The New York Herald Newspaper, October 27, 1857, Page 2

NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 27. 1857. The Financial Revalsion and the Abolitionists, SUSPENSION OF THEIR DISUNION MOVEMENTS. Ferocious Manifesto from Wm. Lloyd Garrison, &., &o., a [From the Boston Liberator.) St ATE OF TAR COUNTRY—RE‘RIBUMVE JUDGWENTS, Bostor, O>t. 20, 1857. Dean Frrenpe—When | promised to attend your annual meeting, it was my expectation thatthe Nortbern Con , with reference to a dissolu- tion of the Union, would be held at Cleveland, at the time originaliy contemplated; but as it has beep deemed advisable to postpone that Convention to a later period, on account of the paralysis with which the whole country has been struck in regard to allits financial | ions and business relations, and ‘n renders it imvossible, therefore, to obtain such@B expression of Northern feeling and senti- ment upon that question as ite importance demands, I you to excuse my absense, aud allow me to send you an expression of my warm regards for you personal'y and collectively, and my testimony as to the-state of our cause, and the work that remains to be done. From a dizzy heigntof trooper , Which seemed to rest upon au cole basis, the nation has seen jostantaneously buried into an abyss of beakruptcy, euffering and ruin, as though the seventh el had pen pes out his vial into the air, and abyion come in remembrance before God, to give unto her “tne cup of the wine of the flerceness of his wrath.” In view of ita centuries of bloody oppred- sion—its incorpora'en of chattel elavery into its coustitutional existence— its robbery of one seventh portion of the people of all their rights as human beings, and reducing them to the level of beasts-— its atheistical contempt for “the higher law” of God, and idolatry for the lower law of the botiom less pit—-its systematic and universal disregard of all the priuciples of justice and humanity, whereby the foundatious of coafidence, as between man and man, have been utrerly removed—its bot malignity against the divine command to “proclaim tiberty throogbout all the land unto all the inhabitauts thereof ”—ite fierce persecution of such 98 have been raised up to ‘ plead the cause of all such as ¢s in sheep's clothing and profligate dema- gogues in the garb of patriotism—its extraordinary growth and abounding prosperity, nevertheless, causing it impigusly to exclaim, “Who shall bring me down to tbe ground?”"— and its sudden fall to the earth, in its triumpbal nour, as though smitten by a thuuoerboit from a ciear sky, cat “men’s hearts to fail them for fear,” and the knees of the stou'est to amite together, and the s' of the strongest to become as ivfanule weakness it is as though a voice from beaven were saying, “Come out of her my people, that ye be nox partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagi for her sins have reached unto heaven, and God hath rememoered her inigquities. How much she hath gloritied berself, and lived deliciously, so much torment aad sorrow give ber; for she saith in her heart, | sit a queen, sud am no widow, and shall see no sorrow. There- fore shal] ber plagues come in one day; for strong is the Lord God who judgeth her. Rejoice over her, thou heaven, and ye holy apostles and prophets; tor God bath avenged you on her.” Of course, in this day of calamity, speculation is busy in tracing the causes of this wide-spread de- rangement of all our business affairs. The facts are obvious to the most superficial—that the strongest establishments have been crashed like cob houses, “an the twinkling of an eye”’—that mullionsires have found themselves swallowed up in a vortex of indebtednese—that failures in every department of trade are taking place uncasingly—that ee pay- ment has been susyended every where, indicating a universai inability of the banks to meet their “pro. mises to pay,” which means, in other words, univer - sal iwsovency—that factories are fast being curtailed in their operations, or wholly closed—that tens of thousands of artisans, operstives and laborers have been thro yn out of employment, and are threatened with a winter of extreme destitution—and that, in regard (o all industrial pursuits and enterprises, con- gestion of the brain and paralysis of tue limbs indi- cate the exact condition of our land, in this day of retributive judgment. Now, ss to the causesof this astounding state of things, there are varieus opinions—such as that they are to be found in female extravagance, in excess ot foreign importation, in fondness for display and high living, in the creation of fictitious stock ad infini- tum, im the enormous expansion and sudden con- traction of in corteney in the abandonment of ricalture for traffic, in the vast indebtedness of the est, in ulation run mad, in the practice of giv- ing and extended credit, in excess of expea- diture Peyend all ibility of income, in taxing certam raw materials trom abroad for home manu- facture, and thus rendering it impracticable for our manufacturers t> compete in the market with those in other jands, Ac., &c., &c. No doubt all these suggestions are worthy of consideration and embody a great deal of truth. But the solution of the prob- => contained in two words—national demorali. zation. ‘We are a wicked nation and a “ fast” people. Our ride, our vanity, our ambition, are paralleled on'y our impadence, our barbarity and our oppression. ‘ne god whom we serve, is “‘ manifest destiny; the Moloch at whose shrine we kneel is the slave power, who causes all, “both smali and great, rich and poor, free and bond, to receive a mark in their right hands, or in their foreheads;” and commanas that ‘no man bay or sell save he that hath the mark, or the name of the beast, or the number of his name.” Like the ancient Jews, our feet run to evil, and we make haste to sbed innocent blood; our lips have spoken lies, our tongue hath muttered perverseness; we conceive mis- chief, and bring forth iniquity; we hatch cocatrice SeRe and weave the spider's web, the act of violence is in our hands; we have made crooked paths, and there is bo judgment in oar goings; we wait for light, but behold obscurity; tor brightness, bat we walk in darkness; we grope tor the wail like the blind, and ‘we stumble ut noon-duy as in the night. Their con- fession must be ours, in the spirit of hearty repent- ance :—" Our sins testify against us; and as for our iniquities, we know them; in tresgressiag and lying against the Lord, and departing away from oar God, speaking oppression and revolt, conceivivg and uttering from the heart words of falsehood.” Every nation has ite peculiar source of rains, misery'and ruin. (urs is to be found in that Vesu- vious of crime, the malstrom of blood, that pandemo- nium of oppressicn, the slave system. Until that be destroyed there is no peace, no prosperiiy, no safety, no permanence for our misnamed republic. For a time, as hitherto, we may “wax fat and kick,” and audaciously echo the words of Pharoo, ‘Who is the Lord, toat I should obey his voice to let israel go? I know not the Lord, neither will I let Israel go; bat there shall come anon us, in their order, those terrible