whole world would laugh with derision at the pretence that we could rescind the contract and repudiate the remaining debt on the ground that we had then Jooked into our constitution and had found that we had violated itn passing the law by which we had au- thorized the President to make the improvident bargain, Sir, this is 4 plan of financial management to which Iam astranger. It is the province of the Congress of the Uniteopstetes to ake care of the public treasury, and to sce that every dollar that is received remains there until, Ly appropriation bills limited to single objects, and each Dill enduring for only two years, the money is expended ents, under their own direction and authority, for ob- s appointed, fixed and certain. The effect of this mea- sure is to surrender the control over a large portion of the national treasure and resources, practically, over al! that is valuable in the treasury, to the President of the United Stutes, without retaining ‘any effective security for his wise and faithful administration-of it, POLITICAT. AND SOCTAT. CONSIDERATI T have said ihat the bill has algo a political aspect. It proposes to bring into the United States a foreign country, feven hundred miles long and seventy miles wide, contain: ing one million five hundred thousand human beings, subjects of government, occupying practically every foot upon its sidewaiks in its cities, and every acre of moun. tain and plain and valley ui the rural districts of that population different. entirely from the citizens of the Unied States; differest in Jan- guage, different in race, different in habits, diffe. rent in manners, different in custome, and radically dif- ferent in religion; a population that will, practically, for- ever bol’ the power to exclude all American immigra- tion, at lenst exclude it as effectually as the old States of Europe exclude our migration there, and as effec tually as our old established States practically chide immigration from outside of their borders, This population, then, is to be the ruling popula. tion of that island, What righte will citizens of the United States enjoy there? The one million five hundred thousand souls are divided: one halt whites, two hundred and tifty thousand free blacks, and four hundred thousand slave What institations of justice, of freedom, ot reli- gion, and public worskip, will obtain or remain there? I need to know. If 1 were willing to leave these great ques. tors to the President the United States, I have no right to dogo. Ihave a voice, one of sixty.fonr voices, to determine whether such a country shall be brovght into the United States, and on what terms and conditions. Joined with my colleague, we have one of thirty-two voices on these mighty questions. The power to speak involves a con ional responsibility to express the voice of the State of New York upon such @ measure, and on all its important details, before it shall be adopted. Ihave already shown that the congent of the Senate to the passage of this bill will operate asa constraint uj the Senete to ratity whatever treaty the President shall make bereafter. If this be true, (and no one, I think can controvert it,) then Tam asked to reaicn a constitutional, senatorial power, to the President of the United States, and to shiitfrem my own shoulders to his @ constituti- tutional respopsibitity. To do this is a derogation of the independence of the constitutional power of the Senate of the United States, and a practical subversion ‘of the constitutional check which requires that ever treaty ehall receive the votes of two-thirds of this body, or be absolutely void. It practicaliy, delegates to a bare majority of the Senate, and to a majority of the House of Representatives, the treaty making power of this great empire. WHAT 18 OUBA TO RE IN THR UNION? Sir, if the: adhere ton this pow see the t e ever was an oceasion on which I should jously to this right, and insist upon retaining , it would be in such a case as this. I want to y which shall bring the island of Cuba into T want to know the status which that Is it to be a territory of subjects slaves’ a province, governed by armies an’ Spain now governsit? Tmay ask the Presi- he United States when he has executed the treaty. Is it to be a State? I may ask the President of the United States when he has executed the treaty, Who are to be the electors of the State? What is to be the satus of the white population? Are they to enjoy universal, suffrage? What ie to be the status of the free negro population? What is to be the status of the slave popula- tion? We who hnve disputed £0 earnestly—olten 80 vo- hemently—year after year, year in and year out, over the question whether the insijtution of siavery shall be introduced into the Territory of Kansas, arc expected by the President, in his simplicity, to allow bim to determine for the North and for the South, for the free States and for the slave States, at his own absolute pleasure, the terms and condivions upon which Cuba shall be annexed to the United States and incorporated into the Union, 1 Say nothing of the present incumbent of the Executive Tsay that men never chose, ner did God over send on earth, 4 magistrate to whom I would confide this great question, baving a constitutional right to decide it myself. I need not eay, sir, that all our treatics of annexation contain stipulations guaranteeing ti rs to the countries annexed, to be incorporated into the Union, and determining the future political