The New York Herald Newspaper, December 24, 1857, Page 2

NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY DECEMBER 24, 1857 Welleve that Wie admission of Kansas into the Union would ‘Thave that effect. The excitement drecders and mongers would then find it more profitable to invest in some other commodity. For a time their occupation would be gone, ‘ut their persevering and mischievous ingenuity would not fail to lead them into a similar business in some other locality. The toss, therefore, to that very industrious class would be temporary cov, while the gain to the country would be permanent. Under these circumstances T sincerely hope that you wil! pass resolutions admitting Kanaas into the Union aod Tammany Hall at onco, and thus settle this troublesome question forever. ticularly gratify ing tothe democratic representativ the Empire State to know that her democracy is taking a | bold and manly stand in defence of the President and bis administration. | have heard nothing from my own dis trict, but the democrats there are always right on great | national issues, and I fee! satisfied that they wil! be with you tomorrow evening. As their repressitative I intend ‘o stand by Mr. Buchanan’s administration, witvees ils triumph or fall with it. GEORGE TAYLOR, LETTER OF HON. JOHN B, HASKIN, Hovss or Rerrssxstanivics, Wasirnctox, Dec, 21, 1857. T have the honor to acknowtedge the receipt of your in- vitation to attend and address a mass mi 0 the de- mocracy, at Tammany Hal!, on the 23d inst., “for the purpose of renew! ‘expression of thoir confidence in ‘he administration of James Buchanan, and responding to che sentiments and recommendations of his recont mos. sage.’ An invitation was extended to mo by a self-con- stituted committee to address a meeting in Tammany Hail onthe 17th inst., which resulted im not specially sustain. | ae ministration, but rather in “a of con dolence”’ in the Park. Being satisfled that the individuals who were the godfathers of that movement were actuated by selfish and sinister motives—that it was initiated by speculators tn government reservations, and sycophants bolding federal offices in Lie olty—I did myself the bouor w decline noticing their invitation, and now have to deplore, with all the sincere friends of the administra- (iou here, that it shou!d have been humiliated by the failure of a demonatraiion which, under other and better auspices, could not have been otherwise than successful, flatter- ing and acceptable to it. cordially respond to the objects ‘of your meeting, and endorse the sentiments and recom. mendations coulamed in the recent message of the distin- guished statesman now at the head of the federal govern ment, To doubt his ability and wisdom to successfully mauage the existing complicated aiairs of the country would be to doubt, if nol to stultify, yourselves, who con- tributed so much, by effort, energy and ability, to achieve his elevation to the bighest position in the gift of a free people. Rest assured that he wi! the aid and co operation of Congress, as well in the Kansas imbroglio agin allthe other important government questions re- ferred to in his message, successtully adjust and settle them. Permit me bere to digress, and suggest that in my 1 willeither | judgment it is unbecoming an independent democratic peo-. the ostracism of any democrat who may uow honestly entertain and express his own views of the best mode of practically obtaining @ fair and just expres- siou of the people of Kansas upon their orgauic law, and, feast of all, do I deem it decent or proper to at tempt an ‘excommunication from the democratic church of the distinguished author of the Kansas- Nebraska bill for giving, in his recent speech in the United States Senate, a frank expression of his own inter pretation of his own'act. Persecotion in the religious and in the political world has made martyrs of many who otherwise would not have received the distinction and re- ward of the head of ourchurch. To charge Mr. Douglas who contributed so much in mental labor, energy and m: terial aid in bis own State and throughout the Union to the election of this adminiatration a brief year ago, when every democratic statesman, and the entire democratic prea’ of the South, North, Hast and West, were publicly offering incense upon the altar of his democracy and statestnanship—now with treason to bis party is, in m; opinion, to act ungratefully towards the past und uuwis towards the futare of our party’s history. “No test should be established where really there is 0 little ple to attempt his message, and those of the Senator from Illi nois in bis recent speech upon the fundamental princi iy sely T- ence between the views of the President, as expreased in | le of popular sovereignty, involved in the expedient mode of testing that principle in the Territory of Kansas to pro- duce just cause for alienation and separation between na- tional democrats of and for the Union. It is due to can- dor aud my own independence of character to state that I have never subscribed to the monarchica! dogma—“The king can do no wrong.”” differ, in unison of opinion and action, with many demo. crats now Lolding prominent and lucrative federal ap- polutments in your ciy, from the policy of President Pierce and Secretary Guthrie, for their’ unjust inter ference in the removal of federal officers in our State i be an un in State politics and with State rights, Th interference was the organization of the “hard she of Mr. party of 1853, continued down to the nominal Buchanan, when, having performed its mission, with the “ soft shell” party of our State, am contributed ail within the power of a homogeneous organi zation to redeem New York in the Presidential eam- paign of 1856. It is likewise due to the causes which pro. duced the hard shell organization, and the conspicuous part performed by me in it, that T sh assert, &t the threshold of federa! interference, i» your local politics. Entertaining, as Ido, the strongest desire that sincere and devoted frieud of the administration can Possess for ite success and prosperity—that it it should “follow ia the footeteps of ita predecessor” in unjusti- I would as the re- fiabiy interfering’ in your city aud State alfa again hold myself at liberty, and fee! it a dut; presentative of an honest, intelligent and independent cou- atituency, to fearlessly but bunestiy and firmly differ with it without admitting any substantial reason therefor to be considered any less a conststent democrat than those who were and are now enjoy ing iu our State the sunshine of federal favor, und who, | am proud to say, were with me in sympathy, in principle and im action, in what was charged to be a party rebellion in 1853, 1884, 1865 and 1866; but, copsecrated Ly success, it became 'a patriotic revolotion Gentlemen, | bave po just cause to foar that this administration will unproperly interfere in your local Tt was my mght and province te LETTER OF HON. WILLIAM ©. ALEXANDER. Princenon, N. J., Dec. Thave been honored with your letter of the 17th inviting me to attend and address a democratic m: many Hall, on esday evening, the 23d inst, importance at this moment ‘of rone' the expression of confidence in James Buchanan, and responding to the sentiments and recommendations of his recent message,” must be obvious to every national democrat. I shall en- deavor to be present at the proposed meeting, not for the purpose of addressimg it, but to listen to those much more entitled to be heard on an occasion so interesting and im- portant. WILLIAM ©. ALEX LETTER OF HON. JOHN ROBBINS, JR. ) at | pressing their confid the admiuistrs | Fictanin ach feopendicy $ the recommen: Teecnt mosaage ; be presaing | uggeations in regard to the fi i the troubles in the Territory of Kansas. It, ror the peace and quiet of the country, happens, when- ever @ Fitts fa to be ont ied Mh Fae, aerrmorial government is to be orguiftzed. ‘that ai Ity of regu- lating their domestic institutions immediately presents itself, produces violent people become agitated and excited end of the Union to the other. It 1820, when Missouri was admitted as a 80 in 1850, when California was admitted, and Territorial goverpments were organized for Utah aud New Mexico. ‘Tt was so on the establishment of Territorial governments for Kapsas and Nebraska in 1854; and so it is now inre- gard to the admission of Kansas into the confederation of States. It is acknowledged that the President has used every precaution to enable the people of the Territory to crgabize and establish their own government according to their own wishes, and it does seem to me that the public welfare would be promoted by receiving Kansas into tho Union with as little delay as possible. Then the citizens of Kansas cau regulate their domestic institutions in accor- dance with the will of the majority, as in the other States. The President, free from sectional bias, and anxious to promote the best interests of the whole confederacy, has plainty and clearly indicated in his message what be deems to be the best policy to be pursued, and I neither doubt his motives nor his judgment. b JOHN ROBBINS, Jr. LETTER OF HON. GIDEON J. TUCKER. 