The New York Herald Newspaper, October 24, 1858, Page 2

2 the aistrict ought not to vote for me, and ought to vote for him, because I did not sustain the pater nomina- tions throughout last fall. I reply to him, and I say to You, and | proclaim it to New York, and to ali the friends that Geueral Walbridge y have, and I stand ready to ‘maintain the charge, that of all the candidates who were ‘anxious to take the held against the democratic nominee for Mayor last December—Mr. Wood—of aij those candi- dates General Hiram Walbridge was the most anxious to ‘Ocoupy that position, (Cheers.) I make this charge here, ‘80 that General Walbri may meet it; | make it, pledging myself to sustain it by overwhelming and unanswerable proof, that he was soliciting, day after day, the position of candidate which was afterwards conferred upon Mr. Tie- mann; that he advocated, as usua!, his own claims to that Homination, and that, failing to get it, he was the most ‘sorely disappointed of all the disappointed candidates who ht the position and failed to get the nomination, a ty ‘NpkRS—I know it to be a fact. He applied to me to get itwfor him. (Cheers. Mr “ws—And this is the man who comes forward to the democrats of the Third Congressional district, and asks them to vote for him and against me, because he claims, forsooth, to be the peculiar representative of re- iu nominations, I have made this statement to you, fellow citizens, and Ihave made it in the hearing af the gentlemen who represent the press, that it may go forth to New York to-morrow, and I challenge General Wal- bridge t join issue with me upon this charge. I chal- lenge him to appoint two umpires upon his part, and I wilt name two upon mine, and the four shall select a fifth, and if I fail to establish it to the mtisfaction of these um- pires, I will surrender the Congressional field of this dis- iriet to some other nominee of the Democratic Convention —(loud cheers)—provided, however, that if I do establish it by such as will satisfy this board of umpires, General ‘albridge will retire to Washington where he belongs. (Loud cheers, and cries “Three cheers for Yaniel_ E. Sickles.”) Now, gentlemen, haying presented in this — succinct ‘orm a clear and definite issue between this redoubtable military commander and my humble self, a mere private in he ranks, which, ifhe is prepared to meet, and can sustain himseif against, will dispose of all questions between him- self and myself, without troubling you with any further ‘ssues or differences between us, T will occupy the few re. maining moments, during which it will be proper for me to engage vour attention, in view of what is due in courtesy to those who are to follow me, toa review ofsome other aspects in which this election is interesting to you, and important to the democracy of the State and of the Union. It is known to you, gentlemen, that we are about, in Novem- ber, to choose the entire delegation to Congress from the State of New York—to that Congress which is to co-ope- rate with our natioval Executive during the next two years of his administration. These two years will be the most important of his presidential charge. The period of that administration that has alrcady elapsed has been occupied in evolving and enfc and the measures which the President and his cabinet have matured, with a view to advance the interests and promote the prosperity of the country. The two years that are to follow will enable us to decide how far, under his patriotic zeal, he will be able to restore peace and harmony among the States of blish those fra. nfederacy, and renew and re-¢s e republic relations Which characterized o earlier periods of its hist hich, with the blessing of God, it is the prayer of all true patri¢ that we, at an earl may be able to renew and re- store. (Cheers.) Mr. Sickles proceeded to advert to the recent reverses Which the democracy had sustained in Pennsylvania and elsewhere, attributing them to local dis sensions and divisions in the party itself, and the intla ences of the late panic. He next discussed the priaciples of the Know Nothing and republican parties, demonstrat ing to the satisfaction of bis audience that both were equally i!liberal and unsound, anf in conclusion declared the only hope of the republic’ to be in. the perpetuation and triumph of the principles of the democratic party. He retired amidst the most vehement cheering. Mr. Sickles was followed by Messrs. Henry L. Clinton and Thomas C. Fields, both of whom addressed t meeting ably and cloquently, and invoked the democra of the Third district to testify their devotion to the princi- ples and usages of the democratic party, and their appre- ciation of the worth and services of the candidate of their choice, in bis efforts upon all occasions to maintain those rinciples in all their fulness and integrity, by rolling up for him on election day such a majority as will strike ter. ror into the fuctious minority which now opposes him, and consign it to the ignoble fate which it so justly merits. Amid cheers for Mr, Sickles, for the party and for victo- ry, the meeting adjourned, to proceed to the Gardner Hotel, corner of Pgrk place and Broadway, where Mr. Sickies is at preseff#Wmying. Here he was serenaded by his friends, whom he again addressed in a very spirited and cloquent speech, in which he flung down the gauntlet to his opponent and’ challenged him to meet him before the democracy of the district on those issues, or any of them which that gentleman (Mr. Walbridge) might choose toselect. He (Mr. Sickles) placed himseif in the hands of hig constitwents, where he knew he was perfectly safe Great cheering followed, during which Mr. Sickles re- tired, and the large serenading party dispersed. SIXTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT. Mass Meeting at the Cooper Institute to Ratify the Nomination of Mr. John Coch- rane for Upwards of two thousand democrats of the Eleventh, Fifteenth and Seventeenth wards, comprising the Sixth Congressional district, assembled at the commodious hal! of the Cooper Institute, on Thursday evening, for the purpose of ratifying the unanimous nomination of Mr. Jobn Cochrane for Congress. The meeting was very en- thosiastic, and Mr, Cochrane was most warmly received, and repeatedly applauded during the delivery of bis ad- dress. The members of the different ward clubs marched to the place of meeting with banners, torches and colored lanterns. Dodworth’s band was stationed on the plat form and played during the evening. At eight o'clock the meeting was called to order by Mr. L. Turnure, who nominated the Hon. J. Wheeler as Chairman, who briefly addressed the meeting. He said they had assembled for the purpose of endorsing the nomination of the Democratic Congressional Convention im placing for reelection Mr. John Cochrane for Congress. (Loud cheers.) Two years ago he had the pleasure of presiding over ® similar meeting, and since that ime Mr. Cochrane had discharged the term of ser- ‘vice to which they had elected bim. It was for them to say bow he had acted, and whether he had fulfilled bis duties to their satisfaction or not. The opponents of the democratic party intended to insure bis defeat, and had igerd in nomination, as his competitor, a gentleman alust whom he (Mr. Wheeler) could not say a word. It »wed that they felt It necessary to place im opposition their strongest man, and it was a compliment to Mr, Cochrane which he trusted they would appreciate. (Cheers ) Mr. Arthur Woods read the names of the President and Vice Presidents. Hon. W. Chandler read a series of resolutions endorsing the Bochanan adm.nistration, and pledging the mnceting to Bo Mr. Joho Cochrane's nomination. vroner Connexy then addressed the meeting at some length. He eulogized Mr. Cochrane's career in Congress, and said he considered his conduct such as to dixtinguisl hit as ue of the staunchest democrats that ever went from the county or elty of New York. He was a man of ! worth, yentieman of educat! 4 with classical knowledge and poss: xpression of thought which but few men could After some further remarks, the Chairman introduced Mr. Jour Cocmmaxk, Who was most enthusiastically re coved, When «ilebee wax restored he said = Fetow Crrmevs—I thank you for this gracious reception I thank you for t erous enthasiasm with which you mr—or th nt demonstrations o r appro. 