plagues that shall make both man and beast cry out. for suffering, and cause our soil to be red with viood. Let others talk of the present chaotic state of things as they may; for one, | believe it is ow the existence, growth, extension and supremacy slavery, in ® preeminent degree. Dishonesty mast be en ewential characteristic of a slaveholding peo- ple; and when was worldly success or heaven's bies- sing ever promised in that direction’? History, whether sacred or profane, teaches me only this as pertaining to despotism—that it curses the soil, fet- tors industry, paralyzes invention, destroy wealth, shrivels population, impairs strength, incites to ven- geance, spreads pollution, debauches conscience, staltifies intellect. and breeds exterminating judg- ments. It teaches me, also, that in the train ot free- dom—true, impa' follow light, and health, and lar perity like the waves of tne sea, and theabundance of peace. Hence, by my reverence for God—by my love of man—by my regard for the welfare aad glory of the land of my birth—by my heartfelt desire to see all forms of de«potiem Torever abolished, and universal bretnerhood prevail, | am for the immediate aboli- tion of savery, and forthe removal or destraction of whatever stands in the way of emancipation. American slavery is upheld by two mighty props —Charch and State, religion and government ~ and when theee are overthrown, that foul system shall fall to rise no more. The ‘popular religion is un- deniably hostile to the antisiavery movement, and horribly perverse in ite teachings and practices. It cheats, steals, commits adullery, enforces concubi. nage, wields the slave drivers Tech, prosecutes the Gomestic slave tratic, aud sanctions every enormity. Its climax of wickedness is 10 claiming to be the re ligion of Him who came to open the prison doors and to set the captives free; whose injanction is, “Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them,” which lays the axe at’ the root of all injustice, and whose spirit breathed no thing bat love and goodwill to all mankind. A alavebolding religion is my scorn and abhorance and, instead of being deterred from assailing it be caure it bas taken to itself the name of Christianity, 1 would ali the more boldly tear off ite mask aud | geek its extirpation on tbat account. We have, however, no national religion, or institu tion of religion as such; so that the various bodies which make up what we comprebensively call the Amencan Church are te be arraigned in detail, each by itself, none veing responsible tor the deeds of another. Thus, the American Tract So now, through ite committees and secretaries, avows its determination not to publish a solitary word against the admitted moral evils and cruelties of slavery, because it wonld lose the price of blood which the Souvh now casts into its pollated treasury, fs to be beld reaponsivie on its own ground, and pro- nounced worthy of un'versai execration, To contri bute to its sepport, uncer these c matances, with 1 intelligen’ knowledge of ite position, is @ more gvilty act than thi ighway robbery. letit be 2 uuu, YOUEMD SHOU We Destuwed Apou ' rtial, all abounding freedom—there | increase —pros- | ety, which | 2 rehy, the American Board of Commissioners for ‘oreign Missions, and uyon all the on religious sects and organizations in the iand. By affivit of spirit, by selfishness of purpose, they are all wil the oppressor, “ on whose side there is pewer,” aud governed, not by the Prince of Peace, but by “ the prince of the power ot the air.” Spiritual wicked- ess is inaugurated by them in high places, and they have no other God, no other law, no other standard of judgment than that of public opinion; in other words they are thoroughly atheistical in the most awful eepse of that word. They recognise man steating as compatible with a Christian profession; they receive the slave breeder to their commnaion as a brother in the Lord; they profess to find in the Bible, which they claim to be the ped word’ of God, ample justification for ing man the property of man, and make this test con- clusive, thus revealing themselves vo be, “ @ages of unclean birds and synagogues of Satan. Bu: while, religiously, support of slavery is an in- dividual or denominational act, 1t becomes national by incorporation with the government from which it mainly derives its sustenance and protection. Our fathers committed a fearful sin for themselves and their posterity when they consented to those slave- pare compromises in the Constitution of the United States, whereby that instrument was made ‘a covenant with deata,and au agreement with hell,’ from which have come all our wes as a people. We shall brivg a heavier load of guilt upon our owa souls if we do not repudiate that constitution with borror, and pronounce its requirements to be disloy- alty to Heaven, aud treason to the cause of human liberty uni We gee what our fathers did not see; we know they kid not know; and if for them there can be found a shadow of excuse, in the terrible exigencies by which they were surrounded, none can possibly be found for us if we imitate their example. ‘The great oreesing duty of the hour, then, is to seek the separation of the North from the South, the free S'stes from the slave States -firat, on the ground that we must not “strike hands with thieves, hor consent with adulterers”’—and secondly, be- cause, oth by a | poysisal and geographical neces- sity that separation will inevitably give the death- biow to the whole slave system, and thus terminate our arduous struggle in glorious vic’ory, to the joy of heaven and earth. If, as the venerable Josian Quincy says, ‘ the Union is the slaveholder’s main strength, and its continuance his forlorn hope;” if, as John Quincy Adams says, “ Tbe bargain between freedom and Seyers, coamived iu the constitution of the United states, is morally and politically vicious, anc inconsistent with the principles on which alone our revolution can be justified,” then our watch word should be, ‘ Let the compact perish! No union with sleveholders !* Here is solid ground—from this intrenchment we can never be driven: this embodies all the issues with the slave power in one. It must be made the test of genuine patriotism, of incorruptible integ- r ty, of enlightened piety, and of anti-slavery ddeli- ty. While the Union stands as it is, while the con- stitution remains what it is, the slave oligarchy will continue to wield the destinies of the nation, and nothing can prevent the success of their machina- tions. Yours, to smite a slavebolding Union to the dust, Wa. Luoyp Gareison. To the annual meeting of the Pennsylvania Anti- Slavery Society, at Wess Chester. ‘The ®t. Loute Guffers in the Prize Riog A prize fight came off near St. Louis on the 21st inst., which is thus described by the St. Louis De- mocrat:— On board the boat which converse ae so to the mauling ground there were about two nodred per-ons, inclading a number of the “fancy,” by which we suppose, is meant professional pagilists and masters in the art. We learned that a fight was to come off for one hundred dollars a side, between Wm. Blake alias Dublin Tricks, and Thomas Jennings. The