4 New Yous, Doo. 22, 1857. Tam in receipt of your circular, requesting me to attend and addrese a mass meeting to be held to-merrow even. ing at Tammany Hall, “for the purpose of renewing the expression of our confidence in the administration of James Buchanan, and responding to the sentiments and recommendations of his recent m« 7 The ad ministration of President Buchanan has thus far been characterized by the exhibition of an integrity and firm- ness of purpose and a devotion to principle which recall the earlier and sterner days of the republic To sustain and endorse it, at all times and in all places, is the duty of every true national nemocra' It ba my highest and most unreserved approval | [thank you for the invitation, and propose to attond, not with the view of addressing the meeting (for Tam not in the habit of public speaking), but for the sake of manifest- ing by my presence a sympathy with its declared objects. With the like purpose Lattended the very large and respect. able meeting called on Thursday evening of last week, and which, by a mistaken policy, was excluded from Tammany Hall. ‘I irust your mecting ‘will follow the excellent ex- ample of its predecessor, over which Senator Schell pre- sided, in the Park: that it will refrain from widening breaches in the party which the enemy are insidiously striving to make: will announce a hearty support of the President; will firmly deciare itself for the enforcement of party subordination and strict adherence to reguinr nominations: and will urge good feeling and conciliatory action upon the democratic representatives in Congress— several of whom, Iam glad to perceive, have already placed themselves manfuliy on record at this crisis. I am respectfully yours, GIDEON J. TUCKER. Mr. Wat, Browne here managed to find time to read the resolutions, as follows:— Resolved, That our confidence in the firmness, integrity and statesmanship of James Buchanan has steadily iu- creased with the progress of his administration; that look- ing to his recent message to Congress as the exposition of te principles upon which he proposes to administer the government, we desire to express our cordial and un qua. Ifed approval of the principles therein enunciated, and tender to him anew the assurance of our continued and increasing confidence; and in view of the important issue sented to the country by his Kansas policy, we are gratified to find in his message the evidence of his wise porpose to recognise the action of the Constitutional Con- vention of Kansas, recently assembled at Lecompton, and to sustain the application soon to be made for her admis- sion into the Union as a State, with or without slavery, as ber bona fide inhabitants shal! decide for themselves at the election hela on the 2lst inatant, as provided for by said convention, thus recognizing and en orcing the great doctrine upon which the democracy of the whole Union has stood throughout this long and angry controversy— that the people of each State and Territory shall decide the question of slavery for themselves and in their own way. Resolved, That, as being paramount to all other qves- tions of domestic concern, we earnestly invoke the atten- tion of Congress to the consideration of the causes which have procucea the recent disastrous revulsion in trade and commerce, and to such measures of legislation as may be devised to relieve the people, so far as is possible, from the consequences of past errors, and to guard the country abe Mer in the future; and in this relation yprowe the passage compulsory bank- Tupt law, applicable to corporations as well as individuals, recommended in the recent report of the Secretary of the Treasury. Resolved, That the views and recommendations of the President in his message, with reference to the relations of this country with foreign States, command the hearty endorsement of the democrats of the city of New York; | that whilst we would desire our country to stand upon the matters, to afford even a seeming cause for any division | most friendly footing with all nations, condemning as wo of our party. The premature discussion in Congress of do all lawiess combinations which peril the peace of the “popular sovereignty,” before we have official intelli- | country, to subserve the cupidity or the ambition of mere gence of the manner and result of the election in Kansas | adventurers, we heartily applaud the gallant and patriotic towards the to-day , aasurediy should not afford cause for estrangement among members of a political family. tiently and with hope that the resnit of the election in that distant Territory lus fairly tested the prastical work- of “popular sovereignty," in givimg the people the fall enjoyment of the right of self-government; and that Kansas may “right speedily”? come into the Union as a co-equal State, under the Wise executive counsels of an able and patriotic President, through the medium of a legisiative admission, by an untrammelied and indepen- dent Congress. I regret that my official engagements here wil! prevent the enjoyment of the pleasure of ad- dressing your meeung on Wednesday night next JOHN B. HASKIN. LETTER FROM HON. JO! Asati I rogret extremely that it will not be in my power to ac cept the vitation of the democracy of the city of New York, te 4 & mass meting at Tammany Hal!, on the 234 inst. called for the purpose of renewing the expression of the’ nh the administration of James Bi pan, g to the sentiments and recommer aut message. Entertaining, as I do, the most entire confidence in the statesmanship, wisdom, and patriot Chief Magistrate, and approving most the sentiments and recommendations of his mes sage, I would cerive the greatest pleasure from pre- sent at the ancient head quarters of the democracy of your ay metropolis, to witness the cordial endorsements of is poly and’ principles, That pleasure would be en- hanced by the conviction that your proceedings will be a true exponent of the conservative feeling which animates the vast ority of your citizeus. I trust that] may be pardoned for expressing the Lope that «Il local feud A Jenlousies may be forgotten in your demonstration, and that your meeting will unite all those who are willing to rally under the banner of the great natioual democratic rity, in support of its principles as enunciated by the incinnati Convention, and so triumpbanttly vindicated by the election of James Buchanan. In our next struggle we may bave to regret the absence from our array of sume of those who have heretofore bravely battled with us, side by side, but Ihave an abiding faith iw the enduring vital- ity of the democratic party. We lave but to close the ranks of our ol¢ disciplined coharta, apd we shall soon find among those who have tasted and tried the bitter fruits of biack repablicanism and Know Notbingism ampie materials to suppiy their ivas. JOHN SLIDELL. LETTER OF HON. CHAS. 1. SCOTT. Fores ov Rarxmsxst ative. } Wasmisorow, Dec. 19,1857. for the purpose sions of their confidence in the admiaistratic Buchanan. apd responding to the sentiments and recom mendations of his recent message.” has been duly re- ceived. I rerret exceedingly thet busines will prevent | pr, me from being with you Om the above occasion, as it | oy would al of ure to give evidence of my en wreshet Stau cl Wren , Dee regret extremely that Tshail not be able to atten your mass mecting at Tammany Hall on the evening of stand taken by the President arrogant de- Let us wait pa- | mands of England and the long continued and insufferable insulta of Spain; and we congratulate the country upon the ‘assurance afforded by the past career of Janes B: while Secretary of State and as the representative of the United States at foreign courts, in bis memorable Ostend letter, and tp his celebrated correspondence with the Eng- sh goverpment upon the Central American question, that the honor and integrity of our republic will be fearlessly and faithfully maintained by measures calculated to in- dignity ané promote our progress in all the elements of national prowess. Resolved, That we congratulate the democracy of tho ‘State and the Union upon the vietory achieved by the de- mocracy in the last State election; that this triumph, un- equalled in our political history, is due mainly to the ap- proval which the people have always accorded to the policy of the democratic party in matters bos tng J to the government of the State, and to the confidence inspir- ed by the efforts of the administration of Jumes Buchanan to administer the federal government tipon principles alike Just and fairly to all sections of the confederacy —thereby aiding to restore among the