nghte, power and authority of the inhabitants of those countries, This bill, then, 18 in derogation of th of the Senate to determine by treaty for itself whi fety, honor and welfare of the country demand it rd to the political organization and government of the island of Cuba if it shall be acquired. CUBA GRAVITATES TOWARDS THE UNION, Sir, I have always received as a political maxim the de- clarations made by our predecessors in regard to the acquisition of Cuba. Every rock and every grain of sand in that island were drifted and out American oil by the floods of the Mississippi and the other estuaries of the Gulf of Mexico. The island has seemed to me, just predecessors have raid, to itate back again to rent continent from which it sprang. I have sy that political necessities would determine that ulti- mate conclusion ; and I know that to political necessities af actions of governments must bend, and all sentiments of natiens must accommodate themselves. I havo, nevertheless, been taught with the same maxim this other rule; bat acquisiign of Cube ig a the United States, country is to occupy. of politic ir 5 question of time, of ne 4 of opportumity. It was just as clear sixty years ago, when we ac- quired Louisiana, as it is now, tbat Cuba, in the language of John Quincy Adama, gravitates to the United States, as the apple yet banging on its native trunk gravitates to the earth which sustaips it. Yet it certainly ie true that Cuba Wag pot then acquired, nor attempted by extraordinary means to be acquired; oud the reason was, that the time, becessity avd opportunity hac pot then presented them: selves. In fuct, the time is determined by the coinci dence of necessily and ‘opportunity ; wnd that soineidence is the result of a deciine uvepeap power on this conti nebt, and of a developement of the ay of Aryrican po he a e - forefathers Jal para Rteditt fave ra that tap ait juncture shall * ¢ that there ebould be just that necessary decline of ry é Ae neta Meda Vem pene at and, Jost = pain uns ble to keep and ourselves able freely to obtain, ¢ lela them it would be hopeless and idie to refuse to receive Cuba, even if tt were undesirable. They baye said more, and I subscribe to it, that we may shold. our «in patience ‘so long ag €pain can keep it, and no other and stronger European Yower can, or dare takest from ber, What I have to say Dow ig, that the-time abd opportunity do not now serve, ib My judgment, any more than have served for the last mixty years.” We may be nearer, as, indeed, I doubt hot we are, to the acquisition of Cuba; but we have not | arrived at the point at which the acquisition must neces- | surly be make, or can be made, consistently with the cue woos of peace, prudence, justice and the national jonor. CAN CUBA BR ACQUIRED NOW? Ten years ago the President of the United States declared that Cuba was to be acquired only by treaty, by purchase, id not Dy wat, The present President of the United States re-aflirms that proposition now; 80 that the only question to be considered is, whether it can be purchased now. Well, ten years ago the President of the United States offered one hondrea million doliars for it; and the answer to the proposition was conceived in terms 80 decided, 60 unequivocal, #0 utterly forbidding all hope, that it was never afterwards renewed; and silence bas been observed about it ever since, in order to preserve the good understanding and the ood nature of the parties. ‘The message of the President seut here on Friday iaet, shows us that, down to this hour, the proposition has not been mentioned to Spain for a period of ten years. ‘The same message as- sures Us even that it will not now be mentioned to Spain, unless some peculiar and extraordinary measures are adopted to require him to bring it again to her attention. Spain beids the island now more tenaciously—with a stronger and safer grasp than that with which she has held itat any time within the last head years. Itis now a period of repose in Europe and in the Western world. Spain having gone through the crisis of surrendering up her territorial empire in its largest proportions, has entered wpon a new carcer of material progress and im- provement, Her agriculture, her manufactures, ber army, and her navy, aro in’a flowrighing, prosperous and improving condition. Heretofore, Spain has held the island of Cuba in the midst of conflicte between the two great Powers of Western baa eens ‘ar and France—liable to lose it to one or the other belligerent atany moment, Today, England and France are not only allies, but they are united in the policy of maintain- ing Spain in tbe c@joyment of the islands of Cuba and Lorto Rico—the Jast remnants of her once world wide em- pire, Spain exhibits, more devidedly than ever within the last twenty years, the habite of acquiescence and loyalty by her people towards her existing institutions, She scems to have passed the period when the country was rent, convuised and distracted by the contests of demo- cratic and monarchical factions. At present she is appa- rently in # condition of profound repose and contentment. Tf there was apy doubt about this subject, all doabt is now removed by the answer which we have already re- ceived from the authorities of Spain to this very pi i tion of the President of the United States, in the very form, in which it is Benpieed, that we shall adopt it. Our mail of this mormng brings us the answer of the Spanish go- vernment and Legislature to our advances, even