boat attempted to make @ landing on a very tempting sand bar, aout six miles up the river, but the water peovien Foe shallow, she proceeded to a point opposite the head of Gabree Island, eight miles from the city. The principals were taken on board from the Illinois shore, opposite Lowell. The beat wi ade fast and a most exciting clam- bering took plate up the bluff bank, which was some forty feet high and nearly perpendicular. A narrow path was discovered, which led to the newly ploughed, sowed and harrowed field of Archie Frame, where the wooden stakea were put in,a twenty-four foot ring formed, the ground levelled and smootned by the old fellow, who was very witty, and everything made ready for the fight. Some time, however, was occupied in chi um, and referee, but at Jast Johnny Roberts T. A.O. were chosen wwpires for Blake, alias Tricks, and Sam Moreton and Mike Trainor, for Jennings. The — bad Frank Mason and Jim Brown for se- conds. The scene was romantic indeed. A forest of trees to the right—away up ih a corner of the field two toama quietly trailing plonghe—and behind, the oroad river, and the boats’ chimneys reflected against the sky, the high bluff bank ing the boat itself from view. While we were enjoying this part of the scene, a voice announced the coming of the ambi- tious gladiators, and we raw them rise up as it were, | q hoy ‘the river, and plant their feet on the level eld. Jennings wadiirst in the ring. He is, we believe, a native of Ireland. He stands near six feet tour inches, and weighs 195 or 196 pounds. An adept in macters of the ring remarked that he was dressed like a clown. le bad flesh colored stockings, with silver lace, &c. The solors were, green for Jen- nings, and blue and white for Tricks. The latter threw bis hat into the ring, and instantly followed. His drees was more appropriate, but when stripped le exhibited too much fat, while his — ap peared in a much better fighting condition. Tak FIGHT. Ri First- The word wes given to pitch in, upon witch both men stood up, closed their paws, exchanged glances, smiled, aud several passes were made. Tricks stopped beautifally two hard thrusts; each gave and received a biow, Tricks drawing first blood from his opponent's conk; they closed, strug- gled to the rope, and both went down. {a man here broke into the ring, declaring him- self able for anybody and everyboly; finally he was restored. } expelled and peace 5 Round Second Both men started to their feet and approac! aiming ‘bes Ses nd sopping. First knock wv wa and stopping. down for J Round Third—Hi all in favor of Tricks, Jen- nings striking open-nanded,and at the ciose he eli down, escaping a blow. id Fourth-A good deal of scuffling, and rapid movements of the pins, both looking wild and anxious, when —— clasped Tricks around the body and threw him. In this round Tricks spat out two teeth. Round Fifth—In this round Jenni struck his opponent several tremendous biows, aud looked like some ferocious demon, as he thrust out his sledge- hammer fists, as if with the weight of a battering ram. He had itall bisownway. Tricks down. Round Sirth—Jennings at it fiercely, doing his best to escape the blow. Both down, Tricks having received the lion's share of the pun- ish: ment. Round Sevrnth—The fighting mach the same as on last round. Tricks down. Round ELighth—Jenvings baving it all his own way. Tricks having received several hits on his face and neck-—down. Round Ninth and (ast—The men came up, both blowing, but apparentiy as able for the encounter as at the first round. after a few of Tricks’s ma- nocuvres, Jennings got into him with the left, and then an upper cut with the right, when they closed, and a struggle for the fall ensued, and Tricks caught his ym | ~ the right leg, and threw him. A ery of foul, foul, arose. The matter was referred to | the referee, who decided that the fight should go on. ‘Time being called, Tricks refused to come up to the scratch. Jennings was therefore declared the winner of the stakes. An uprorions scene ensued; the crowd rushed into the ring and shouted and | crewed, until the very air seemed filled with shriek- ing devils. ine men are paid to have been very unevenly matched. Tricks standing only five feet eleven | inches and weighing about 185 pounds, while his op) nt was much larger, as we stated above. any of those present had much confidences in Tricks from his admirable proportion and his activity. Jennings is a much clumsier man of strong baild. ‘The friends of Tricks are very wrothy with him for that bloated, pharisaical and self perpetuating oli the other | JEFFERSON DAVIS ON NATIONAL POLITICS. | fle Views tm reterence to Cuba, Wicaragus ana the Fiibusters—The Compromise mea- sures of 1550—Ghe squatter soversignty | Fellacy—Thy Kansas aud slavery Ques Hone—Gov. valker’s Inaugural Devou ced | —The Kansas Constitution not to be Submit ted to the People—Congress to Vote D.rect on the Admission of Kausas—Mr, Buchavau BMe.aced with Southern Desertion, d&e., dc. Mr. Jefferson Davis, United States Senator from the State of Mississippi, recently delivered a speech to his consituents at Mississippi City, in which he dis- cussed the course of the last and present adminsira- tions,and gave his views on the various political questions of the day. After an exordium flattering to the patsiotism of his hearers, and after having referred to various events in the early history of Mississippi, he pro- ceedea to say that though young in the family of States, her record was one to which her sons might point with pride, andin which they would fiad a standard worthy of emulation. She had never vio- lated the compact of our Union, and uaresistingly borne dispropor‘ionate burthens for the support of the general government in peace; had never, by her complaints, her wrongs or her interests involved the country in foreign war; yet at the first call for soldiers t» maintain the honor of the national flag, had, like a Spartan mother, girded the sword upon her sons, who well knew chey could never return to the maternel embrace unless they came c¢vered with honorable fame or wrapped in the shroud of death. Thus has Mississippi fulfilled her duties to the Union, and thus she has given assurance that, in whatever pe aig ge future may bring forth, at whatever sacrifice she may be called upon to make, she will tread the paths of constitutional porcine end of duty, lead where they may. In the ree interchange of opinions, which he (Col D.) de sired, avd which were appropriate to the relation of representative and constituency, it would be neces- sary one a brief tof the past; and, he said, if he should omit to notice any point in re- tation to wbich his audience desired to hear him, he Spares be glad to have his attention calied to it. re Gere a voice called out, “What of General Wal- ert” Col. Davis replied that if General Walker should beable to maintain himself in Nicaragua, and 80 Americanize that country that stable goverament, representative liberty, institutions like those of the United States would be ordained and es:ablished in it, he should rejsice in the resul. He also said that in the course of his remarks he intended to «peak more specifically on that subiect. He said, as one of the Senators of Mississippi, he had opposed the so-called Compromise measures of 1850; and upon their adoption he had, asa citizen ot Missis- sippi, urged upon his conneesrnes the propriety of stamping those measures with their emphatic con- demnation; he eaw ia them the violation of Sonthern rights, the abandonment of safe precadents, and could ouly anticipate from them the degradation of his section or the collision bet ween the States, which he sincerely desired to avoid and strove to avert. He scorned the idex of submission to federal usur- pation; but he had declared his Fag aed when the question was submitted, to abide by the decision of the people of Mississippi, whatever it might be. That decision has been in favor of acquiescence, sgainst his convictions and agatnst his ideas of the true policy of the State. In good faith he had made bis action conform to it; his opinions, the result of deliberate convictions, he had no power to change, unlees the course of events had shown him that he was in error. Had the peace and frateraity promised —had the finality on the subject of slavery been realized, as was confidently foretold, none would have rejoiced more than himself in the fulfilment of a prophecy which his observation compelled him to disbelieve. The rapid current of events has borne us so rapidly onward that the distant future, of which men speculated but six years ago. hasalready become the past and the present. The issues then spoken of as trials to which posterity might be sub- jected are already at hand; the generation which | sowed must also get the whirlwind; it was weil, for the policy been Lyeiinie and unmanly which sought to transfer to posterity the issues we ourselves had made; nay, more, it was unwise to postpone whea we the knowledge that the next gene ration would be relatively weaker than our own. The policy which had been announced as that of | non intervertion by the federai government in re- | lation to slave preperty, he held to be an evasion of the obligation to equal protection to all kinds Boll near and he had never been able to treat with respect the ai ent, that if the power to | protect was admitted, it necessarily followed that the power to destroy must also be conc Go- Bon ent Rabb rap pe for ae. — — he SUD] e people ri on the sup} a ton that erormeas would perform the funotions for which it was instituted. We paid taxes, dele- gated powers, and rendered indi services to secure rights, personal and political; and it conld only be by such strange perversion as fear or fraud alone id suggest that any one could have reached | the conclusion, that to claim protection was to re- | cogrize a er in the government to rob us of our | pray © See us of our political rights. The | South, however, waived her rigth to such protection in the territories, and such recognition ot her equali- | ty as would bave resulted from a full performance of its duty by the federal government, and accepted | the assurance that soil und climate would be left to | determine the institutions of future States, and that the people thereof would be left free to decide all such questions for themselves. How utterly fruitless the concession had been, and how fallacious the assurance had proven, let the legislative charters to incorporate companies to fil up the Territory of Kansas with mercenary aboli- tionists answer. And how far the delusive hope of substituting peace and ey for hostile aggres- sion has been realized, may be learned from the crime, the discord, the civil war which have charac: terized the effort to maintain civil government in Kansas. With sorrow, with humoled pride, and im- paired confidence in the character of the American people, he had witnessed the necessity for the em- ployment of the federal troops to maintain civil government and enforce respect for the regalarly constituted authorities and duly enacted laws of the Territory. He now looked back upon the disorders in Kaneas as the bitter fruits of the substitation of expediency for cope py penalty of the at- tempt to evade the duty ot Gael government by the transfer of ite trust to irresponsible hands. The fallacy of the doctrine familiarly called “Squat- ter Sovereignty” had run its course even sooger than he anticipated; for, though he had never | doubted its entire failure and inevitable abandon | ment whenever {t} should be seated to foreign territories, the acquisition of which was contem- plated, he had thought it might answer in Territories of the United States settled by citizens migrating from the States of the Union. | In relation to that, as to all other of the questions presented by the measures of 1850, and decided by | the people of Mississippi in 1851, he bad desired to | nee the experiment fairly made; for though he had received the decree in sorrow, he gave to it no sal- Jen submission, and his pledge ofo ce contain- ed no mental reservations. In that state of public rs he bad entered the Cabinet of President ree. Had he pursued his own inclination, and been governed by his own interests, he should have followed out his original intention, aad have de clined a Cabinet appointment. He had desired to see the end of the contro of which he had been a part; to re-argue before poe of the State, in 1853, those questions on which, he believed, by @ false presentation, a jadgment had been obtained which they would not deliberately confirm. After his arrival at Washington the same argument which had been used at home—that to decline might be in- jarious to the State rights party of the South—was renewed, and prevailed over the personal pride and personal interest which prompted him to seek an- other and @ fairer contest on the field which had been lost. With President Pierce, he said, he had enjoyed many years of personal confidence and friendship. He honored him for his steady adherence to the constitution. He had marked bis manly condnct when, as a Senator in 1837-"8, he gave a support more decided and consistent than that rendered by many Senators of the South to the efforts of Mr. Calhoun, by declaratory resolations, to guard onr giving up the fight so easily; said he ought never to } section sgainst the aggression which the prophetic fight again, and soon. Bat they suould have known | eye of that stateswan saw in the future; knew that Jennings was no ordinary fighter. It was s00n | and admired his generous impulses, and feared evident to every one that Tricks had not ashadow of | nothing from his administration in all that the a chance of success. constitutional rights of our section goarantied. He ———— had offered such nesnrances to the people of Mis- Naval intelligence sissippi when the news was received of Mr. Pierce's ‘The Vatted Sia loop Of war Uonstalistion, Comman. | Domiuation, and fe thought ne could confidently dor Oparice H Bail, refer to the ord of his inietration for tae fal- | _ Toe Unites Sates br! fillment of the assurances then given. By appro- | Yare. ie priations for works of international improvement, fgete Rox Congress had made with bim an issue in which self- | plecvine The Uritet Q\s'ea frigate Macedonian