States and Territories of the Union those fraternal relations which recent evests had done 0 much to alienate. And whereas, in view of existing commercial embar- rasements and the reeent suspension of epecie payments by the banks of this State, caused, in a great degtee, by the overissue of bank paper: ‘And, whereas, the necessary consequence of auch over- incues is to stimulate enterprise to unhealthy excrases, to engeuder a spirit of speculation, and to turn the capital of the country tnto profitiess and dangerous channels, lead- ing to reruisions im business and finance, breaking down industrial establishments which have deen built up in seasons of excitement, throwing laborers out of employ. ment driving the commercial classes into bankruptcy and divordering the whole system of productive labor ‘And, whereas, the periodical recurrence of these do rangements admonishes us to guard against them by im- posing additional restraints upon the creation of paper credita employed to perform the offices of a circulating medinm And, whereas, the enormous multiplication of banks during the last ten years, with the power of issuing notes of circulation, has been the chief cause of the prevailing embarrasements; And, whereas the national coin of the country ta the only true representative of value, and shoald be exclu- sively employed in small transactions and exchangos And, wi , the issue of bank notes of the lower de nominations inevitably expels from circulation, as all ex- perience attests, coins of the same denominations And, whereas, the gol! flelds of California afford a ready Tesource for supplying any vacuum caused by the with- drawal of bank paper: Therofore resolved, That in view of these facts and considerations, it is due to the community at large, whose rity is deeply involved in the maintenance of @ y movement in commerce and industry: to the Stat ew York, which, from its position and varied interests, ts rapidly becoming the commercial and financial centro | of the civilized world, but which can never attain that eminence without a banking system eo organized as to he | secure from defalcation and discredit; to the mercantile | classes, which can only be prosperous when exempt from great fluctnations in the tide of commercial enterprise: to the banks, which can never be safe from insolvency when their borrowers are embarked in speculation and wild ad- venture; to the laboring classes, whose comfort and inde the 241A democrat, and coming as I do almost from the | pendence depend on uninterripted employment—that a extreme South, it would be something of which | might | larger amount of the precious metals should be infused well be proud ‘to meet, as Tshould, in your city, with | inte the circulation, and the superstructure of banking be unconquerable legions, whose ardebt offerings at the | made to rest on # broader and more substantial basis of Shrine of justice. the Union and good government are the credit same as found upon the altars of all trae democrats every. | Therefore resolved, That the Logisiature of this State where. May their fire for ev nd the patriotic oughtto prohitit, by law, within the limit of the State, devotion of your people r 1s a cloud of incense, visi- | the circulation of all bank notes of @ lower denomination bie to the nation, acceptable to ite God M. SANDRIDGE. LETTER OF HON. WILLIAM © Wastiseros , Dee Tam in the receipt of your favor of the 17th of Decem ber instant, informing Mme that “the democracy of the city of New York, for the pui E mon of their confidence in administration of Jamez uchanan,”’ &e., ‘will hold @ mass meeting at Tammany Hiall,on Wedne-day evening, December 28, 1857," whicti through the Committee of Invitation, I am “requested tw attend and address’ Most sincerely do I regret that it Will not be in my power to accept the invitation. I should be particularly grat to manifest my confidence in the administration in such a presence: but duties of a pri- vate and domestic ‘acter claim the short interval lowed me from my puble ser the indulgence af my long h to appear before the democracy of our fcial metropolis io their celebrated Wigwam. WM. SMITH. LETTER OF HON, TRUSTEN POLK. Wasmxotoy, Dec. 19, 18 ‘The invitation of the committer of which you meeting at natant for pression of their eon inistration of James Buchanas, and entiments and recommendations of his recent mensage, ia before me Please accept assurances the compliment and confidence extended duties and engagements here are such as to forego both the bouor and pleasure of oi ibe moehng: TaUsTeN PULK. eberinbed w great com | all notes of a lo than five dollars, after a resonable time from the passage of such act of ibition; all notes of a lower denomina- tion than ten dollars after the first of January, 1850, and denomination than twenty dollars after the firet of January, 1960; and that the democracy of the » Ve invited to co-operate in carrying out this essential measure of reform in the currency. Resolved, That we most beartily approve and re-alfirm the sentiments expressed in the following resolution re cently adopted by the Council of Sachems of Tammany Hall = Resolves That we recommend our democratic friends 1 conciatory to each other, to be resolute ‘mination to preserve their union of purpose, and organization; to look to the future and not the past, and to bend all’ their energies to maintain the ‘and secure the cvatinued triumph of The resolutions were then put and adopted A Voie—Now, Mr. Chairman, I move that the name of Fernando Wood, the Mayor of New York, be nominated on the list of Vice Presidents. ’ Asotin Vorck—! second the motion Asommmn Vore—It is moved and seconded; now, Mr. Chairman, put the question Capt. Rrspers—This is a meeting called for national and not for ihdividual purposes, Awormen Voror—Suatain the action of the Mayor. The uproar, which had been gradually increasing, was now universal; cries of ‘Question, question,” “Pat the motion,’ cheers for Wood,” groang for “Sickleg and crease our security from foreign interference, uphold our | trators,’’ cat calls and gel's, madee@ perfect pandemo- nium. Capt. Rrxpers—Now, gentlemen, I would advise you to behave yourselves, If you will not behave yourselves it is a d—n shame. cheers for ‘Wood,’ cat calls, yells and cries of “Go on with the meeting.”’) MR. VAN BUREN TRIES TS SPEBAK—AN OLD FASHIONED FREE FIGHT. Fon. John Van Buren was here introduced by the Chairman, amid a storm of groans and hisses, cheers for Van Buren, Wood and James Buchanan, A knot of mus- cular gentlemen immediateiy in front of the stand , under the eye of Capt. Rynders, here commenced handing him their overcoats and rolling up their sleeves, while the Cap- tain was engaged in an altercation with an individual on the stand. F Capt. Ryxpexs—You ought to be put out; you are mak- ing more noise than any one. The gentleman addressed madb some reply, to the cffect that Rynders was a liar; when the Captain respond- ed that if he didn’t keep quict be would havo him put out. <A sovereign in shirt sleeves offred to put him out if the Captain desired, but by this time the centre of the room had become the sceno of a regular old fashioned Tammany scrimmage, Te- minding us of the good old days of Jackson, whena legiti- mate mecting in old Tammany was always characterized by several free fights, Tho. shoulder hitters in front of the stand, which was located in the centre of the west side of the room, commenced hitting out right, left and front, and in the briefest possible periods clearance of the centre of the room was made, with the exception of series of antagonists, pitching into one another in fine style in various parts of the circle. Conspicuous among the bruisers was an active individual in a white coat, striking out with overwhelming powor, walking right through the dense mass, making way with his fists, and doing excel- lent execution. Tho bloody noses, black cyes, bruised shins, dilapidated hats and omasculated coats, aboinded in profusion, A few poor devils got knocked down and were kicked and bruised without mercy. The sport lasted until the boys got tired, which was by no means @ short time. The doors were crowded with the more timid en- denvoring to escape, and when quiet was restored the room was but half fall. Mr. Van Buren had, in the mean- while, vociferously and repeatedly commenced, “Fellow citizens,” and “Fellow democrats; and after Captain Rynders had denounced the d—d scoundrels who came to break up the meeting, spoke as follows: — SPEECH OF JOHN VAN BUREN. Fellow citizens and fellow democrats—I have been called upon to respond here to night to the resolutions endorsing the administration of James Buchanan. (Three cheers were here given for James Buchanan.) I must express my reat surprise at the extraordinary assaults made upon him at the commencement of his administration, and that when a meeting was called by his friends undor the