before we baye taken the first step. In the Spanish Chamber of Deputies, M. Ulioa asked the government:— It it intends to reply to the Message of Mr. Buchanan, in‘ much asin that message is a paragraph on the subject of a1 nexing Cuba to the United States, which containg a new and really grave insult to the Spanish nation. jarshal O'Donnell declared that the government was dis- posed to demand due satisfaction tor such an inauit. In its relations with the United States, usin those with all cther countries, thas always endeavored to be circumspect, moderate, reserved, but always dignitied and firm, as the gov- ernment of 4 great people ought to be. ‘he period of dixouragement caused by war and disunion bay ceased 0 Spain. Our country is now positively in an era ot developement and veritable restoration. power of Spain be not great enough to menace, it 1s strong enough to defend the integrity of the territory of the monarchy, and to preserve the dignity of the Spanish name without stain. Jn whatever circumstances the Spanish nation may find it- from New’ id this is aminsult to Spain; at lease he bas implied in bis remarks that it is an ivatMt to Spain, by readipg the proceedings in the Spanish Cortes, or Par- Lament, ‘The question is not whether they choose so to treat it, TI have lately had occasion to read something of Spanish communication to this country, and I know that Spanixb action an 8 nigh words very often widely difler. Notwithstanding bas been reai!, 1 does not follow that we may not acquire Cuba peacefully from Spain by purchase, There is, under the law of nations, or aby principle of it that Tam aware of, no real indignity to & nation to offer to ig or exchange with her any territory whatever, that may be in her possession. there is no real indignity, the declaration of the Spaniah. Cortes that it is an indignity on the part of the govera- ment of the United States to offer to purchase Cuba, I consider as merely idle. ‘The question is, whether itis wrong, whether we are violating the laws of nations, and the courtesy due 0 another nation, when we propose to rchase from her a country, the acquisition of which is esirable to us, and which will never be the source of any real benefit tober? Ican see no injury in this. I cau see DO indignity in the offer. It does not follow thas we are to carry it out by war. It docs not imply disre- 8) to the nation in making the offer itself. the tae right to refuse; we have the same right to propose. As there is no real indignity in it, I can see no reason why, in accordance with the recommendation of the ‘as the object is one of great iinportance to this in my view, we should not make the offer, because, in judgment of the honorable Senator from New York, it bay | be that that offer will fail. ir. Foor—Mr. President, although a member of the ommittee from whom the report and the bill now before us emanated, I do not feel myself called upon, at this time, to say more than merely to express my unqualified, yet respectful, dissent from the views of the majority of the committee, as embodied in the bill which they lars seported this morning, and recommended to the favorable consideration of the Senate, and to declare my entire and hearty concurrence in what has fallen from lips of my agsocinte on the committee, the honorable Senator from New York, upon the general policy of the question before us, at some length, and with his usual ability, Icame im entertaining some expectation that I would submit some general remarks upon the question before us this morn- ing. I shall not do 80; reserving, however, my opinions and views upon the general policy of the question before us, for a more full and elaborate expression when the whole subject shall be before the Senate specially for their consideration. SEWARD'S ARGUMENTS REFUTED, Mr. Toomis—Mr. President, the apeech of the honorable Senator from New York is remarkable, certainly, for two things, The first is personal to himself; andIam very happy to congratulate him and the country that at last he bas concluded that economy is an element in national po- licy, which heretofore he seems generally to have ignored. ‘The’ importance of the question itself, and its incid seemed W bave aroused his mind to that point which consider an improvemcnt in a legislator, The next im- portant and remarkable feature in the speech of the Sena- tor is, that he comes to no conclusion upon the main ques tion. He throws out a number of objections to the pro- posed mode of action; but he declines or he fails to exy any opinion upon the merits of this great question of na- tional policy, now about to be inaugurated. He takes ground neither for it nor against it, «8 a question of na tional policy, but confines himself simply to objections te the mode now proposed for the acquisition of Cuba, Om that point I have only this to say: it may not be the best mode; and my purpose in rising now is net so much to argue the question fully as to answer some objections to the particular mode which is proposed by the Committee om Foreign Relations, in enarorny bese recommendation of p the President of the United and to express hearty concurrence in it aga measure of great and en- during national policy. 