ie fiiting ap in aa thorough and elegant manner Many improve. { Mens bave been introduced, altnough the original model | Of the bu! hee } There a odred men on board the sted shat reornlte for toe Dectrerow a8 to Tet led by the following princip ¢ from an onknewn source te pot (A telegraphic deapy mufficten! vo detain a party. A Gerpatct from the ohlet of i | police, tbe marabal, the eheriil, cr the mayor of « city or Tao lemetintent th cetaln « neete tone ake O itomy OF the denpaion +e. inew 9 ty have tee * principle. * * pyital operation of a rom the great body disbursed for the improvement and to point out, in addition to objecions to such legiclation as | for the indigent insane, the feavare | in the measure which would have made the old States landed proprietors in the new; for example, Connecticut the owner of land in Mississippi, The veto messages with which the President returned thoge bills met the questions directly and fully; he offered no side argument in extenuation—no apology or palliating excuse; but, asserting the principle of his action and stating the reasons for conclusions, left the case to be decided on ita merits. * * * ‘There were two questions of foreign policy hich fhe people of Mississippi had manifested a Lintereet. ond in relation to which the lata aduiustiativo bad been mach misrep:esented. Ho | Aj sibility to it. Bat when it vas aseerted that, for | ot Rivas were enabled to leave the country in | unqualified confidence that tome py gy its whole would briefly refer to the course gprmet in relation | to each, and would firet speak of Cuba It would be | remembered, he said, tha; under the admiaistration | of Mr. Fillmore several expeditions had beea | ergavized in the United Siates, and had sailed against the Island of Cuba. The then administra- | ton astumed the power to keep the p»lice of the | sea, and to arrest expeditious which bud, in viola- tion of our neutrality laws, left the coast of the United States and passed beyond its jurisdic'ion; and at the same time, as though i: were a law nnto itself, declared such expeditions to be piratical. The consti- tution gave Congress the power to define piracy; the executive med to ada a new offence to the list, and thougb he (Col D ) had no doubt such was not tne Parnes, the was the execution of 4 gallant dof americans, captured and slain without the trial which, by treaty, was secured to all American citizens. it_act was followed by many acts of apnoyance, and by various embarrassment to the commerce of the United States. Under these cir- cumstances, the policy of adding that island to the fardioey of the United States acquired more than ite ordinary importance. On the acvent of Mr. Pierce to tbe Presideney, he selected for Minister to Madrid Mr Soulé, of Louisiana, than whom the aay did not contain a man better qualified to se- cure the acquisition of Cuoa He spoke Spanish fluently, was frie lect @ acquainted with leading men in Spain, and well informed in European diplo- macy; he wasa tried and true friend of the South, and was known to be ardently desirous of addi Cuba to our territory. Mr. Buchanan loo desired the acquisition of that valuable island, and he was selected as our Minister to London—a point scarcely Jess important than Madrid in the execution of any plan for the peaceable transfer of Cuba from the jurisdiction of Spain to that of America. Tne cordiul co operation of great men offered the best prospect for success. Negotiations were early commenced and progressed satisfactorily, notwith- standing the bear Se intrigues by which they were embarrassed until the detention of the Black War- rior in the port of Havava occurred ‘Jn hearing of that event President Pierce cent a special message to Congress, and instructed Mr. Soulé to make a peremptory demand for indemnification and redcess. Congress did not respoud to the message by an ap- propriation and suthority to meet such contingency as was probable—did not, even by declaratory reso- lutions, sustaip the position of the executive. Ne- gotiations at Madrid were interrupted oy the peremp- tory demand; the non-action of Congress was con- strued into disapproval of the views of the execu- tive; the owners of the steamship compromised with the Spauish government, and left to the United States nothing to demand but redress for the offeace offered to a veseel gay od american flag. Had | Congress responded to Pierce’s messnge promptly and in support ot the policy indisated, he (Col. D.) bad reason to believe that Mr. Soulé would | bave negotiated a treaty for the purchase of Cuba, and hence his conclusion that the responsibility for the failure rested on Con- gress. He hesitated not to say that President Pierce anxiously desired the acquisition of Cuba, and was ready to do for that purpose all which was consistent with justive and national honor. * * * When the revolutionary party in Nicaragua invited | citizens of the United States to unite with them, and by making common cause to have a comnon coun- try, it was # gieat misuse of lengonge to denounce those who accepted that invitation as violators of the neutrality of the United States. Their act was | one of expatriation, their right to perform which | was complete under our theory of government; they | wen" not as an army to make war upon a Siate, but as volunteers to unite their fortunes with one of the parties to an existing war. With their subsequent acts in Nicaragua our government had no poe counec'ion; they bad voluntarily surrendered their | right to its protection, and were exempt from respon- the benefit of one of the belligerents, and against the parry with which the Americans were identi- | fied, Great Britain was co-operating with Costa | Rica to prevent men and supplies from passing | over the transit of Nicaragua, our government | romptly ordered a portion of its mavy to the har- | bors at the two ends of the transit route to pre- | vent such unwarrantable interference It was by that measore that Lockridgewas enabled to enter | the San Juen river. Why he it was not appropriate to this occasion to inquire. By the fame measure the isolated and beleaguered garrison safety. Of the minor details of he for- bore tospeak. * * * Did time permit, or did their doubts require that he sh wid enter into a full review of the acts of the last administration, he felt course, both at home and abroad, he should have little difficulty in sustaining its claims to the credit of having steadily clung to the constitution and maintained the equal rights of the ee Seog as farasthe power was possessed. Pas direct issues and energetic execution of Fugitive | Blave law by the last administration, and by the | wide discussion and thorough investigation which bad followed the legislation of 1850, the questions | involved in the last Presidential campaign had acquired a distinctness and a gravity which be had not seen equalled. If the geoph f the canvassers and through the press not silenced our enemies, they one benefit—they had relieved us of Southern apolo- gists who pray for toleration to Atrican slavery as an admit evil, but one for the introduction of which we were not responsible, and of which we | could not get rid- an admission which not only ex- | Geers honest men among as that he should co-ope | eve man amtong us co-ope- | rate’ in all well directed efforts for its abatement. | ‘That this relation of labor to capital had defects, he | would a cm i was ect 1 aban by the | vicious, it wayward, was true; | but 20, too, were even the tender relations of arent and child, of husband and wife. But when compared it to conditions somewhat similar— to that of apprentices and day laborers, to the in- mates of asylums, poor houses and penitentiaries, where task masters and police officers take the _— of the domestic government of the a. he turned from the humiliation and ing of his own race, when reduced to that low estate, to the | comfort tent which was the usual lot of | African sla# in our country, and thankful to the universal principle of self interest which makes the | master usi kind and attentive to the wants of | his slave, who, in the language ot we Writ “ is his money,” he (Col. D.) ja the instita- tion of domestic slavery the most humane relations | of labor to capital which can permanently subsist between them, and the most beneficent form of go- vernment that has been applied to those who are morally and intellectually unable to take care of themselves. * * * The next occasion for probable collision would be on the application of Kansas to be admitted as a State into the Union, and this was, therefore, the issue which, at this time, commanded public attention. To present his views intelligibly, it was ogee he said, brief, to recur to the | jon which had preced- ed the organization of Kansas. In 1860 it bocame | necessary to legislate for the tecri acquired from | Mexico; there was a large party in country who contended that Congress should, by direct legisle- tion, probibit the introduction of slave property into them, while he and others had insisted that it was the duty of the federal government to give equal protec to all Property. and to remove any ob- struction which exis the migration of citizens from any of the States with or, species of pro- | ty which on oe ley held. In an evil Pour the South ‘had acce; the doctrine that Con; should take no cognizance of slave property, leaving in that jo ag 4 case the ques tion of introduction or inhisition to be dec! by the territorial inbabitants; and this was the theory which obtained when Congress was called upon to organize the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. It was defended on the ground that the inhabitants of a Territory the sovereign powers of a bill for the Me pe of Kansas, by all its provisions, repudiated the ¥ oe executive, anxious to hold the scales even be- tween all sections and all interests, thought it wiser to senda Northera Governor and Southern Judges to Kansas, while he sent a Southern Governor and Northern Judges to Nebraska. In selecting Gover nor Reeder for Kaneas, he chove a man of admitted ability and firmness of character, and who had the reputation of having resisted abolitioniam in his own section as decidedly and consistently as any one in the country. They ail know now that he bad »roved? a total failare, but like Mr. Pierce, they had learned it after the experiment had been tried. Go- vernor Shannon, he believed, had been true through- ont to the constitution and rignts of the Bou'h. after he resigned Governor Geary was appoiated, with the best assurances, by his antecedents and by the reported tact that he was, at the time of his appoint ment, working coal mines in Virginia with hired slaves—that he was neither ignorant in relation to that kind of property nor prejadiced yo i. A residence in Kansas, however, m he sume de- velopementa in political tendencies as in the case of Governor Reeder. This closed the list of aopoint- ments uoder Mr, Pierce's administration, and brought us down to the time of Mr. Buchanan and the pre- sent incumbent, Governor Wa'ker. foward that highly talented and woll-informed statesman he had for ineny years borne the kindest personal relations. Mirsiseipi Lad honored him wich her highest confi- dence and trast. and who among us had not felt ride in his intellectr il achievemeuts when, as a Disstespplan, he was «‘ruggiing for free trade and the extension of Southern territory? The great error which he had attributed to Mr. Walker was the wish he had indicated to provide for an exodas of the slaves from Sonth, as set forth in his | Texas letter. That view had, however, been su'we quently reviewea and abandoned by Mr. Walker. Nothing, therefore, could have been leas anticipated than such policy and proclivities: as were more than eugwested hy bie inaugural address and Topeka apeech. The Dewocratic Convention of vans censured the tion: Walker's inangural dress, and it had often been asked why the [resident eas omitted from that rename: the anewer waanlin it was we act and pot the individual ageiwe: whom | had at least conferred | the | ite 24.833 manufactarin; were | beat the world in both condemnation was directed; it was the Governor's address, tor which he was known to be responsible; the instructions of the President did not coutain the censurable intervention and dicte:ion of the address; it was not known whetner ne approved them or would make himself responsible for them. In that state of the case it was proper for those who had confidence iv the President, and who hoped for bet- ter things of him, not to assume his resdonsibility and adjudge him to be gmity. For one, he (Col D.) did not hesitate to say, that if the President should adopt the acts of his , or avow his responsibility for them, he would hold him to be censurable in a manifold higher degree than his agent; he was the person upon whom the South, in ber geperous confidence, had bestowed the power and devolved the duty to protect her consti- tional rigbts,and in him the offence would have new and darker shades than if commitied oy a more officers of the federal government. Since the ad- of the Convention, he (Col. D.) was jappy to state to his hearers that he had received assurances from unquestionable authority that the administration was not responsible for the language employed by Gov. Walker, or for the reason: urged by bim. lf may be asked, he then, is not the Governor removed? It is true that the administra- tion could thus emphatically show its disaporoba- tion, but to decide on the propriety of pursuing that vouree would require a fuil kno@ledge of the sur- ounding facta, and these could only be possessed by be administration itself. Under these circumstances, t was surely moat becomiag to wait for turther Gevelopements, and even hopefully to look forward or 6a isfé e tous, toough we may fail to perceive how they can possibly ve made. Col. D. aid he had seen nothing of roceedings of the Convention in Kansas which had assembled to torm constitation and aak for adriission as a State. He supposed they would either directly au- horize, or, by silence, recognise the right to hold Jave property within the liwits of the State. Whetber they would refer the constitution to the voters of the Territory for ratification, or send it di- rect to Congress with their application