regu- lar organization of the democratic party, in this time- honored sanctuary, emissaries of his opponents endeavor to break it up and cause it to end in confusion. Now they wholly misapprehend the position of the democratic party in regard to that distinguished man and dis. tinguished patriot. The democracy of Tammany Hall will with one hand and voice sustam James Buchanan. Applause.) They will allow no section and no clique ard no fraction of the party to arro- gate to itself exclusive charge of the President of the United States, Ihave a right to speak upon this point and in this place, for I was invited to the meeting held in the Park, and I stood out there in the rain as the rest did there, and | am now standing inside here with those here to-night. Fellow citizens, allow me to go back a little to as- certain what we have been doing in regard to the Iresi- dency of the United States. We supposed that we had elected a patriot and a statesman to that office; we sup- posed that we had elected him upon principles that we all understood; and we supposed that while he had thus far filled the Presidential chair he had proved true to these principles. But we are. told by his opponents, and this morning by the Morning Courier, that he has violated every pledge that brought him into power. We are told that ‘he has Deen basely dishonest towards the people who ele:ted him. We are told that he yet ome recreant to the high trust devolved upon him. And we have met here to-night to defend him against these assauit«, whether they ap through the press, or come {to Tammany Hall Ped deavor to break up this meeting. (Continued applause.) Anaseault upon James Buchanan is an assault upon the democratic party. (Rynders—Bravo! Cheers. lo is its chosen head, and it ia impossible to assault Lim witheut striking down the party of which be is in command, and is the trusted and respected leader: and therefore, when theassault is made upon him, it becomes every tried democrat in the country t rally to his rescve ‘and support, -(Applause.) Let us look back fora few momenis and see in what this assault has originated, what foundation there i for it, and whetber there i anything to juetify any democrat who voted for James Buchanan in withdrawing bis confidence from him now. You are all aware that grave disucssions have arisen in the United States upon the subject of slavery. You are all are that a ditference of opinion has existed, and still subsists, between the Ni and the South on that sub ject. Abthe South they suppose it to be an excellent relation ; at the North they mag entertain a different im- pression, and that has led to unkind feeling between the two sections of the country. In 1850 compromise was agreed upon by which the people of each section were al- jowed to retain their own views, and they were to have the le of the new Territories to determine | for themselves whether they would have slave | ry or not. This wna arsented to by all the democracy of the United States. It was assented to by all the supporters ef General Scott, and it was assented to by the whole country, and was supposed to have quieted this disturbance upon the saniocs of slavery, which did no good to the slave and threatened great evil to the whole country. In 1854 a question arose in re: gard to the anization of the Territories of Nebras- kaand Kansas. was found, upon applying the ron-in: tervention principle to these Torritories, that there was already a Congressional prohibition, and'the inquiry was whether that prohibition should be repealed in orter to give full and fair effect to the non-intervention principle, | or whether it should be allowed to remain. The friends of the Nebraska Dill thought the — prohibition ought to be repealed. It was repealed, and by that re- peal the people in Kausas were left entirely free to de- cide for themselves whether they would have slavery in thelr constitution or not. That bill was the object of wide discussion. Most of you sustained it: I did not. But it passed into a law, and when it had become a law I was cppored to its rey , and was in favor of its full and fair ration, Some time after the passage of the bill com- jaints were made that persons from abroad wert into Xansas and interfered with the administration of affairs in Kansas. These complaints were frequent and general under the administration of General Pierce. The demo- cratic party assembled at Cincinnati, having before them the Nebraska bill; having before them the diffeuly that had grown out of the interference from abroad, ana they resolved—what? Why that the iple of nou-interven- sion should be applied to all fature Territories; tant it liad been rightly applied to Nebraska and Kansas; anc that hereafter when a State war ready to form a constitution, it should determine for itself, by the votes of its bona fide inhabitants, whether it would have slavery or whetter it should not.’ That was the Cincinnati platform; that was the manner in which that platform was constructed; these were the circumstances out of which it grew. We went into the election upen that platform, and James Ruchanen tood upon it. He was elected upon it, and in his inaagural address, in the judyment of the whole country, he faith fully redeemed all the pledges of his election, which were, first, that the principle of non-intervention im the affairs of the Territories should be carried out; and gext, that it was the duty of the general government to pro tect the voter in Kansas in the exercise of his right of of elective franchise at every legal and popular election that shall be held in the Territory. (Applause.) J. Waiker was sent as Governor to Kansas, and remained its Governor until he chose to rerign his ition. I would ask Northern men whether, in the whole course of Gov. Walker's wiministration, there was anything of which they have the right to complain? Did he not fairly dis- charge bis duty there? ind he not fairly determine the cases that were submitted to him in regard to the returns of elections claimed to have boen eparions and fraudulent? Dit be not go farther than atrict respect for the principle ‘of non intervention might perhaps have justified him in doing, when he advoeated the doctrine that Kansas oaght to form a free constitution, and should be admitted into the Union with a constitution of such a character? South. ern gentiemen think he did; they elaimed that he went beyond the principle of non intervention, and they insist- ed that President Buchanan should remove him from office. President Buchanan declined to remove him; on the contrary, in his annual message, which ie now the anbject of consideration, :it is fairly to be in- ferred that he justified the whole action off Gov. Walker in Kaneas, and so far as we are abio to say, he was prepared to nominate bim to the Senate, if he had not doclined. Now, Task those who complain of Mr. Buchanan—I ask the people of the free States—whether he did not fairly eave this question, as far as it could be done, to be de- cided according to the platform of his party and the pledges which bronght him into power, upto the time of his annual messaye—sustaining Gov. Waiker as long as he was Governor—eustaining bim in Kansas as tong as he bose to remain there—and when he came to Washington and ree , his resignation wax accepted, and in the couree of time another Governor will be appointed. Now let us cee what is in bis annual message that excites this discussion. President Huchanan rays that according to hie construction of the Nebraska billand the Cincinnati platform, the Convention that met in Kansas to frame a constitation was bound to submit to a practical popular vote the question whether Kansas should of should not respect the Prestlent differs dia. uth. with the letter of Senator Han ter, with Mr. Jefferson Davis—for they claim that the Con vention had absolute power to dispose of this question for themselves, The President says that his understanding was that that question wat not to be decided by the Oon- vention, but was to be disposed of by a direct vot» of the | people: and he also rays that the Convention proposed to submit that question to the direct vote of the people, and they were to have achance to determine the great question regarding this domestic institution for themselves. The Pre. sident is thus strictly within bis pledges and the pledges of the Nebrazka bill. And when this question is deci in this way, the President says that there ix nothing in the rest of the constitution or in the fact that the Convention omitted to submit it to the popular vote, to authorize Con- gress to reject it when it may be preaeoted to them. He does eay that he wishes the Convention had submitted the whole; that he took it for granted that they would submit the whole ot it to the people; and he says that that will be 1) pursue Sereatter in the formation of other vernmenta, and their change into State