18 THE MEASURE CONSTITUTIONAL? The Senator intimates, in the first piace, that if it is not a violation of the constitution, it is surrendering the con- Btitutional rights of this body. In what respect? The qu stion of the right of the government of the United States to acquire territory by purchase, or by war, or in y other mode it may see proper, according to the ‘aw or nations, is, I presume, no longer open to observation. It has been settled by the concurrent judgment of all par- ties, and by @ construction of the constitution, now no longer open to dispute. Then, if the right to acquire a country by purchase is a conceded point in our. public po- licy, it ‘8 notin derogatioit of any of the rights of the Se- nate of the United States that we should appropriate this money. We propose to appropriate money by law, es we have done frequently before. I know there is a constitutional inhibition against the President or anybody else using money unless it be appropriated by law; but, inasmuch as this is a constitutional! object, we propose to do that very thing. Conceding that the policy of acquiring by purchase is a wise policy, the question is sub- mitted, to the Congress of the United States the self, it will, in the future, as in the past, never be insensible to {ts Honor; never will it abandon the smallest portion of tts terri- tory; und'a proposition baving that tendency will always be conalcered Dy the government as an insult to the Spanish peo- re. Pighe sentiment of nationality, which was supposed to be weakened, and which, unhappily, was slightly weakened b; our intestine discoras—this sentiment, the source of bigh deeds and of generous and herole aspirations, displays now new vigor, and is increasing in svch a way whilst we will never be aggressive and never aspire to dominate, we will never allow any encroachment to be made on the ce leit ua by our fathers. (Approbation.) M. Olazaga, in his own pame, and in that of several ‘other eminent members representing the different politi- cal parties, then proposed this resolution:— ‘The Congress declares that {. has received with satisfaction the deciarauion of the Minister of Foreign Affairs; and that it is disposed to give to the government its constant suppor - der to maintain the integrity of the Spanish dominions The resolution was unavimously adopted, and ordered to be inscribed in the archives, Now, sir, after having shown that there is not the least earthly prospect of acquiring the island of Cuba by or in consequence of the passage of this bill, what follows? It follows that the question whether Cuba is desirable, and ought to be attained, is not at all in debate, It isan ‘idle, a visionary and mischievous abstraction. There is no such question bere; but the question which is presented 8, whether the Congress of the United States shall autho- nize the President of the United States to offer an indignity to Spain. That is all. Mr. Simeit—Will the Senator from New York permit me to interrupt him? Mr. Skwaxp—Certainly. Mr. Supeu—he danger that he deprecates has already arrived. ‘Ihe cause of quarrel exists nready, according to the extract he read from the speech of General O'Donze!); the insult has been given by the President, and immediate reparation is demanded. Therefore, we cannot very well aggravate that insult. It has passed from our power. SEWARD WILL NOT HELP THE PRESIDENT TO GET IT. Mr. Sewanp—I have an answer for the honorable Sena- tor. I propose to leave the President the constitutional power which he enjoys, of instituting treaties with Spain jor the purchase of the island of Cuba, in the Caribbean Sea, and with all other Powers for all other islands in all the eceans throughout the globe. I propose to leave him the right and pow@ of sending to Congress mes- eages announcing beforehand the treaties he proposes to nd leave him to answer on bia own respousibility people and to the world for the wisdom and er, the moderation and the dignity, with which he executes these great trusts. I propose, on the other hand, to reserve my own authority, my own constitutional power, and to maintain the dignity of my own official functions, and not at all to be- come a party to an insult which the President of the United States may be supposed to have already offered to Spain, Leannot consent to go to his aid, though it may be necessary to draw bim out of the dilemma in which he finds himself involyed by @ rasbness which I did not ad: vise, Sir, Twill not stop to inquire as an abstract qu iow about the wisdom of a great nation offering insults and wdignities to other nations. 1 will not stop now to inquire about the virtue, the morality, and the honor, to say nothing of the dignity, of such a course. But I will say this, thrt it is not wise to offer an indigni- ty to a foreign Power, if you are to gain nothing by it. So much may, at least, be conceded to me, And pow, what is to be obtqined by insulting Spain? Nothing: but cnly this: we must expect that she will be provoked to war to resent the indignity; and when the war has come to resent the indignity, then the prize of Cuba may be attained as indemnity for the expenses of the war. Sir, if we_desire to acquire Cuba by negotiation, let us negotiate. The President dis- claims and disdains to seek it by war directly. Are we to understand him and a majority of the committee here, that they ark us to bring Spain indirectly into a war, in order that we may conquer Cuba? That would be to im- pute to the President and to the committee bad faith, which I must utterly disclaim. These considerations sa- Uisfy. my mind that it is not expected—that itis not intend- ed—that Cuba shail be acquired in consequence of this pro- ceeding, but that it is supposed