1 instances of y. It past. 1 appear k ght of antried armor and un sword. I bear upon my shoulders a dinted shi: and lay at your feet t) trophies of abard stricken field © . the panoply of your popular vote, I sought. the balls you bade me seck, and uttered the sentiments y taught me t utter. (Applanse.) If, im the history of the ia at of Congress, there is anything that you are pleased to ascribe as of merit to your representative, Tthaoxt Will also be able te sign that merit to bie strict « ty with deraocratic principles. You no doubt remember that the campaign of 1856 was conduct edet y with reference to tl # agitation. (mthe one land it was charged that the evident policy of ¢ party was to strangle th tterances of the of that Territory and to frustrate their effort at ‘These charges proceeded, without ex wonents of that party, but found their pporters in the ranks of those who, under the appellative of republicans—a then new political bapticm—pusbed their opposition under the lead of John C. Fremont. The din and clamor of those times have not yet “d from remembrance, They re recollected as the vagaries of men who, excited by artif. stitnulante to incongiderate zeal, becate blind to com nu sense Even bow does the returne n of many reflect with mortification upon the excesses into which betrayed by th of the times, and bare e to @ shriek w « many a mouth that was a freedom shrieker's then. (Langhter.) Tim has enre approved and events justified the position then maintained by the democratic party. Under the lead of its candidate, James Buchanan, it was contended that the I future of the people of Kansas quished entire selves. This was the doctrine of the democratic It triumphed in the election of thew candidate, and In my judgment it was been symaily fustained by the subsequent action both of a demorrati Preeident and of a democ ts persistently reminded by the opposition d that the democratic party has not only failed to protect the Hibertice of the people of Kansas, but has been the be- trayer of those liberties, and has become their oppressor. Reference w» what feantly known as the Leeomp ton bill & relied on net of this. THE SEU TMICANS THE ENEMIES OF FRERDOM IN KANSAS ef of facts will, I think, estat. ily. first. that the passage of the Lecom: ctually made Kansas a free State before this time madly. and as a corollary to the first propo. Rition, that it is owing eatirely to republican hypocrisy aod republiony opposition that the poople of Kansas are ati! in the territorial condition. (Checrs.) The effect of the of the Lecompton bill would evidently have been to | immediately establish Kansas a8 a State. To be sure, her State constitution would have recognized the ty of slavery. And because of this recognition was it, profes sedly, that the republicans voted tia here to be recolieeted that to every extent i (ted that a majority of the actual settlers in Ki wen Now, if it be conceded thi people of a Btate are opposed to slavery, can there be a Possible question that in their sovereign capacity they Can. at any time and in any manner they chooe, abolish it? ‘Then, the admiasion of Kansas, though under a pro slavery constitution, would at once, by conferring State er citizens, have ¢ i them to adopt a ¢ republicans, therefore, who ompton egnstitution recognized upor'the maiority of her he Territory —the power : ‘oe Maver: wer Has cliarge, Was they prevented the Territory bevoua: were free State Congress. Bat the country | Majority of the | NEW YORK HERALD, SUNDAY, OCTOBER 24, 1858 ing a State, they also prevented its becoming a slave Biatet —_ not; for if admitted as a State, the ple eoul ve most expeditiously protected against slavery. Is not that wane 2 ing them power, it in the hands ‘gto sopetlicns, party, with the profession that the Party will admit the State only when she comes wil a free constitution? Thus have her people been re- mitted to some future day for the enjoyment of a consti- tion, which, had they been admitted, they would be enjoy- ing now. For instance, an election was hold in the month of last August, under the provisions of the English bill, when the people pronounced against the Le- com) slavery constitution. The legal effect, under that act, i to pomucee Eels sax, snnpmcnain for admis. sion to od when, ul © present apportion- ‘ment, their pPpulation will entitle them to one - man, But suppose, as aState, the had pronounced tion, shen, of their postpone. State, but a State with a free constitution, That she was not, and that she is yet a Territory, atill under the direc- tion of Congressional power—her future as a State still dependent on Congressional action—her future, as a peo- ple, still the prey of -contending parties—is charge- able alone and entirely upon the republican party. But, I am = answered, in order to this conclu- sion, you are obliged to assume that a State can change its constitution when and in what man- ner may please its people. And call you this an as- sumption? Why, there is not the veriest schoolboy in the land who does not know it to bea truth. Sovereign. ty—popular sovereignty—the sovereignty of you and me, and ‘us all—what is it, if not the right and the power of doing to-day what we please, and to-morrow what we please—albeit, what it pleases ‘us to do to-day it shall please us to undo to-morrow? (Loud applause.) If we could not, ours would be a strange sovercign- ty indeed—a sovereignty ever limited and condi- tioned by a higher power. ‘This is not supposable of sovereignty. What think you would become of the supremacy of the Almighty if His decree were a limit to his power? The absurdity is evident. All reason, all authority, experience and practice unite in support of the Proposition that the constitution of a State is at ali times and for every purpose under the supreme control of the sovereign people of the State. It wore the summit of folly, the very hyperbole of error, to insist otherwise. KANSAS LEGISLATURE FOR A FREK STATE CONSTITUTION. Yet, again, Tam answered, that to sustain your charge against the republican party, you must show the composi. tion of the Legislature of Kansas to have been such that if a State the free State party would have been possessed of the means of enforcing the will of the majority—pos- sessed of a majority of the Legislature, through the action , it is contended, could a change of constita n elifected. Even admitting what is thas contended for, it was well known by thore cognizant of events that such a majority had not only been elected, but would be, as they were afterwards certified to have been elected. It is “a fact creditable to those gentlemen from the South enlisted most warmly for the passage of the Lecompton bill, that they refused ‘to act under the pos- sibility of frauds to he accomplished by unwarranted offi certificates of legislators unduly elected. (Cheers.) fore the fim! vote upon Lecompton was taken, it was own that the free State men of Kansas controlled a ajority of its Legislature. If, therefore, frauds existed were alleged to exist inthe return of nearly ail of the rtiticated members, it is quite reasonable to the majority, through an expurgating pro: multiplied to more than two: irds, in utter deflance of the terrors of an apprehended gubernatorial veto upon free State measures for a free constitution. (Loud applause.) No, fellow citizens, there is no answer to the charge that the republican party is answerable for the fact that Kansas is not this day a State, and with a free State constitution, made such by the legitimate and exclusive action of its own people. But the republican astrologists had not so cast the Eocene of their party for 1860, The shrieks of 1856 still rang musi. cally in their ears, and the blood of bleeding Kansas still flowed pleasantly before their eyes: and, that another “blood and thunder’ campaign ‘nay be projected and conducted for 1860, Kansas must needs continue to “draw her dearest veins" and to ery aloud for relief. There she lies—a ghastly politi sity—a body in the national dissecting room under the knife of the great republican professor. Now he skilfully, and with applause, traces the complex wilderness of ‘nerves and muscles: now he punctures an artery, to the general dismay, and anon, when his political buttery infuses mimic life into the dead corruption, the audience shrieks and jibbers and cowers before the grisly horror. Enough; the play has been once played—I take it that it has been played out. (Laugh ter.) Kansas once in the Union, and her politics will be out of it; Kansus in as a State, and the republicans will be out of Kansas. It is ouly while a Territory that Congress can pretend to the control of her destinies or aspire to the direction of her affairs FRAUDS IN KANSAS. It is quite true that frauds were charged upon the Le comptonites as well as upon