for ad- mission, he held it was the proviace of the Conven- tion to decide. The law neither required the refer- ence nor forbade it. If it was required for ratifica- tion, he held that the reterence must be to the quabiee, voters’ of the Terry. Who the quali ied voters are must be determined by the existing law of Congress, by its organic act, had provided for legislation in the Territory, and this Conven- tion bad no more power to make laws binding on the inbabitants in their terntorial coxdition, than had thet famous or infamous Convention which had assembled at Topeka. * * Though both in the President's letter of instractions and in his reply to the prayerful doctors of Connecticut, he speaks of the reference of the consti ion to the people of Kansas as an event which he did not dou st would occur, be does not use such language as would lead bim (Col. D.) to infer that he intended thereby to insist upon a reference a8 a Pecessary act; and if a long and some time confidential acquain: ence had enabled him jnstly to appreciate the character of the President, thcre was litile reason to apprebend that if the constitution was net so referred, the President would, as threat- ened by Gov. Walker, unite with those rebel abolitionists of Kansas to effect the rejection of the faye of Kansas for admission as a Scate; but ifthe President shonld think proper to pursne that course, then, said the speaker, “I will have done with him—have done with hii Should the Presi- dent, as his conduct on many trying occasions gave resson to expect, hold that Congress should limit its inquiry into the constitution of the State to the simple question, is it republican? and use snch in- fluence as he could properly employ to secure a speedy admission of the State, and should the Southern Representatives and Senators be thorough- ly united upon the question, he thought enough of Nortbern democrats, anxious to terminate the un- profitable controversy #nd give peace to the country, would unite their votes with the Southern mempers to acd anotber slavebolding State to the Union. It there should be avy wavering in the Southern ranks, any resort to side pretences, Northern men cannot be expected to take the responsibility of being. as was once cbaryed upon Mr. Buchanan, “more Southern than South.” We might expest the gg ate to be rejected, and the scene of Califor- nia to be reenacted, and that a second convention would frame a constitution so as to satisty the wishes of the North, and secure admission to the Union. Co}. D. then referred to the phical ion of Kansas, its relations to and Ar- and the effects to be Renee if it should be lost to the South. But if, be said, Kansas should present a Reser neers either not refer- red to the inhabit for ratification, or referred to and ratified by the legally qualified voters of the Territory, and should be refused admission under cit ces sufficiently indicating that it was be- cause of her “toleration of slavery,” the South would have compre meg which equally involved her interest and her honor. He had not forgotten the declaration of the tg HP on RS 1851; but ae eet ns tor the execution of the purpose declared, gh the occurrence of the con- tingency contemplated seemed neither improbable nor remote. Was again to announce folded arms to iavite which would be the more certainly committed because the line had been defined up to which sggreasion would be borne? Were we to have more compromises to gather further dis- appointment, and sink still lower from the equality which our fathers maintained and trans- Mitted to ur? Fraternity and mutual alliance for the interests of each was the motive and the yurpose for which the Union was formed. * * * mm in the South ts maintain her rights in any Gop os! which the future might and was likely to a forth would best serve to strengthen her Northern allies, if they remained true, and would best enable her to dispense with their eervices, if they should desert. * * * Equally opposed to the brainless intemperance of those who desired a diesolution of the Union, and who found in every rustling leaf fresh evidence of volcanic eruption; and to the slavish submission of those who, like the victims of the Juggernaut, unresistinly prostrated selves to be crushed, Col D, said te would, as their Senator, feel himeelt bound earnestly, taithful- ly to labor for the preservation of the Union, and to goard against the approach of any danger to the re- public. His view of the position of a representative of @ State to the general government rendered it an obligation that tne office should be vacated when- ever its duties could not be performed in a spirit of friendabip to the Union. His first allegiance was to Mississippi; her fortunes, whether good or evil, must by his own, and wherever she required his services they were wholly at her command. The BS to which be had lately been assigned he would old as a watchful sentinel; he hoped not to distarb their repose be idie alarms, neither could he consent to cry peace when there was no peace, or to avoid the responsibility ee them when the tramp of advancing hosts was in hisear. * e The Manvfacturiog Laborers of few York, (From the albany Journal, Ot 24 The New York State Census of 1955 in that year there were in operation within our lim- it 165, someon tear aT inn gate ouploynen to 155,159 men, to 37,771 women, to 15,736 boys under eighteen years of age, and ry 6,233 girls under eighteen years of a The cash velue of the articles made by the labor of these 214,899 working people was, in that year, $317,428,- 331—a sum whose immensity can hardly be appre- ciated save by being weighed in silver bullion or counted by single silver dollars. Of these manufactures class 1, comprising pat cultural tools and implementa, and employing 2,474 mechanics, there no fe in competitors. We Fy: and quality. Claes 2, embracing manufactares of metals, and employing 33,946 working men, sustained and still peo ory an unfair and oppressive competition from Jand, France and Germany. In 1856 our ile revenue system let in w) these laborers, at low rates of duty, $30,169,515 worth of foreign manufactured metals. Clasa 3, embracing the manufactures of fibrons and textile substances, and employing at the loom and oiasing wheel and other weaving machinery 19,669 laboring men and women was purposely left at disadvantage in the struggie between and domestic = for the of oar own markets. The importation of this class of manu- facture from Europe in 1856 amounted to $104,293, 606. Clase 4 compriees chemical compounds, ani em- ployed 14,646 workmen Class 5, comprising stoves, lamps and grates, fur- niahed employment to 1,872 laborers, Class 6 comprises steam ‘ines, locomotives and ind nambered 4,348 skilled working men. Class 7 embraces the manufactures for navigation and of maritime implements, and gave high wages to 4,386 mechanics. Cines 8, of mathematical and optical instruments, employed 337 workmen, embracing civil engineering and archi- tectare, numbered 6.317 employra. id Clase 10, 0f the manufactnte of the machinery of land transportation, numbered 8,262 work: men. Closs ath gee | the mannfactare of fire en- ines, pumps