gov- tthe bill in relation to Kansas was silent ernments — the subject; there was nothing jn the Cincinnati Lp form that requires more than that the question of slavery shall be submitted to the people. The President eaye that if this copstitation formed by the Convention in Kansas should be tl by Congress, and Kansas be admitted into the Union under that constitution, they will then be in a position to decide their institutions for them- selves, and them overy five days in tae week, | ihey shanti chiatyuonper ‘0 4 apy without the other thirty.one in the confederacy. Now I say that that is wise, that is just, that is ce and no matter what may have beom the opinions of tne | propetety a paimiing to people, its not an, , least of all in the & s ft i i 5 tor" Douglas and leading republicans Tatent aapect of the Kansas afairs. nye A full conference between Senator Douglas and leadii republicans on the Kansas affairs! You and I never bad conference on afair—(laughte! ‘one word . ‘The resulta were mutually satisfactory. Ms art) Lord, save us from the republicans |’ Mr. VAN Burxx—The result, of the conference be- were mutually salttory | Whatever conferences we have had with them, certainl; we have us. to the itizens, I have to you of Kansas paaie’ Tn mosen . ty, again, that they have not full pewer to abolish slavery—as hay some two handred slaves would still remain in the Terri- tory whichever way they may vote. Well, all they could doin regard to that would be to provide that those slaves should have a certain le of time to be taken ont of the Territory, or their masters sheuld be paid for their emancipation, because that they are legally held under the laws and constitution the Uni ‘States there is no earthly doubt. These, th, are the two objections which may have prevented some of the people of Kansas from voting last Monday, and when they present themselves at the door of Congress these objections, no doubt, will demand a respectable attention from the members of , as Tam quite certain they will from the President of the United States. But beyond this there is nothing in the whole Kansas question to au- thorize, in my humble judgment, the raising of this din and clamor against the President of the United States for the wise, just and seasonabie suggestions that ho makes in regard to the subject, taking it on the by’ of the date of his message, and acting with all the light and ali the information that was then youchsafed to him. Now, have said that the only question that cou cerns us in the Territory of Kansas was slavery. That is undoubtedly true. You and I would never think of bothering ourselves about the term of the Governor's of- fice or the qualifications for the office of Governor. What kind of a judicial system they had, or what kind of a bank system they bad in Georgia, im South Carolina, in Kentucky, or in Kansas; but when it comes to the ques- tion of siavery, you come to precisely that question which atfects the relative im ce of the different members of the contederacy, as a question of property. You are aware that slaves are represented in this confederacy; and whether more or less of them shall be represented, is @ question that concerns all the other States. That is, therefore, the only one that disturbs the other States; and when that is withdrawn from the consideration of the Unior—whatever may be the resnit in Kansas—the thirty-one existing States are loft in the condition of tran- quillily and peace, which Mr. Buchanan pledged himself to restore, and which is so essential to the prosperity of the whole country. crepe Now, gentlemen, I have said to you that the doetrine of the democratic rty was non-intervention—that Congress should not legislate at all upon the subject of slavery, neither to es. tablish it nor to probibit it; and, in order to sustain that view of the subject, I call your attention to the admirabie letter of Senator Hunter, When he was a candidate this = time for the Senate of the United States, in which he said:— ‘To rally @ party which should be able to maintain the Union upon constitutional principles justified some sacrifices of po- licy, and even of interest, Accordingly, the (Nebraska) bill was not such as would have been framed by the partisans either section if ithad been submitted to them. Many, per. haps most of the Southern men, of whom I was one, believed that property in slaves Was as much entitled to the protection of law in the Territories of the United States as property in anything else, But while the Northern friends of the Kanaaa act would not concede thia, they agreed to unite in repealing the Missouri restriction so as to remove the ban under which the domestic institutions of the South had been placed by fe deral legisiation. That was then .the object-—not to proteet slavery in the Territories; not to legislate slavery into them, or to exclude it therefrom, or to prevent it while it was there— but to leave the people entirely free to regulate their own in- stitutions in their own Way, subject only to the constitution of the United States. Now, I want to tell you what I have said upon this sub- ject. T will state to you how I endeavored to explain it in ‘almost all the free States of this confederacy. Propably ‘no man ip the United States has had occasion to address: more public meetings in the last Presidential campaign, in the different free States, than I; and I uniformly stated that the great principle of the bili was, that it referred the question pnd by the} people of the Territories, inorder that thoy might dispose of it themselves, and do it ip their own way. And President goes further in favor of the free than Lever went, when he says that that must be done by direct vote, and cannot be done through the intervention of’ a Conven- lion = (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, I have detain- ed you longer upon this portion of the sub. ject, because it was a matter of assault. Let us now pass along to another subject which has been a good deal discussed, and I thiok not very much under- stood; and that is what is commouly called popular so- vereignty or squatter sovereignty. Senator Douglas and others contend that that is violated by pot subi the constitution of the State to the people of Kansas. ell, eee, T have looked carefully through the Nebraska il} and carefully through the platform, and there is not one word about popular sovereignty, or one word about squatter sovereignty io either. Nor did I ever, in addressing the people, undertake to say that they contained any such _- or that I even under- stood what was meant by popular sovereignty. | was told that popular sovereignty was some principle of the Revolution which had been brought forward in 1854 and applied to Nebraskaand Kansas, We'll, I said, ‘Gentlemen, if this is a principle of the Revolution that has lain dormant from the time of Washingtou to the time of Pierce, it strikes me it would not suffer from a few years more of undisturbed repose. (Laughter,) Least of all did I see bow a man could bring frward @ priuciple and claim to patent it now, if it had beeu a priuciple in existence at the time of the Revolution, and understoot by the founders: of the constitution, But what was tho principle of the Revolution? As T understood it, it was the right of the people to frame their own governmené. Well, fellow citizens, how was that to be carried out by the Nebraska bill? Why application was to bo made to Congress for the privilege of forming a government, and then a bill was to be passed by making the framework of the government after it should be established. Well, that would have been a funny principlo of the Revolution. If Jobn Hancock aud George Washington had applied to Great Britain, under the principles of the Revo- lution, for the privilege of ing & govern- racrt Pereney of an enabling act, and the frame work of the structure, it «trikes me the revolution would bave been indefinitely postponed. (Laughter and applause. A voice—‘That'so."’) What is this principle of poplar sovereignty that suits a0 well republicans, be. canse it isan entire abstraction, of no earthly conse- quence, and therefore fitted to form a platform for themy ‘Is it not popular sovereignty when the thirty-one States of the Union meet in Washington and pass a law establishing a government over Kansas, and making the government exactly what they please? That is sovereignty; and it waa the object of this bill to get rid of exactly that thing, and put the people of Kansas in a con- dition where they could form their own institutions for themeelves in their own way. But now we are told that when they electa convention, and that convention forms ‘A constitution, and that is their way, unless it is Mr. I! - jas’s way and Governor Walker's way, it aint thei own way. It strikes me whatever way they choose to form a constitution ts their own ‘Now, let me see whether there is anything theory, that after they hare formed their institu tions they cannot change’'them. Senator Douglas I take an interest inasa@ man. Itake an interest in bimas a lawyer, for he studied law in our State bofore lie went to Tiliniols.’ But he lays down the proposition that if Kansas is admitted into the Union, with a constitution that rays after 1864 it may chango the constitution in a particular way, it cannot change it before. The President says no earthly power can prevent their changing it the day after they are admitted into the Union, and changing it every other day they choose, (‘That's so, and applause.) Why, this is a principle of the revolution, a5 was et by those who advocated it. How did the State of New ‘ork form ite constitution in the very darkest honr of the revolution, and when it was asserting ite very revolution ary principle? By a convention chosea to form one with out submitting it tothe people. and it carried them threogh a revolution in glory and houor, and existed substantially unchanged up to 1821 (Appia Would not it be remarkable if we should be told when we framed this government in the very darket he of the Revolution as an act of revolution, that we hat not formed our institutions in our own way? Why, that was the vory thing we set to work to do by a Convention, without sub. mitting it to the people, and more than half the Conven tion not even elected as delegates at all for that particular , but empowered by Congress to act. Lrofer you tothe preamble of our firat constitution, (vol 1, Revised Statutes), where all the preliminary steps arc recited un der which it was formed UIT TROL, when it was aga'n ct to the people. Important ad positions were made, and a wh. eribed to it by some, cad yet it was not submitted to the people. In 1821 a Converition was called which framed A constitution, which conetitation provided a mode of changing itself, and yet. in defiance of that mode, in 1845 the people passed, through the two branches of the Legisiature, a law calling a Convention. The Con vention assembled, and a constitution was formed dirrctiy in the teeth of the provisions of the original constitution. The people have absolute power over this whole matter. This written constitution is an Americsn idea. It is an agreement of the People as to the form of government they shall tive ander—o® a charter of rights graated by 8 superior power—and they liveunder it jast as long as they please, and then chan by an act which, what: ever you may call it, is revolutionary. If the existing government assents, they may call it a peaceable revolu ton ; If It does not, then It is accomplished with more or less force. The elementary right of the people to change their constitution, when and how they please, nobody should diepute—toast of all the father of the principles of popu. lar sovereiguty. What kind of popular sovereignty is this which teaches us that what we have done over and over again in the State of New York we have no original power to do? 1 have thus, fellow citizens, passed over the evftggestions in reference to the objections to Mr. Buchanan's message. I now proj ‘to call your atten. tion for a few moments to what I think is the evil of thir controversy. I say there is no occasion for it—that Buchanan is right he is the hoad of the Gemogratio party, wise, prudeat, onutious, and we enjoyed the admission of the State of Kansas upon the principles be id excitement 60 far as the otber are ‘What is the aun of this excite- ment? In the first place, it is to break up the democratic ~ In e, it is to make war upon the . People me why aro the South s0 strenuous in. regard to this queation, if slavery bas nothing to do with it, 1 will tell you why they are so strenuous.” They have | uniformly contended that the Convention of Kansas had power to make a constitution for themselves without sub- mitting it to pe paces: but they have uniformly admitted that they bad the power to submit {t if they chose. The Convention have now submitted the vital question Mr. Buchanan says they were bound to do it; South says they were not bound to do it, but they had a right to do it. And they say, “Now we will meet you on a , common ground which we have maintained fore our wy? which we are committed to, and ‘on which we fought the Know Nothings and ’ pros. them at the South.” Fellow citizens, let me remind you of our controversy that has recently oc- ‘curred. “You remember the Know Nt men ibe those who amen rho bappen to be born in or who e a Aitorent county from this. You remember that they the democratic: party of New York, of Ohio, of | ‘ew Hampshire, of Indiana, of Illinois. Where did they meet with a reverse which was to them a: fous over- throw? In Vi » under the lead of the it Wise. were first overthrown in the South, ree cheers: 5 ; | é 5 i z z E 5 : 3 f stood by Polk and by Pierce, in the contest? (A voice, “And by your father?” laughter. loudapplaise.) And { will ak ‘another question no less important. T aliude to — jlation—to the banishment of corruption—to | the stop) of stealing. Is not Col. Orr, the present Speaker of the House of Representatives, one who signal ized himself by the manner in which, through a commit- tee, he purged that house and restored it to ite honorable | and dignified position before the country? Now in these great important 4 ious, to say nothing of the stability of the Union and general prosperity of the country, you have the cordial co-operation of the South, and baving that you should preserve it. When a man eadeavors to inflame you against the South, see if he has net some spe cial grievances, if he don’t fancy that he has not got his desorts, if he bas not been in some dishovest Legisia ture, if he has not bad some Personal disappointment, or if he'is not in secret an enemy of the democratic party — and try him as such. Fellow citiaens, in the cour of twe or three years we shall be again involved tn a Presi- dential canvass, and it will then become neceasary to se- lect another Presidential candidate. That candidate will come either from the South or from the West. The West has never had a candidate; the South has not had one for twelve years, and I look pon@ any man or any body of men with suspicloa who are en bone | to excite a spirit iu the free States which would drive from the sphere of candidates the great pa- triotic men of the South who now belong to the democratic ‘ty. We have enough to do, fellow citizens, to attend to New York. We have carried, as Four resolutions cor- rectly say, this State by a brilliant majority at the last election—carried it alone—carried it without foreign assistance. We bave converted a majority of 80,000 against us last year intoa majority of 18,000 against the republicans this year. We have done it by cordial ac tion—by standing together as one man—and are now in a position where we can go to Albaf@y and say the city of New York bas a ‘‘democratie majority of 25,000; it has been trampled upon by unjust legislation; repeal your Metropolitan Police law; repeal your tax upon the trade and commerce of the city of New York, and put back our cily to the position in which the democratic party put Kansas, where she can govern herself in her own way.” (Apt ase.) Feliow-citizens, 1 have you longer than T had any idea of. | (Cries of ‘go on, “go ox.”) Stand by the old democratic party. It has | carried itself for half a cectury in triumph through al! the dangers that this country has seen. (A voice “tiod love Sein) Tt bas established an independent trea- sury. It brought the great empires of Texas, and Lovisiana, and Florida, and California, into this confederacy. It bas given peace and tranquillity to the Union. It is destined in the future to do far more than it bas ever yet accomplished; and your resolutions very properly, in my judgment, allude to what the democratic party can accomplish, It can not only hold the Union that we have aud govern it with economy and order, but it can gain and annex large, populous and wealthy regions to our confederacy; It can throw open that great gate- way, the Gulf of Mexico and the Mississippi river, which now has Cuba standing in its way. It c: if it chooses, accomplish that great resuit peaceably, constitution ally, honorably, without violation of existing treaties, and without disturbance of the peace of the confederacy; but it must stand together—it must stand united—it must dispose of its own controversies by itself—it must form no forcign alliances with republicans or Americans. We can beat either of them or both of them together if it beccmes necessary. (Applause.) Wecan beat any par- 7 eee the faith either of the republicans or the ericans—no matter how it may organize or where it may combine. But to do that we must treat each other with generous confidence—know no North, no South, no Fast, no West. Go together as one man, and tbis great and glorious confederaey will soon become the model, as it is