the free State men, and I never doubted of their truth, and, therefore, I declined by my vote in Congress to send back to the identical parties to those frauds to be tried the same question under sim}- lar circumstances. The least practical mind could antici pate from such a combination but one result—a repetition of the former frauds. Ichose rather to change the par- ties by excluding the federal government; to alter the circumstances by obliterating ‘@ Territory and crea- ting a State; and to vary the question—Under what constitution shall Congress admit ust to the ques- tion, Under what constitution shall we live? I chose, fellow citizens, a change of the tribunal—I chose to trans- fer the question from Congress to the people themselves. (Voice You are right.) This I supposed, and still sup- pose, to be unqualified popular sovereignty. REPUBLICANS FOR CONGRESSIONAL AND AGAINST POPULAR S07 R- RKIGNTY But how was it with our republican friends? Did they desire such a submission? Not at all. With a clamorous assertion of adherence to the rights of the people in the Territories upon their lips, their acts constantly referred to the power of Congress over the peopie there. Had you believed all the fine professions uttered by them in bel of popular rights you would bave supposed that none were so far as they from the heresy of legislation without representation; yet by the late Republican State Conven- tion at Syracuse, what doctrine was more broadly stated than the power and the obligation of Congress to fegislate for the Territories? It ts the very rudiment of their creed; ‘upon it is grounded their opposition to the Dred Scott de- cision; upon it is in trath squarely based their opposition to the admission of ‘any Territor; 48 @ State with a con stitution objectionable to them, however satisfactory it may be to the people of the Territory, or, if objectionable tothe Territorial people, however certain that people, when admitted ag a State, will be speedily to remove the cause of objection. You have beard, fellow citizens, my reasons for the votes which, as yoor representative, [ eee the questions affecting the people of Kansas. I lieve those votes were in with iF opi. nions, (Voices—They were; they were.”*) If they were not you Will hold me accountable for my errors; if they were, you will continue to me your support. (Voices— “We will; we will.) ‘WILL, VOTE FOR ADMINION OF KANSAS WHENEVER SHE OFFERS. Of course, from what [ have said, you are at liberty to infer that should Kansas’ again, while I iy to Congress for admis. sion into the union of , under ® constitution re = in form, however numerous may be the imputed frauds ordinarily charged and frequently predicable of our elections within the States, but not vitiating from its ini- tiation the poll, I would vote for her admission; not that disregard frand , nor, in its mildest forms, consider it venial, but that at the earliest practicable moment I would avail myself of the opportunity to divorce the Territory from ts dependent and abnormal connection with Congress, and would relinquish the right of governing its people, now usurped by the people of the United States, through their representatives in Congress, to the people themeeives of the Territory. Nor would I be understood by this avowal to manifest a disregard of the territorial population at the time of application. The people of no State in the Union bor any portion of them, have yet had extended to them a more favorable rule of representation than the one com. » all: and, under ordinary circumstances, T ean con ceive of po reason why the people of a Territory should, upon federal introduction, be made an exception. Yet I maintacn that extraordinary circumstances may ren‘ler expedient a departure from the rule. Sach, clearly, tomy mind, were the characteristics of the application of Kau sas. ‘The polities planted in her soil, like the dragon's teeth, were producing armed men, devoted to mutual de struction. her perturting influence affected visibly the po litical regularity of the States, and startled them from their spheres. There sue stood, upon our borders, a lazing bale fire, denoting present mischief and foreboding future ill. It was eseential to our internal tranquillity to remove this disturbing cause, It is essent i And 80, regardless of population, I #! contribute , to the ex. tent of my power, to the removal, at any time, of this federal agitation, by restricting it, by the admission of Kansas, within her territorial limits. Nor am I aware that my vote in favor of the English bill, whieh, im the event—contingent no longer—of the rejection of the Le compton constitution, remitted the Territory for ite ad muasion to a complement of popuiation,equal to the unit of Congressional representation, interposes any reasonable objection to my purpose. This bill was, avowedly.a com promise. The principle I have asserted was applied by my vote for th mission of Kansas under the Lecompton constitution. Failing in this of my wish, for its further prosecution, T availed myself of the means next favorable to ite attainment. In the meantime, should admiecon again be asked, umder a coustitution republican in form, sbouid I. regarding also the conditions fore stated withhold my vote for it, 1 would, as T conceive, be justly accountable, not for the repudiation of an expedient pre sented by the English Compromise bill, but for the vio! tion of a principle asserted in the Lecomnpton bill jus, fellow-citizens, have I disclosed to you whieh actuated me, upon the absorbing ques tions which were at the last session submitted to the ao tion of Congress, and thus have I indicated what I be lieve T conjectural conditions, will be my future course. Guided by the cardinal principle of the political creed entertained by you and by me—reliance upon the people to govern themselves saw no other path through the past: I ee no other path thr the future. (Cheers.) You all, fellow-citizens, have obse; the trials of the administration of James Buchanan, and have sympathized in hig efforts to encounter them sucessfully. Steadily has he pursued the undeviating line of democratic policy. The clamor of vigilant and reckless foes rendered his firmness the more conspicuous, and their pertinacious opposition has but administered to the honorable character of his succes. To be sure, his administration fe not, in his person, on trial before the ea at this election; yet, in the persons @f those mem. ers of the present Congress now presented to you for re- election. who supported the measures of bis administra- tion, are those measures to be either approved or con- pg oy no doubt of your bs amy Tt was fapticipat y your generous su) ‘me as a Con. gressional democratic candidate in it has been fore. shadowed by your general a) tion of my adherence, a8 your representative, to ‘the administration of James Buchanan, and, iff mistake not, it will be delivered ac cordingly on the setting of the second day of November's bun. (Long applause. ; ROONOMY OF THE ADMINIHTRATION. You will, Iam sure, fellow citizens, suffer me to cocupy your attention now with a brief conside. ration of the charge of extravagance that has been persistently repeated by the republican press against the present administration. It may excite surprise thet a party, one of whose mottoes ie that “a netonal debt is a national blessing” —a party which advo xpenditure by government of large sume fo aieiun opsojomamey ROCKY wk ORSON aria oe and magnificent disbursem you that from pressed. If, however, from this si 7 venty millions you deduct, as you should, the $10,384,994 the general deficienc: printing deficiencies and the deficiencies in the Indian De- of fiscal year, you will perceive ¢ present fiseal year will reach fay beneath tha expenditures of figares are but in accordance with the persevering efforts of the President to induce an exact . He was effectually aided by the advice and assisted by tho official recommenda- tions of his Cabinet. The able Secretary of the Treasury of eoonomy, and greatly re- ent, even to the ex- official functions. be sure, to have confined the approp! within a sum by ten’ millions yy the previous years; but when ite contributed re the Utah war, economy in the proceeded to the very ver; duced the e: tures of requisite to hi Jess than those requi you reflect that even to this the unusual ay for the bui of-war—both national heart of every patriotic citizen—I that you will be agreed that, so far from the pr: ministration being chargeable with extravagance, it de- ecial commendation for unusual economy in ex e public