and bellows, gave employment to 611 laborera. Cliss 12, engaged in meking lever, screw and other mechanical powers, had 79 workmen. , Clase 13, bry J grinding mills and mil! gear- ing. employed 5,624 laborers at high wages. Cloas 14, embracing the important branch of lumber manufacture, with the tools and machinery employed in it, gave days’ labor to 21,514 men. Clase 15, of plaes, pottery and clay fabrics, num- bered 12,513 lal Class '16, comprising leather and the factures therefrom, emp! nee 19 342 working men. Claw 17, Cy onsehold farniture and domestic machines and implements, furnished work to 9,679 laborers Clase 18, of the fine and ornargental arts, bad 6,081 wor kinen, mana- | ten minutes past three o'clock, by a shock whic | agitated the most solid buildings, | Utensils and furniture dancing in accoun | able mapper. So severe was the shock, which laste ' about thirty seconds, that people ran out of house | “stick+”’ and ‘cut stick,” evidently under the im Class 19, comorising fire arms, imp! \ and manufactures of powder and Pcp nine men. Class 20, embracing surgical and dental i ments, gave work to 211 most skilled laborers. mpl Class 21, comprising wearing ap) 1 and artic for the toilet, employed au army of men and wome —38,195. Their needles gather rast this autamn. Class 22, embracing “ miscellaneous” manufa tures, begioning with “altar ornaments,” havin “cork cutting” in the middle, and “whalebor work” at the end, had under pay 6,100 laborers, . Am average of eighty-three cents a day paid 1 the mechanics and laborers beionging to the mam facturing system of New York State, would now di tribute among them every week for wages the f of one million and seventy thousand dollars. were to them for tbe six months of this autam and col winter, they would have neari twenty-eight lions of dollars to purchase foot fuel and clothing with, and to pay house rent an Aw Earragvare mm Bvrraro.—the entire cit was startled and alarmed rday afternoon, abot and set hénsebol @ most wo: in wild dismay. In many tances walls wer cracked and chimneys thrown doen, and we hear ¢ coe genase having his arm injured by a fallin, . brick. Bells were rung, and a variety of strang incidents occurred otherwise. In the neighborhoo of our office the impression ootained that our stean boiler had exploded, but that 1s more stable than th foundations of the town appear to be. We were ii the midst ot a sentence when the low, deep ramt ling of subterranean thunders sturtled us and shoo! the building as with a palsy. Printers dropped thet atocrhary that things generally had been knocke to “pi!” The startling phenomena was observe: and felt throughout the city, and on the back stre.te amongst the residences, (without a man in th house,) the most lively apprehensions were momen tarily felt. Well, it bas done no particular damage that we learn, besides scaring people frem thet offices and houses into the streets, and hes farnishe us with an interesting item, an article aa scarce now-a-days, as gold. Like the condition of th banks, the earthquake was only a “temporary sus pension,” probab! i Bowever, we hope that no re sumption will take place, as blanched cheeks anc wild, wonder filled eyes, are not as happy a sight a: we have seen. One man accounted for the circum stance by the eurmise that “Nisgara Falls had caved in;” another beld that it was caused by “the explo sion of some banking insti:ution; nother, that “the bottom of suthin’ had fell out;” and a lady says it was just exacily like when her “husband comes home at two o’ciock in the morning.” cele brated physician states that it is his opinion that the “Young American Sampson” got mad and hit some thing, and thus created the commotion. at the old Court House, when the shock was felt, Judge, jury, bar and clients bolted; a learned argument was up- = re the case reversed.--Buffalo Express, A Cewrrwa*tan Discusraep From Parsow.— Two years ago, Joel Schoonoven, of Sumner Hill, im this county, was convicted of the crime of arson,and sentenced to the State prison for life. He freely Page oe mg case of the Get and said he was driven to consequence of what he consi- dered to be personal irjuries, inflicted upon him by 8 son-in-law, and other members of his family, who were anxious to obtain —— of the valuable property that he owned. ell, he was released to- aay, by executive clemency, and we met him at the comer of State and Genesee street, comfortably clad and ‘) 1 a pair of heavy new boots in his and. He said he was “pretty glud to get out,” though he referred the State son tothe county houses. was employed in the “spin shop” in the rison’. Heis a native of Orange bee (4 this » and in the war of the revolution and ‘last war.” He saw Washington at Newburg and he “fought his battles over again” this morning. When we asked him what his age was, he replied, “ oang man, I was one hundred years old Fourth of Ji ry last;"” and he tottered away, ‘‘homeward bound.” Think for a moment of a man’s reaching and passing his ove hundreth year in a State pri. To pentence Cy man of his years tor life, was not, in the ordinary course of things, a long sentence; to release him was an act of clemency and of justice. The oid man is hale and hearty, and looks as though he might live — of years yet.—Auburn American, Oc- Eur Taayee mw Virarx1a.—Anothe: held in Ceredo, Va., for the purpose of gi i Thayer ang opportunity io erly, to the " — a gatheri ro-sla bi vuiandotte afew weeks since." Mr. Thaye delivered himself accordingly, and the meeting ned. ‘Theatrical and Musical. : Broapway Turares.—The Rousan! ballot company will bis evening perform the second act of the romantic spee- tacle entitled ‘Faust,’’ and the eati:¢ of the successful Piece called “11 Cavallo D'Oro.’’ << = Nimo’s Gampmx.—The Ravels are nightly a/ ding frost Jeurels to tbetr gariand of fsme by their new scenic paste- mime of ‘Boreas.’ which is to be given to night, ie “Secret Marriage’’ and bailet of “Flora and Zephyr.”’ Bowsny.—Buckstone’s excifing drama of ‘rem Bushes,” in which Kr. Fidy and Miss St Clair onset Obief cbarecters, wil! be follywed this evening by as ew of “Lafitte” and farce of the “King of traredy of ‘Macbeth’ ts vy Ouebwan ia Lady stertai aments Glose with the farce of “Myr Wite’s Dentist ” saad Maron ping ae g on suscassful pieces ” ap Present,"” are again forts sein Mrs. Hoey, Mra. Vornon, ‘nd Be — ‘aloot, Phillips and Davenport are in Lavra Kawna’s —The no w drama called ‘ Birds ‘and Barnett have obt F erm aa ie a Mvssvm.—! r cameos sie daily ex- ’ Mrversuisy.—In addition to a choice selection of bur- Jenques, songs, &o . the a ternieve called ‘ Married aad Ba- 04” will be performed at Wood’s new building; “ The Kantehents,” st ecsanice’ all, ana tbe"King of iit E E elial i ii £323 til Li i i i a : 2 F g i i ae : i i i H Fe ES 2 | i | t 7 : if hi i a 3-7 li 52535 3 : i He i ae Hg : re Es i ) ; ib He FLAT | Hy 7} arquatatance I have en agresa- thon, Iadies and gentlemen, I re apecttolly bit you farewell. (Cheers and applause.) and one of the San Mrs. Barrow gave foum ae menced an ne pudlio, In which he will ex tb the’Shargie made agsioal him BY ome ot the wicknolders Journals. a fill! H