now the admiration of the civilized globe, (Ap- plause.. ion Brsrexp then took the stand, and said:—The Presidential contest of 1856 will long continue a memo ble epoch in the political history of our nation, and the re- sult of that canvass deserves to fore one upon record as one of the highest democratic wements, New ele ments had been invoked for the success of principles an- tagonistie to the plan of republican government as ex. pounded by Jefferson and Jackson, ana personal | availability) was the basis upon which the oppo. sition was organiged, and the issue which was actually tended to SS - On the one band the candidate was a man of ripe age and experieuce— a fous and profound statesman, who at home and abroad had rendered signal and i/Matrious service to bis country in all the posts to which be had been assigned —one who from his earliest manhood bad been known and by the people whom he had thus faithfully represented. Op the other hand was a raw recruit with out experience axa legisiator or a statesman, and whose chief claim to the high distinction of being placed in nomination for the Presidency consisted in being an almost entire stranger to all bat two States of the Union. The platform of principles of which the candidates were severally the exponents differed as widely as did the men. To preserve unimpaired for pos terity the integrity of the federal Union, to perpetuate the forms of ita government, and to secure tw evel zen the fullest measure of personal and political Nberty consistent with their perpetuation, was the well known policy of the ome democratic nominee. To make the sanctity of the confederation secondary to a question of domestic policy, to create wider feuds between the sister States. to reduce the national standard of free citizenship, and to create an odious political nee gee a word, to “let the Union slide’— was unblushingly the avowed policy of the republican candidate, With such an issue presented to the people, it iw not to be wondered at that the country was agitat from the Atiantic to the Pacific share, especially wher the larger cities and densely populated rural districts likely to participate in the excitement of such a struggle, and it was to be fairly expected that the emporium of the nation would not be an idie a4 » New York must be the first to suffer, as she would be the last te be vaa quished. This city had always been true tothe trast reposed in ber by the democracy of the country at large. She lad always rolied up her majorities in case of need to sustain the men and the measures of tue party. And jealous of her fame and true te her character, in the mouth of November, 1856. she raised her encouraging voice,and by a majority of votes, nearly equal the whole number cast in fanatical Maine, inspired hope iu the breasts of the desponding. She spake for Buchanan fans democracy, and dealt a paralizing blow to Fremont ‘and republicanism. The veneradie statesman wito now fills the chair of the national Executive was elected to the office which he was destined to honor and and the allie! cohart of black republicanism and Know ingism were routed forever—doomed to @ night of oblivion, for the darkness of which no (ilumina tion is reserved. The Ne breated more freely, and the fires of patriotism burned out clearly from behind the amoke of 'y auf fenaticiem,and the city of New York participated in the on rejolcings ‘his was proper subject for jor, proper subject for our present rejoicing. < bas passed away, and under the administration the government by Mr. Bu- chapan order and peace, prosperity and plenty are the portion of our cup. Our institutions are having their intended and beneficent operations. Our commerce ia extending unprecedentediy ; our agricniture is in ite golden period ; our taanufacturing interests are sources: of national profit and indiy tual wealth ; we are at peace at home and abroad. Under such circumstances we meet to-night in Tammany Ball “ for the purpose of re- bewing an expression of confidence in the administration of James Buchanan."' We meet to tefMer to him our thanks and our praise; to assure him that he hae met the high expectatious of his office and of the people, | and that our fealty in the futaro will be ag filly | accorded aa it war in the hour of dowbtfal rewalt [ meast, of necessity, be general in the expression of ny sympathy with the objects of this meeting. 1 cannot be expected to diveuse at any levgth the governmental plans of the Fx ecutive. Itts sufficient to know that they are founded upon the broad basis of constitutional rights, and dis charged by the rule of constitutional obligations. Espe- cia! this theease in respect to Kansas. Unfortunately for the political prospects of our enemies, she bleeds no more. The wounds have been all staunched. President bas been the good Samaritan of her Ter- ritory—her people are guaranteed and provecte i their rights of property and person, aud thus the elect franchise are having the opportunity to settle for them selves their own domestic concerns without meddiesome or intrusive interference. The question of siavery or 20 slavery is to be determined by themselves, and how they will determine, although a matter of interest to us, is none of our business. have no doubt that Kansas will declare for freedom. The genius of our times favors liberty, and the love of it ia an instinot of the American heart, ‘The constitution made at Leeompton may or may not be free from objection, may or may be obnoxious to subsntatial defects, Some time must ciapse before the country can consider critically the isane presented by Mr. Douglas, but I have read the message of the Presideut and the speech of the ‘Little Giant,” and have no difficulty in arriving at the conclasion that it ts my duty as a democrat and a patriot to sustain the admin- istration. Tt is certain that no part of the country will suffer wrong at the hands of the President, and it is equaily certain that the laws will be administered and ex- inded in the fear of God, and with reference to the interesta of the people of these United States. la this confidence and on these grounds, [ sustain the admin- istration. (Cheers. ) Gen. Hiram WaLnrinor wae then loudiy called for, — nen | fidence of the American peop! lieve that avy. but patriotic motives animated the democracy ‘of the city in assembling on that occasion to ratify the conduct of the adininistration. A just knowledge of the rea! questions at issue before the American peopie in the Presidential contest of 1856 wilt tly quality us to determine what the people thomsolves tended by their verdict ix the decision of that Sectional and local interests and re!igious intolerance had been the rock op which the liberties of the early republics were wrecked. These two elements in our ential: struggle combined to usurp the administration of the federal government, aud to become invested with the com- ie. Fortunately for us aad those who shall come after us, a knowledge of the peer, natic, was borne by the invincible democracy to an ever lasting grave. (Loud rs.) Coalitions are alwi corrupt; they aia never praet] but for bee and Tue, History records ao coalition in which the of people have not been invaded. TY were frequent in the Roman Republic, and they have often sprung up in Rngland, but they have alwn: sooner or later perished, leaving the people more dee ensiaved, and without accomplishing: of the I~ cent objects which their originators intended to effect. But heyer did any coalition enter upon its career with greater prospects of success than that which existed among the enomies of the democracy in the conflict which bore the present national administration into power. In some of the States, where their cause could best be promoted by retaining their separate organization, the sectionalists made the issue by an appeal on behalf of the policy whic Grew -aphical distinctions between different portions of the Union, In others of the States the appeal was made urely to the religious fanaticism of the people, while ia nsylvania, the keystone of the arch—God bless her— the great battle was fought by the democracy against these odious elements combined. (Cheers.) This coalition possessed many advantages ‘They rallied under an able and fearless leader, who deported himself during the canvass ‘with a dignity befitting a better cause; able aud accomplished orators im the daily babit of ‘flaming the popular mind, a pulpit still powerful amid its secular desecration—the m formidabie, intellectual combination ever devised through the azepoy of the great metropolitan press of this city. ‘Theso were their elements of power; but what did they seek to accomplish?