that some other advantage, tome domestic and local benefit, will be secured to the Pre- sident of the United States by provoking a debate on this subject in Congrees, Sir, Ido notgo much undervalue the in- telligence of the american people as to apprehend any such result. The proposition seems to be an empty one, an lle one, a Indicrous one; and if it were not for violating the respect due to the President of the United States and the majority of the committee who sanction it, I should my a ridiculous one. There is a play which we have sometimes seen at the theatre, in’ which the feroine is an honest house wife who has a propensity for buying every- ‘hing at auction, and she is always able to assign at loast pod reason for it, namely, that, though the article cought js not wanted at the time, yet it is eheap, and it will be so handy to have it if it shall ever be wanted. So, one day she booglit a huge doorplate sold at an guction of a neighbor's fornitare,on which was inscribed in large letters the name of “Thomnson,” spelled with a “p,”? alibough ber own vame, as well as her husband's, was joodle. When the indignant Mr. Toodie called her to ac- count for the expense, “why,” she said, “how do sou know, my dear, that we shall not one day have a Child, and ibat that child may not be a daughter, and that that daughter may not. be married to some- body, ond just as likely uot that eomebody will be a wan bames “Thompson.” andj his name may be spelled with a ‘p'—(laughter)—so it will then just fit exactly. T+ could not help buying it, because it was so cheap, and it will be so hunay, you know, to have it in the house.”’ ‘That, sir, is exaclly the value’ of this great presidential demonstration, made, I think, to retrieve the sinking and wasting fortones of an administration that bas disappoint- its own Immoderate desires not more than the less san- guine expectations of the American people. QUESTION BROUGHT TO THE TRUE GROUND. :i—Mr. President, there may be many things which the honorable senator from New York may consider uoattaipable, wild or extravagant, that may yet be per- fectly practicable; and 60, too, it may be that there may be many objects,wl oe Ae ee EN Can bea to be Ghana attainable, and which yet may turn out not to be within his reach. ‘The question is ag to the of passing bill, in accordance with the recommendation of the Ex- ecutive, which is founded upon the probability, under that recommendation, of the La a of Cuby by the United myself, that the fuatnre interests country, ew MS wien a and of human are deeply involve the actuisgion of Cuba by the United Satod, oven the cbance of an advancement towards that hg ge Li should be lt A encourage when it came any source entitled Tr respect. Now, sir, it may be that this bill, when ft passes, will not ‘enable us to acquire Cuba; but, in the judgment of the Executive, such a re- commendation bas been made, I can see no injury to the country if ye pass the bill and faH to attain she object; ‘but it ject of im co to the country, and the ultimate benefit of it will fully sanction us, in my judg. ment ne in the passage of the bill, The honorable Benator + mit that there js both Senate'and House of Representatives, whether, if it be @ wise and proper object, di of appropriations of the public money, we shall enable the President of the United States to inaugurate it by this appropriation. I see no ob- jection im the constitution to it; the gentleman has failed to point out any provigion of the constitution which con- flicts with our appropriating money in advance of a bar- gain, for the purpose of making the bargain. No such point was raised in the early history of our country; none in our war with Mexico. I recollect that on two occasions a Dill was introduced, and voted for generally, until it was. encumbered by an internal demestic question, authorizing the President of the United States to use, in one case and in another three, millions of the public for the purpose of securing a peace with Mexico, connected, as the - proposition undoubtedly was, and as it was understood by all parties, with the acquisition of territory; but it was encumbered and blocked up in the first instance, and probably in the second, by uniting to it a condition as to what should be the position Of thut Territory when it was purchased hy the United States. But considering that question as hav- ing passed beyond consideration, and being conceded by the practice of the government, in conflict with none of the provisions of the constitution, I shall proceed to advert to the incidental abnegation, as the gentleman seems to suppose it to be, of the rights of this body as a portion of the treaty making power. It is a mistake in the Scnator from New York to suppose that an appropriation of money for the purpose of purchasing a foreign territory commits the government to the confirmation of any treaty which may be made to hares tl the purpose. I know not how itcan be so viewed. Ido not consider that those who ‘voted for granting the twoor three millions of dollars that Mr. Polk asked, for the purpose of making a treaty with Mexico, thereby committed themselves, evem as Senators, to the treaty of Guadalupe It was not so considered here. It was re; that their constitutional right as Senators could not be surrendered; that it was incapable of surrender. ‘This is a legisiative act proposed to be passed, the executive and the legislative departments believe that. it is a proper policy