money. (Cheers. GROW'S: RESOLUTION I come now to advert to another subj though brought by tion of numerous petitions, and ently, to the attention of Congress, failed, because of the opposition of the Standing Committee holding it in charge, to be presented either to the debate or to a vote ot I refer to the Homestead bill necessary that I should further characterize it than w: its attribute of a free donation of 160 acres of the p domain to every white male citizen and alien of the will take possession of and oceu same. (Cheers.) This measure, apparently of national generosity, but in reality simply of national justice to tbe n, is one of comprehensive influence upon the ud character of our population and of our ‘The joint resolution propose row, and which received the approbation of the republi can party at its late State Convention, though of bene and benign tendency, in no wise endorses nor affirms the free homestead principle. It directed that none of the lands of the United States should be exposed to slic sale, under proclamation of the President, until the same should have been surveyed and the return thereof filed in the Land Office for the period of ten y In other words, it proposed to secure to the operation of the pre-emption laws, and so to actual settlers, free of the competition of speculators, at prices, however, to be con trolied by the government seale, increased by the edlvct of the settlers’ competition, the public domain for ten years. In the language of Mr. Grow himself, ‘ it merely prevents public sales by proclamation of the President.’* it was my misfortone, through ignorance of the effect of the resolution, to object to its introduction. understood its design, as I umderstand it now, it should have had, as whenever again offered it will have, my vote. But, while this resolution would protect the actual settler for ten years against the competition of the specalator, it does not recognise either the right of the man in any por. tion of the public lands nor the expediency of donati Iam, therefore, not a little surprised to learn the Republican State Convention of . Grow has been accepted by our worthy land reformers as an endorsement by the republi- can party of the free land principle as it is, it not only does not approach this principle, but Land distribution, I contend, ations made of seven new sicam near” to the 4 think, fellow myself, through the ational prosperity. the endorsement b} this resolution of Wise and bene! it does not even pretend to. is eminently a democratic measure. political convention of this State has ever a resolution in its support been adopted, save it has been by a democratic peatedly has Tammany Hall approved it, and it bas since been affirmed by two democratic State Those who hitherto have in- troduced and supported it in Congress have been chiedy eminent members of the democratic party, So, I think, fellow citizens, that we can fairly claim this just principle into our creed. Certainly I convention. Rey conventions at Syracuse. to have been duly adopted shall not, however object to its support by another and by ink that T have observed that the principles, now entertained in common by the par ties of the day, are those which, as the peculiar tenets of the democratic party, long constituted the prominent issues between it and its opponents. geuce and the sober thought of the people having at length sped und appreciated them, they inseusibly gravitated into the mass of received and indisp: thence became part of the inheritable belief of the coun- ‘This is the legitimate office of party, and such is the progress of its reforms. May the the same process, nciple of the rig) ic lands, will be com tion of that truth by all other parties. The growing intelli- vitable truths, and be not distant when pp oi od a the pub- and partosien te toes pod ane ‘i parties and all men. (Cheers.) ‘COMMERCE —RBV ENUK CODE—EMIGRANT PASSENGEN LAW, Tcannot, fellow citizens, close these romarks without comment upon those vast interests which constitute the springs of national prosperity and mark the stages of ua. Io the path of the commerce of the world moves forward the civilization of the world. handmaid of religion, and its mission is the instruction and the elevation of the race. Individual nationality culmi- wer in the ratio of its com- hit of aie olga tonal progress. nates to importance and merce, and relative nationalities preponde: of the civilized world in a degree of their relative commer. The avenues of the intercourse of man. kind are the highways of commercial exchange. Through them flow the values of material traffic in endless inter- change. The arte and refinement of a high civilization follow rapidly after,and the gradual melioration of society is, at the last, discovered in the widest diffusion of the benefits and the extension of commercial pursuits. ever encouragement, therefore, can be extended to this directly conducive to the national il it not be forgotten how sensitive to foreign interference are the transactions of trade. Vast in their aggregate. they are nevertheless of innumerable indi- vidualities, each and all regulated and » laws of individual profit. 1" cial proportions. gigantic interest ‘The same self interest, jhe trafic of the man, presides over Yet self adjusting interference with it; and the legislation wi an attempted control of commercial enterprise, shall aim at unshackling its energies from the restraints of ignorant and injudicious laws, will be the true legislation for the coontry yet to be learned by that host of embryo law makers who are hastening to our State and federal law manufactories. the country is peris! and emaneipating This is a lesson Bot while the: of that surfeit of leg: plied kindness of political doctors, and adminis tered with the officious zeal of fresh inducted officeholders. To stem the current of law making which is setting social interest, and to confine it within the mate province of government, is the duty and the task of ail legielators, and especially is this a paramount duty when applied to the abuses whic laws, have oppressed th commercial men of t sion of the commerc |, under the guise of vemmerce and disheartened the The inordinate expan- ‘ode is A subject not only of won: Mibitating in parts with in conflict not only with adjudicated it with the best e@ablished ui of ated in their endeavors to as in their efforts at a construction to the interests with hese ey (ls should be cor what the law whieh progress is identified rected, and a bedy of laws extracted from those of wed to the wants of the at of the United States. It is unnecessary that 1 should direct your attention to mportant effects to be anticipated from such a re: formation upon the b modern commerce: ul values is most is most deeply most keculy appreciated eh intricacy for simplicity , and replace the involved and waceessible with the significant, the intelligible and & priceless boon to the mer chants, and a benefit to the commerce of New York. has been my effort, fellow citizens change. Others have orc for uncertainty give the eagily found, will be to accomplish this pied the ground before me, effort, and with the magn have, with a good cou hope, with af early date the ¢ mate connection with this were pre complaints of the inctficacy of our passenger lawe. + ni the comfort, thousans of our fellow crea uted to my notice the health and life of those tures who yearly seek the asylum of our shores. ‘erse to the interference of statute law with the yet I recognise the pro weak and the ignorant strength and mtelli theit superiors within the legitimate province of human goverument Therefore did | suffer my attention to be engaged with the authentic accounts furmehed to me ¢ by defenceless fernale emigrants That such offences might or ment, sufficient justification for crenting a legal barrier against their possibility a verdict of guilty against the accused sentations proceed from such high authority that ag a lator I did not feel Loe to disregard them, and accord. ingly reported & penal bill forsthe pr iquate on shipboard. It bas not been reached in the order of congressional business. but I do not question that dur ing the coming session it will became « law ous cheering). Tam aware, fellow citizens, that I have largely exacted of your indulgence, while engaged in narrating to you those of jonal acts in which you are immediately inte- with my intended future has not been use hardships endured their ocean passage: Was, in my judg Vetdid the repre ‘ton of female em congress! rested and their reasons, L hope, however, lessly