—to strike their orbit in our pe- litical frinament fifteen of those lustrous stars that adorn the tederal constellation—to draw dark and heavy lines around different sections of the Union, while the national democracy sternly determined that no such sacrilege should transpire; that no star should be bedimmed, no Stripe obliterated; that the North and the South, the East and the West, would stand or fall togetber. (Loud and protreoted applause.) The question involved in that iter canvass was the permanency and stability of the Union, and upon that issue the battle was fought and the victory won. (Cheers.) Thus invested with the seals of power and the confidence of the people, on the 4th of March last Presideut Buchanan inaugurated his policy and | indicated the course of his administration in reference to uational affairs. Since then, whenever the people have had an opportunity of paseing judgment upon his polioy they bave responded with aldcrity to the wisdom, the firmoess and judgment that has guided his administra- ica. This great Empire State, which in 1856 gave a ma. Jority against him of 80,000 votes, in one brief year chang- ed its public sentiment by calling into power a State ministration acting in harmony with the great national democratic party by eighteen thousand majority. Thia change of policy was attributable entirely to the con fidence which the great body voters im this State have io the integrity, firmness and justice of James Buchanan. (Cheers.) Wherever an election has been held, the republican majorities have been reduced, and attributable to the same reasons, When he (the speaker) represented a constituency on the floor of the ational representation, he voted with pleasure for the Kansas and Nebraska b.!!, because be thought that Con- gress performed its duty when it decided to let Kansas settle its own aftairs as far as the question of slavery wae concerned. *) Now the President maintained bt there had been too much of Kansas. h ty be seen whether this apple of r turb the har- mony of this grest nation ; and be was certain that New York would stand by the Union aud would not jet this questicn be the means of separating the Union or disturb: ing the peace of the country. If th's meeting—this giorious Mecting--is in favor of the views of James Buchanan as expressed in bis message let them say aye. (Loud cries of ‘Aye.”’) Some democrats might diffor with us on that message, but he (the speaker) should regret to see any democrat, whether distinguisbed or humble, doing any thing calculated to prevent a full realization of all the benefits the democracy achieved to the arduous struggle of 1856. If this disturbance continues it may not be linprobable that in 1860 we would find it necessary for the safety of the party to raily round James ; though he was oid io the service of his country. (Tremendow cheers.) Although he had determined at expiration of his present term of office to retire tuto that peaceful re- Urement suitable to his time of life, yet circumstances ry transpire which would render it necessary for him to be again put forward as the standard bearer of the de- tnocratic party, and be was sure that in such an event New York city would stand by him as Qirmly as it did im the last Presidential contest. (Loud aud continued cheers, continued for several minutes.) The Crarman then announced that Judge Alexander C. Morton would address the mecting. His name was re- ceived with loud applause; but it was subsequently an- nounced that the Judge Lad left the hall. The President then introduced Mr. Coynap Swack- Mawr to the meeting. M. S. said he would not detain them long, as they bad had the objects of the meeting fully and fairly placed before them already; he would oaly tell them an anecdote, and apply it, and then leave the Stand. There once lived a man—in Scotland, he believed —who was ip the habit of now and then stealing aleg of mutton, always at rome mischief and professing to be better than anybody else, just as the opposition do now- adays. Having stole a piece of mutton on one occasion, he went behind a stone wall, looked upwards, folding bis band and said—Oh! Lord,if! have done anything amiss in stealing this log of mutton, let this stone wall fall down upon me. Tt so happened that some one coming along Just at that time beard him, and for the fan of the thing oy oe the stones over on him. He serambled up, rabbing is bruised limbs, and eried out, “Ob! Lord; T never can eay anything in fun, butthou will take me ip earnest.’’ (laughter, amid which the reporter was unable to hear the application to be made of the anecdote.) The geutie- man said that he emphatically concurred in the object of the meeting, which was, to endorse fuliy the administra. tion of their choice. Enough had been seen and heard here to-night to show that the hearts of the democratic party of New York beat fervently ia favor of the adininis tration of James Buchanan,and that they will stand by it through evi! aud through good report. The President of the meeting hore stated that aa many persons had pot heafd of the aunouncement made in the carly part of the meeting, he would again read the list of Cistaguisbed democrats from whom the Committee ou Arraugements had received letters, stating their inability to attend to-night. A call was made by some one in the wa for the reading of Sickles’ letter—this immediatety gave rise to considerable commotion and disturbance, which was quelled by the sudden ejection from the room of some parties in the crowd. ‘The President then introduced Mr. Wa. Browsr, who addressed the meeting as follows:—Mr. B. began by ox- —— his satisfaction that the first occasion on whicl was allowed the privilege of addressing the democracy of the Empire City, within the walls of the (Old Wigwam, should be a m x convened for the irpose of giving & repewed expression of confidence m the great ptm their suffraves, and that he exercises ie power. for “tho good of the entire country, did not require subtle elo- etry, since It it did, he (Mr. B.), would t, and the’ task to other and Browne claimed the indulgence ie om that part of the Presidential on which he conceived that it war essentially necessary that the most outspoken and emphatic approbation should be ex- Iresaed. He referred to the Kansas policy, ar defined tm © President's recent message to the national legislature, ond remarked that exception has been taken to that by some who agree with the President on all other questions, and who onlf differ, not upon any principle, but on the application of s part of a principle; and how- ever the honest convictions of these men were to be r= «pected, and however tt was to be regretted that they ea- tertained them, it was the of those who believe that the President is right to their belief, aud their readt- Hess to sustain bim, if need be, in giving them practical ef- fect. Exception was also taken t the President's lef by the leaders and organs of the opposition, com| all the isms which the Gemonracy #0 triumpbantly de- feated in November, 1866, and while this was to be ex- re ted, it was the duty of the demoeracy to we to the jeterogeneous factions of which the opposition is com- maa that they are as ready now as they were in jovember, 1856, to overthrow their schemes, however insidiously planned, and defeat any attempt to weaken or divide the democratic party. It is cl A (con- tinued Mr. B.) by this opposition, that the President has been guilty of Inconsistency, and that he has been false in his Allegiance to the doctrine of popular sove- reignty, which constituted one of the chief planks in the Cincinnatt! platform, and war one of the fundamental bases of the democratic party organization; and it is further charged that the portion of Mr. Buchanan's message which relates to the proceedings of the inte Lecompton Constitutional Convention is at variance with the doctrine of popular sovereignty, and that the Presi dent desires to force a constitution on the people of Kan- sas to Which they are Ay Heys Mr. Browne then drew attention to the fact thet the present champions of popular sovereignty were until ver ely the denouncers: of the Kansas.Nebraska act and of Senator 8; thas for yenrs they have been railing at the Nebraska bill aa an abomination, a fraud, and a vile scheme to extend the slave power, and that they bave ransacked the largest editions of Webster's dictionary to find epithets oppro- bious enough to exproe their horror of Senator Douglas. ‘The Nebraska bill was then an abomination because it on acted that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, were the proper to regulate their own affairs, and Mr. Douglas was then a villain beeanse he maintahed this, and denied the absolute jurisdiction of © Now, the only objection they make to the Kansas bill, and the doctrine of ular sovereignty is, that it does not go far enough, and Senator Dougias is now admired for big talent, eloquence aud integrity—and one paper has ¢ ae 80 far as to describe, in the most enthusiastic manner, splendid the Senator from nots All the of this opposition are now Ail they cam (0 clamber lato Senator Dougiag’ t Cy ba