to appropriate this money for the pur- pose of negotiating a treaty, in order to purchase Cuba. If afterwards a treaty is made, the terms of which are obnoxious in reference to its amount, or contains any pro- vision which is disagreeable to the honorable Senator from New York, he has full and ample constitutional power, as a member of this body, unimpaired in any way, to reject it or accept it, as in his judgment will best promote the public interests, It is very true, as the ator says, that if the $30,000,000 be expended by the Executive, who, alone, by our constitution, can inaugu- rate treaties, we shall lose the money unless the be confirmed, That isto be taken into consideration. It is a fair consideration for Congress whether the amount is too great, considering the object in view, to run the risk of @ treaty being made which may be ‘re- jected, It is liable to no other objection whatever. We have simply to consider whether the amount is 80 great in view of the object sought to be attained, that we are unwilling to run the risk of the Icxs of $30,000,000, ratber than enable the President, in the use of his consti- tutional power, (for he alone can address foreign nations,) to inaugurate a system of negotiation by which he hopes to acquire Cuba. Ido not; but as that is a question more intimately connected with the value of the acquisition, I will advert to it in another portion of my remarks. HOW IT AFFECTS THE MONKY QUESTION. The Senator from New York has gone into a of our present and prospective indebtedness, and the def} ciencies of our revenue system. I shall not undertake to digeuss the difference between us upon either of those points. As to our revenue system, I consider it equal to the wants of the country. The question is not with this republic now, where are we to money from? but our financial system for the last or twenty years bas been an effort how not to raise it. Even when you have drawn tariff bills with the express view of Urn down surpluses, of reducing the revenue, of getting less it than an ordinary system would bring, you have failedin the effort. Most of ations of the world have been driven to extraordinary ehifts, certainly in war and often in peace, to know how to raise the wind—in what manner to raiae money enough to carry on their governments. The man who could invent a new tax, even in England, has been awarded great financial talent. But in this coun- try the whole ingenuity and talent of all sides, ow. of gentlemen holding the political opinions of that , have been devoted to the problem not to raise m enough. Such is the wealth of the country, such are its vast productions, that the question is not one of raising enough for economical wants of the government, or even for the extravagant wants of the government; the question witb that Senator and his trieads is, how to raise revenue #0 as to benefit particular branches of indus- try at the expense of other branches of industry. We should have no trouble atall about raising revenue, if that was the object; we sbould bave no difficulty about knowing what rate of taxation would produce a sufficient amount for vs, or would bring in a greater amount or a lesser amount than was necessary; but we have complicated it by schemes to lay taxation in such » way a8 to benefit particular interests, so that persons come to Congress and seek by legislation to obtain in their own private pursuits. That is the difficulty we have. Itake it for granted that many of the objects of ex- penditure, to which the Senator has alluded, may be dis- ised with. He 8 of $1256,000,000, or $150,000,000, 8 Pacific Railroad. That isa fact not yet accomplish- ed, and I do not suppore it ever will be. Tagree that in very argument of pabue policy the expense 18 a material lement, and it ought to be considered by the legislative department of the government, and more especially when he himeelf, I think, has ratisfled the Senate and the coun- ry—those who were not satiséed before—that it is ut- erly worthless for all pecun! rposes or commercial rangactions. ‘That $126,000,000, therefore, I propose not spend at all. That is a very easy way of getting rid of bat $26,000,000. If it were a wise expenditure—if it were an expenditure which would be advantageous to the nation—I should not consider, even in ur present circumstances, that it was too great; but as iB see no advan to the public commensurate © the expenditure, and no commercial advantages of any sort, I simply propore to get rid of that $125,000.00, by letting it etay in the pockets of the people. Then, ag to the amount the government will give for Cuba, The Senator has carried it to $250,000, I think that ia more than it {8 worth. I do not think that the govern- ment will be likely to pay that sum. I do not know what it. will pay; but, looking upon the acquisition as a matter of such yart advantage to the country, to every portion of the Union, to every interest inthe Unital Staies, Tam willing to risk the $30,000,000, for the purpose of buy’ itata fnir and legitimate price, and if a treaty shou come to me proposing to pay 000,000 for it, Twill weigh that amount of money in one balance and the Brent advantages of the acquisition to the republic in the other, and decide accordingly, STATUS OF THR BOND AND VEER IN OFA, The Senator seems to object to this acquisition, with reference to [te political aspects, 1 do not oe that they are changed at all by this measure, Ac forge in the idea of the Somator two,