employed. It surely is but a the opinions of his constituency, that their representative t his course to their inapection, and it is, T fitting in the candidate avow his opinions: have endeavored anee io , that i of popular interest to fulfil both duties, and now it is for you to eay ted you aright, and whether (Voices, «You shall I know that I have done whether I have represen’ eaent you again entertain no doubts. my duty as Twas taught that it should | know that the nob’ can and will elect wheers aud applause y that elected me ane mative whom they Wed Wag Gloag Of tae specu.» Col. Auxx Ming was the next rf, and in the course Of his remarks mentioned General Waibridge’s name, which bE csecaal by the majority of the meeting with loud Mx. Tuomas ©. Freip made a lengthened speech. He alluded to Mr. Cochrane's career in ant called upon the democrats to ensure his re-election. He also deprecated the idea of their “scratching” a ticket, aud strongly urged that they should vote for the whole ticket to ensure regularity. He alluded to Daniel E. Sickles, but his remarks were met with cheers for General Walbridge, which were continued for some time. The foliowing letter from John Van Buren, among others, was read by the Chairman: — ‘To THe Cuarmman or max Figura Disreicr CoNvENTION:— Drak Sin—I have received your invitation to attend a meeting of the bare id our Congressional district this evening, which is called to ratify the re-nomination 4 our ene in Pangrene, concur in e ol (OU propose, 1 may not be able to attend.” Mr. Goctirane his di the duties of his ondgg with foe and Lag He has reflected w himse! \d upon district. Although never before, I believe, a member of a legislative body, ev = and called at once to the high and honorable post of chair- man of the Committee ‘ree, Our representative hs fully met the expectations of is friends, and justifled the wi of his selection. The just influence of our State has been greatly impaired heretofore by the frequent change of our rey tatives; and I consider it fortunate pope . jel oper 80 erally proved true to their iples thei Ly we may remed this evil by continuing them in office. The st nf sup. port given by Mr. Cochrane to an administration whic! done s0 much to appease the interna! discontent of the country, and to maintain its honor abroad faithfully, rr ~ Ss SS a Cf ae ast trust it will receive, their hearty approval. 4 J. VAN BUREN. New Yore, October 21,1858. A meeting was also held outside the building over which J. W. Chandler presided. It was addressed by Dr. Chauncey, Geo. C. Genet and John B. Fogarty. ‘The Regulars in the First district in this city have nomi- nated Denais Quinn for the Assembly. ‘There was an interesting meeting of the republicans in the Ninth ward on Friday, relative to the Congressional nomination. The proceedings will be found under the ‘appropriate head in the advertising columas. ‘The Seward Game in the Presidenttal Con- test. TO THE EDITOR OF THE HERALD. Provipence, R. 1, Oct. 15, 1858. Tobserve that but little notice is taken of what seems to us here to be the most interesting fact connected with the present political contest, which is, that the Congress now (in part) being chosen will have the election of tho next President in the event of a failure by the people, and that the sole end and aim of all Mr. Seward’s exertion for the past six months has been, at whatever hazard, <0 to arrange matters that he may in that event hold th: 7 York delegation in his hands. The election of the repab- lican State ticket is wholly insignificant with him in com- ‘json with that of Congress. I had no doubt, lon) is to the Syracuse convention, that things would ‘od there as to prevent a union with the Ameri- can party, and that the door would thus be left open for a barter of the State and county tickets for Con. u all the districts where, by a compromise, jope of success. Mr. Weed's course under any other established that intention, and we C4 that in the fusions attempted the opposition, that the republican faction will stipulal for Congress at whatever sacrifice. There will be some four or five more of free than of slave States at the next contest, some of which are small and may depend upon the turn of a die—and Mr. Seward is preparing for the contingency of no choice by the people. If the election of a reliable majority of democratic States in the next House can be prevented, what is to prevent him from being a candidate for the Presidency ? Weallre- collect that during the anti Masonic excitement the oppo- sition in New York was a Wirt and Clay electoral ticket to be voted at discretion, And who doubfs, if the repabli- can party hold the power in your State—whoever may be general standard-bearer—that your ticket will be put forth with a reserve “quite significant enongh to answer all Mr. Seward’s purposes? He knows his men, and will hesitate at nothing; and you know well that there is no Igck of sufficient reasons, and very good ones, at hand at all times by which a leading demagogue can readily satisfy his party for whatever course be may take for their interest. And why not’ Suppose the Little Gotiah should fail next month, and in revenge should endeavor to pull the pillars of the temple about his ears, regardless of his own destruction, and the American party should hold to its faithY—It might easily bappen that there would be choice by the people. New York has a large electoral vote, and it will be a discretionary one if placed in the hands of the opposition, which they Qave been prepared to give once, nay, twice before. And what think you would prevent its bemg given to Mr. Seward, if it would place him in the eategary of candidates at Wash. ington? It would but reduce the vote of the candidate at large of the party, but could not prevent his return as one of the three highest, or affect his prospects either way, while Mr. Seward would be substituted for the lowest on the list, who would be thrown out. And why not, again? Is such a man as William H. Seward, the meanest, or what an Englishman would call the nastiest of all political dema gogues, to be left without reasons why the thirty-six votes of the State of New York should not be given under such circumstances to himself rather than to suffer one who may bave, perhaps, received merely a suificient: uumber to prevent choice, to preside over + the little knot that would control the clection at Washington’—espe cially if the candidate so superseded should be of a party that sympathized more or less remotely with Mr. Fillmore. Why, the very idea, however distant in probability to. all others, is the only political nourishment that keeps him . He has eaten, drank and slept apon nothing else ince the first dawn of Mr. Douglas’ disaffection, at which time he proclaimed on the floor of the Senate that the de mocratic party was destroyed. That Mr. Seward, under such circumstances, could be elected in any event by the House, is. of course, out of the question; the Union would not stand such an outrage for asingle day. Noone is more sensible of this than him self, but if sent to Washington by the New York College, with the delegation in bis hands, he would claim to possess: amoral power in the contro! of the election that could not be disregarded, and if successful would be the main spring in the new administration, which in all practical re spects would be as pernicious to the harmony, ifnot tothe safety of the Union, as if he were in the Presidential chair, Let New York, therefore, look well to Ler cae? sional tickets in November. EK. Steam on the Canals—A Revolution at Hand. ‘TO THE EDITOR OF THK HERALD. You briefly noticed the other day the arrival of the first canal boat propelled by steam at this port, called the Charles Wack. She brought a cargo of about 4,000 bushels of corn, besides a deck load of granite stones of twenty-two tons weight. Exclusive of stoppage at Troy she arrived here from Buffalo in nine days, having brought another boat in tow. The usual time consumed by horses is never less than ten. and usually averages from twelve to fourteen days, When making the trip alone from Buffalo to New York, it is said that she can makezit in five daye, aud at about haif the expense incurred by horse boate. The cost for making a round trip wite horse tow boats to Buffalo and back is about $160, or $80 each way. The expenses of the steamers will only be half this amount, while the trips will also be made im less than half the average time. Henee, they will, in the end, be able to take freighte at such low rates as to prove severe competitors with the raiireads of this State. This boat draws about seven feet of water—all that the present depth of the Erie canal will allow—and is of about 290 tons. Her wholg capacity, when filly loaded, is equal to about 6.900 bushels of When t rgement of the canal is completed. corresponding dimensions. The present one, witl high pressure ine, cost about $4. the boat, and about $2,000 for the ine, boiler, &e, fi diminishing time between Bultalo and New York, the ris of damage to grain in transit will be greatly lessened, and it will arrive in better order and command better prices. The cargo of corn she brought the other day was sold at the highest market price for Western mixed—viz. 74e per bushel Again, team canal boats will be of the grea in forwarding goods westward to avoid beng can, in the season. They will probably be able to make their way throw hin jee, which horse boate would fail to overcome. J understand that it is the jntention of her owners, of of the forwarding line to which this steamboat belongs, t have one or two more put npon the canal next spring The other steam canal boat, called the Sterabnrg, which had a cabin fitted wp to carry Gov, King and the Canal Commissioners on thetr late tour, was pot so well adapted to canal service, and it would have been better for those ‘oming all the way through to New York on the Charles Wack It is said that the Sternl and gone on a trip up the lak: The canal tolls on the passage of boats amounts to two milla per mile, or one cent for every five miles, or twenty conte for cach hundred miles. Steam fs the revolution izing agent wherever employed, and in no instance within the limits of this State will its results be more important than on our great canals. OBSERVER Supreme Court—Cirew Refore Hon. Noah Davis, Jr SUIT POR PARTITION UNDER A WILL. Oct. 20.—Sarah E. Clayton vs. Ann Garrington and others. —Thie was an action of partition brought by the Plaintiff, as heir at law of the late Robert Tier, to divide the real estate belonging to Mr. Tier, under the allegation that he died intestate. The defendants are devisees under a will left by the deceased, but which the plaintiff con. tende is void for want of competency in Mr. Tier to exe: cute such a will at the time it was made, Property, which amounts to about $90,000, js located principally in this city. ‘The Hon. Danwel §. Dickinson as one of the counsel for the defendants. The case been just opened, and will in all probability occupy some days, steam has since teft the canals United States Cireuit Court, Before Hon. Judge Ingersoll. Oct, 2.—Adolph and Jacob New wore arraigned on a charge of receiving property knowing it to have been fraydulently obtained from the Post Office, Bail was fixed at $2,000 Sramreor ron tie Wesr.—A large emigration from Nort I he Weat is goingon Ac of fifty nine pe ty, North Car THE ENGLISH BILL IN SOUTH CAROLINA. OPINIONS OF A FIRE EATER. m8. KEITT IN A SWAMP, ke, ke. ke. Mixtvects: from. @ Byssshs af the Bion. I. Mt. Fetrow-Crmzgns—I accepted with peculiar reid ness your invitation to address you to-day, as it enable: me to make an exposition of my poli course without the ive to Congress and his are nume- Tous, delicate and important. The best’ tative oftentimes requires much of charity and ‘bearunce, ‘These I have uniformly received from my constituents, and I make to you und to the rest of them my warm ac knowledments. * * * * * e My course upon the Conference bit [ intend to-day to defend and justify. I supported it, and Ishall not shrink from its defence. 1 affirm and shall maintain—first, that the Lecompton constitution was not subt by it to tho people of Kansas for ratification or tion; second, that it is in strict conformity to State iis, and has the sanction of precedents; and, third, that ‘South lost no- thing in its passage. 4 1. The Lecompton constitution was not submitted to the people. You must remember that Kansas applied for ad- mission upon two conditions: first, the reception of her constitution; and, second, the reception of her land ordi- nance. The issues between the two parties were made upon the Lecompton constitution. The republicans con- tended that the first Territorial Legislature in Kansas had been elected by intruding bands of illegal voters from Missouri, and that therefore it was illegal; all of its acts illegal; all acts of subsequent Territorial Legislatures ille- gal; and, consequently, that the Convention which framed the Lecompton constitution being in regular sequence from the first Territorial Legislature, was itself illegal in its origin, authority and acts. They further contended that a pro-siavery ‘constitution was ‘not republican, and that a constitution derived its binding efficacy from its ratification by a popular vote. These were the issues made, and these the issues which were met and covered both by the Seuate bill and the Conference bill. Now, is the Lecompton constitution submitted to the people of Kansas through the provisions of the Conferenee bill? This must be determined by the words of the bill; and if doubts exist as to the meaning of those words, they must be ex plained by the emiporaneous interpretation given by the authors of the b Let us see what are the words of the They are as follows:— “Whereas, the people of the Territory of Kansas did, by a convention of delegates assembled at Lecompton on the 7th day of Novemper, 1857, for that purpose, form for themselves a constitution aud State government, which constitution is republican: and whereas, at the same time and place, said Convention did adopt au ordinance, which erts that Kansas, when admitted as a 1 undoubted right to tax the lands within ging to the United States, and proposes to bh said asserted right if certain conditions set forth d and agreed to by the United reas, the sid constitution and ordinance have been preseuted to Congress by order of said Conven- tion, and admission of said Territory into the Union there- On asa State requested; and whereas said ordinance is not acceptable to Congress, and it is desirable to ascertain whether the people of Kansas coneur in the changes in faid ordimance hereinafter stated, and desire admission into the Union as a State as herein proposed,” &c. Now what do these words mean? Do they import any disagreement to the Lecompton constitution? Do they not affirm that it is republican? And is not all the power of Congress in the inspection of a State constitution exhaust ed in declaring it republican? De they not, in fact, affirm plainly and directly that the Lecompton constitution is ac- ceptable to Congress, and accepted by it ?—for they de- clare that *: (Lecompton) constitution and ordinance havetbeen presented to Congress by order of said Conven tion avd admission of said Territory into the Union there- on as a State requested; and whereas said ordinance is not acceptable to Congress,’ &e. Can any sequence of words more plainly ali distinetly accept the Lecompton consti tution than those I have quoted ? * * * * * * What, then, was submitted? Simply the Land ordinance, But | have been told nothing was said of the Land ordi nance before the passage of the Conference bill. That is not true. It was specifically rejected by the Senate bill. In the very beginning the friends of the Lecompton constitution strack at the Land ordinance, repudiated and rejected it. It made exorbitaut and unjustifiable demands, and not a friend of Kansas in Congress ever uttered a word in support of it. It was not one of the matters put in issue, for the Seuate bill itself distinctly and emphati cally rejected it. It claimed for Kansas more than twenty three millions of acres of the puble lands, while four millions was the quantity granted to other States upon their admission. If this exorbitant demand was acceded to why might not other new States, in preparing for ad. mission usurp or confiscate to their own uses all the lands of the United States within their limits? Why might not all the States now in the Union demand all the public lands within their limits. and what justice would there be in refusing their demands? The simple truth is, that Kansas applied for admission, with her Land ordinance as a condition; and as its demands were exorbitant, Congress changed its terms, and submitted the changes to the peo ple ot Kansas for adoption or rejection. This was the matter submitted—nothing more and nothing less. What ‘other disposition could have been made of the matter? None other, except either conceding the extraordinary aad exorbitant demands contained tn the Land ordinance, or peremptorily retusing admission to Kansas, There was hot a single supporter of the Land ordmance in Congress, and did those who now clamor against the Conterence Dill wish us of the South peremptorily to refuse admission to Kansas? If they did aot, thea the principle contained in the Conference bill cannot be fairly excepted to by them. * * . * . * * * 3. The South jost no practical advantage im the pass of the Conference bill. The coustitution was ‘cominally o-8lavery, but there wore few es in the Territory. ve free State population was largely in the majority, aud the Legislature had been given to the free soilers. Two abolitionists would have been elected to the Senate, and the Lecompton constitution would have beeu changed in kix months. True, with these results we had nothing to do; but if we sacrificed no principle, then the South lost ho practical advan age. But it i said that the great fact stands in our path, that Kansas is not admitted. The fact is true: bat why? Be cause she refosed to accept the moditication of her Land ordinance. If she presented to 8, Surrounded with the same ‘ions of authority, attested by the same fownalities as her constitution, and upon it as one condi tion, and her constitution as the other, she applied for ad mission, Her constitution was accepted, but her Land Ordinance was modified, and the modification sent back for her acceptance or rejection. It has been the artes ee tek, tae ee eat cept it; and baving « the terme they not a Tight to refuse them, and to stay out? That anti slavery fanaticiam lies behind thie result I make no doubt. That it should warn us of a rapidly hastening conflict I make no doubt. But that it t* chargeable to the provisions of the Conference bill Ido duetiunctiy den If the disturb. ing and dividing element of rlavery hae been withirawn, if 80 partiean or sectional question whatever had been at issue, the course pursued in the Conference bill wonld have been pursued. Kansas would have been negotiated with, and the modification of ber ordinance submitted to her The result, it is true, would have been different, for shi would have accepted the niodification, but her right to reject it would have been the same. Fanaticism defeated the change Congress proposed, but the motives of the vo. ters we could not touch. We sacrificed no principle, and could not guard against the illicit operations of anti-siave ry hate. But would Kansas have been in the Union if the Senate Dill bad passed? No more than under the Conference bill In the Senate bill the Land ordinance was changed. and the assent of Kansas to the change was required. With out that assent she was not in the Union. Bat it has been eaid if ber Legislature organized and elected United States Senators ber acquiescence would be implied, and her ad- mission would be perfect. Granted, But suppose her Legislature refused to organize and elect Senators, what then? She would be just where she is now. The Logieia ture was free soil; amd would it have orgauized ad come into the Uniout Is itat all probable that it would have acted differently from the people? No; the same result would have been attained under the Senate bill that has been reached under the Conference bit! obvious reason that both b nance, aud required the mace iu it by Congress. Fanaticiem could admission unier the one bill as easily as other, Thus far the two bills substantially agree. They differ in two points, and in two inaterial points only. The Lecompton constitution prohibited any change in iteelf before the year 190). The ‘Senate bili declared this prohibition to be in effect nuil and void. In this respect it intervened in the affairs of Kan sas, ane dictated a feature of ber constitution, It went sull fare Tt dograded a constitution, and dragged or ganic law down to the level of change enthroned ihe numerical majority, and trample dust all the guarantees of const outraged conservati«m and a “brute numbers.” Upon this tremendous mption ‘onstitiition of the United States could he changed by & mere unajority, and the most «acred vested rights be dis by the breath of numbers. 1 have regarded con tious as the embodiment of the wisdom aud patriot lem and majesty of the State,and not as the irittie puppets of thieta ajorities. T have regarded them as the supreme expression of the will and of the ple, and not as the flexible inst faction arded them as beyond the reach of tumult or sedition, of faction or majorities: and only to be touched by the whole people in the mode prescribed by the whole people, or to be consumed by the fires of fevoldtion. The easy manipulation of them by majorities, against their positive prolibition, as sanctioned in the Senate bill: the convement appli cation of them to party purposes or geoeraphical ambition, can never get my assent. The Senate bill boast ‘od this agrarian doctrine; it is not in the Conference bill, to its integrity and honor. There is another differenc The Conference bill prohibits Kansas from applying ag for admission until she has the population requisite for a member to Congress. The Senate bill contained no such prohibition. Is not the prohibition just and proper? Have the people of any section of the country a right to undve representation? If the ratio of representation be not en forced aga rile, may not an infinite nurober of little States be thrust into the Union, imbecile in power, and pas pers upon the floor of Congres? The rule should never be de parted from . . . . . Md Teome now, gentlemen, to subjects of practical and Pressing significance. What are the signs of the times 4 And what is our policy? 1 do not see the amelioration which baz been so confidently announced. I see no a! ment in the volume of fanaticism, and no ebb in ite ov rent Moral victories we have achieved, bat they la hot erv@@ as from the ase {fanatoam, wad wil ae ave ua from them — The arent industrial im fi ie Worl, We UMNbAUgeAUS lane A LeuIAuy Auk the Demor physical geography, have compelled both England France to acknowledge difference of races; to subordinate the uncivilized to the civilized; to aggregate habor in the production of staples, and to derive that labor from those fitted by nature for its exercise. But there has been no revolution, either progressive or ia- cipient, in the sentiments of the of either country upon the subject of slavery as it exists in the Southerm States, and their governments have been none the less active in er fanaticism. Commercial jealousy and rival dominion always Great Britain fron any policy which will induce prosperity to the States of (he Union. Her statesmen may be convinced of the folly of abolitionism; her scholars: know that slavery bas always existed, and her phil may understand and concede that it is a normal re! between the white and black races, but her government will continue to , te fanaticism, and her counsels to dieapeninerey te, In the fleld of the world’s debate we may win vic- tories, but these triumphs will not stay back the progress of fanaticism. The laws of human action age beyond the reach of such argumentation as these victories flow from. Nor have we gathered from thom any substantial revenue of gain in ae Southern States. I see no parting of the cloud, and no pause in the muster of the elements there. When I first entered Congress, there was but am insignificant number of abolitionists in the House, and but two, I believe, in the Senate. Since then I have seen thom swell in numbers till they seized the power of the House, and in the Senate there are now about twenty-three. Im eighteen years their popular vote has increased from forty to fourteen hundred thousand. Like mildew and biast— like pestilence and famine—abolitionism has swept through: the free States, and girdicd them round with a belt of deadly influences. If there be any power tostay the ravi of this moral sirocco, it has not been exerted. Pulpit and press, lecture hall and lyceum, State machine- ry and party organization, have sunk beneath its pestilent and deadly breath. In my own congressional carcer 1 bave seen the whig party die, its legions dissolve, its glo- ries melt away, and its proud banner, illustrated with splendid achievements and bright with heroic memories, folded over the grave of its great leader; and the black republican party, an amalgam of isms, a base conglome- rate of opposing elements tied together by fanaticism, step into the field, instigated by hatred to the South, and greedy of sectional power, and just fail to seize the sceptre of success. Nor is it weaker now than when it so insolently grasped at the control of the government. The most san- guine anticipate a desperate conflict with it in the next Presidential election, and its success would not violently contradict the indications of the times. No less hostile, too, are the designs of this party to the South. It has formally announced its intention to abolitionize every department of the government, and use them to the over- throw of slavery. The Supreme Court even is to bo podelled, that its ministrations may subserve the cause fabolitionism. Where, then, are the promising signs of a“ returning sense of justice’ on the part of the North? Where is the “silver lining’ in the cloud? Abolitioniana is « moral disease for which I can see no speedy cure. have seen it stated that all the Northern democratic no- for Congress are pledged to disregard the provision in the Conference Lill requiring the ratio of population for a member to Congress before Kansas should be admitted the Union. This provision, just in itself, necessary to fair dealing between the members of the confederacy, was in- corporated in the bill with more than ordinary legislative solemnity. It wi an agreement entered intounder cir- cumstances whieh invested it with the sanctities of a com. pact. To it faith plighted. It cannot be broken by the Northern party to it without perfidy. If it be true that the Northern democratic nomuness are pledged to violate it, then it shows to my mind that Northern Fanaticism is increasing, and that resistance to it is giving ‘way. If the North breaks faith upon this poist, the ties between the two wings of the Laney d will be weakened if not dissolyed. The South cannot hold communion with those who betray faith and hound on fanaticism, Kan. sas is now thrust into the Union as a free State, and over the provisions of the Conference bill; if the South 4s to be outraged by sering this begin howd rebellious and i ragged in defiance of law and right and justice and pledged then she must tear phen Jun and bay rae od into her own hands, igen of the bond the South must and will exact, and any violation of it must be Sellowed retribution. If the heavens, then, are over cast with clouds, what is our aye my judgment our policy is clear and obvious. should support the admi- nistration and co-operate with the democratic * approximating nearer to us than any other, unti! such co- operation involves the sacrifice of acy or safety. administration I believe to be reliable and trustworthy. Since the beginning of the last session of ress ite ye policy has received my carnest sup] Imay ave objected to isolated acts, but no oue can be ex. pected to approve all the acts ef any administra- tion. Administrations and parties must be judged by the general resultsof their policy and prinaples, and not by exceptional acts. Mr. Buchanan’s administration has heen made memorable by a series of brilliaat success- es. He has done all he coul So ais ine cntanes of Sia e& to maintain the rights and expectations of ihe South. Even if the party of the North waver, | believe Mr. Bu- chanan will stand firm. TI believe, therefore, that his ad- ministration in the future will be such as we can safely and cordially support. Good policy also requires that should co-operate with the democratic party. in the gress of fanaticism its Northern hosts have meted away, until Lay 2 are now but a minority in mostof the free States. the Northern wing of the detlined, the Southern wing, however, strengthened. declension of the one, and increase of the other, have coatinued un - til the party has lost control of nearly every free State, and has obtained contro! of every Southern but one. ‘The slavery ery the strengthened it at the South. bebe oy yoo the ch of the po ing bad Aands of the South, toh National . Issues have thus been made which have tried the party and driven from it the timidand wavering. Its too, ee ee of ~ sire to cone! Northern opinion, thereby, through party strength, keep possession 0 u too often and improperly been manifested by Southern men, is true; but it is equally true that the policy of the parts, for the last few has been mainly icy it has often unable to carry out, because of ‘tions in its Northern ranks; but tt still clung to {ts policy, and the deserters have remained in the camp of the enemy. The South has the general control of ? 33 ‘the party, and if its issues and policy be or dan- gerous, she has most of the blame to bear. Itis in view of this ascendency of the South in the counsels of the par- y, that I think the party purer than it has been, and that '¥ requires our co-operation with it. it, while wou! ‘| roe | eee to co-operate with the democratic party, | would strongly counsel against beiag mer in Ie" oui not erate any artical est ind ber to the party a moment longer than sound policy dictates; nor would T weave around her an! moral restraints, springing from tatimate ansociation, to keep her from action, whenever such may be proper. * © © © the State against aMlation counsel her against nomi- Es i Pe F a I Ses LH it ale venient organ through which to ; bat conventions such as thore T have alluded to are Most \-responsibie, despotic and ous contrivances that could be adopt Congressional caucus sys tem may be objectionable, but it is far less so than the tion of the party, and its nominations would be made by responsible men. Their position woukl throw around them certain responsibilities. In 1848, after the Balti more Convention, Mr. Calhoun said to me, “ With Gen. Jackson T pot the Congressional caneus system under foot, bot I did not expect to sec this monstrous system of Na- tional Conventions take its place. It is far more than the Congressional caucus, and [hope thave seem the laet nat vention, The Congressional caucus ay stem is fa ter.” T believe I have quoted his very word A moment more, gentlemen, and Ihave done, I be- Heve the South ( more united now than at any fermer pe- riod of her history. IT believe, too, that events are coming ‘on that will press her still more closely together, and that it © madness now to divide and distract. He incurs @ fearful responsibility who unnecessarily throws into her Midst a disturbing clement. The South will soon be compelled to fight her fiercest and greatest battle ; in all probability |t will be her test battle in tho Union. Let there be no distension in her camp, and no quarreling among ber children. The skies may seem serene, and the waters appear tranquil, but the elements of mischief are mostering in the one and rocks are re aden the gl the democratic party continues to the government, our rights are protected, we may remain al peare; bul if the black republi- oo gah a Ee me matters not who tte leader i, or what ite platform netples be, its ae. condoncy. {f submitied to, nat "te ad eabpeges of South. The natural appetency of every dominant party, ceeporially if it is sectional, is to oppression; and when thie fs etimulated by fanatiotem, tui is the sure result. would sooner see the South ravaged by mildew and by pestilence and famine, than see her proud to black repobiican ro if ever she once sul abolition ascendency she must fade away into ruin, courage upon the fleld must win back her has forfeited — If she once yields her history is the annals of Mexico, Stained in blood, shrunken and restiogs between anarchy and despotism, stands beautiful land, “ankingdomed and 4 some spell of conquest and renovation, Will the if ih ei fl ire her to estab . equal to a tat. At font At fortids her submission to black republi- can rule Never, And Vike dn, er amy ent will South Carolina ulmi. Sho was the Jobn the Baptist of the Revolution, and if her honor requires it, she must again be t fauner tn defence of our common liberty and oi : Postrace Uron Larre RS pa Mg eet ee ested to state that the regu prom: UUM Dy the British Post Office relative to the compulsory epagment in full of postage upon letters between the Cited Kingdom and the Kast Indies (notices of which have been extensively published in the Te a ot this country.) apply only to letters posted in the United Kingdom addressed to the Fast Indies, and wice wrsa, and do not extend to transit letters for India received from the United States. The regulation for collecting the United States postage only 4 letters mailed im this country for India, via England, i* therefore still in foree—the single rate of Unt ted States portage being twenty one, or live cents, ae cording as the Atlantic sea conveyance is performed United States or British packets. Obituary. Vaxnevoort, of Niagara county, a member of tie State Committee. and a lending soft poittt- sdat Dorchester, Mase, Te ‘ Mr V ting ard sreat personal we th, vad was by @ large eave Oe HeaE Wana