The New York Herald Newspaper, July 1, 1857, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD. JAMES GORDON BERNETT BT por anman. ana cons pe Ww Shi Grew item. or Blo amy part of et VOLUNTARY CORRESPONDENCE, comatning mencn, ectievied rms ny Quarter of the world U7 wea weil he Whe Eraey A aks caren LY HERALD, 2 conts por EELY HERALD, every eon the poid for, AQP’ Ow Foxman © Te ame Pan RLY RRQOESTER WO NEAL ALL Lerrens amp Packager ox HO NOTICE taken of anonymous correpondencs. We do not Petre Crowe JO’ PRINTING erecuted with neainens, cheapness and des ADVERTISEMENTS renewed every day. AMURKMENTS THIS BVENING, ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth st.—Ivauiaw Orena— Nomen FIBLAYS GASVEN, Broadway—Seetouns wx Lep1a— Pagurta. BURTONR SEW THEATKK, Broaéway, opposite Rona— RBisck Brep Scoas—Teving re On—i cramaine ano Petac- ono. WAULLACK’S THEATRE, Brostway—Lxcoman—Tornie ree Tsoi. LAUBA KEENE’S THEATER, Broscway—Lova's Texr- Gasrn—A Romantic Ines. NEW OTYMPIO, 885 Proadway—SommaxncList—3taGe Gracom Baksge—Sisxecm Twirs. BABNUM'S AMERIUAN MUSEUM, Brosdway—. —Corricas Brotneus. Bvening—Ra cut ras Rearex. —. @20. CHRISTY & WOOD'S MINSTRELS. 44 Broadway —Brawruas Kareutavarsm—Tus Magician. MECHANTOR HALL 472 Kroadway—Naoro Mevoores— Gu skervupar Mivopier—iy Brvawt’s Murstags. New York, Wednesday, July 1, 1857. . ‘The News. ‘The reports in circulation yesterday to the effect that the Court of Appeals had decided upon the police question fuvorably to the Mayor were desti- tate of truth. No decision has been made, and none is expected until Friday. Mr. Reed, our Minister to Chiva, embarked on board the steam frigate Minnesota yesterday, and the steamer sailed at midnight on her voyage. The citizens of Brooklyn are much excited at cer- tain disclosures with reference to the alleged cor- ruption of two Aldermen of that city, who are charged with receiving bribes while acting in their capacity as members of the Board of Health. The facts are circumstantially related in another colomn. ‘The names of the delinquent Aldermen are Preston god Walsh. The report of the special committee Sppointed to investigate the matter recommended their expulsion. Both Preston and Walsh subse quently tendered their resignation as members of the Board. The accused parties will be heard in their detence on the 4 inst. The final argument in the case of the Burdell | @rtate was commenced in the Surrogate’s Court yesterday morning. After the examination of three witnesses as to the good character of Mra. Crane, Mr. Clinton commenced summing up, and spoke till 6 P.M. Mr. Tilden, counsel for Dr. Bur- Geil's biood relatives, then spoke till 10 P. M. During his argument he presented to the Court an analysis Of the self-contradictions of Miss Augusta Can- mingham both before the Surrogate and Corener; ‘these contradi:tions are very curious, and will exer- cle much influence upon the final decision of the case. As Miss Angusta Cunningham is the most Gmportant witores in the case, the veracity of her gatements is of critical importance to the claimant. ‘The contestants seem to be making out a strong case on their side. The Commissivners of Health hold their first meeting today, and will continue to hold daily ses- sions until the safety of the public health render further daily seasions unnecessary. They enter uoon their dally sessions the present year liter than for nine years past. The one hundred and third annual commence mett of Columbia College took place yesterday at Niblo's. We give in another column a report of the exercises, together with the names of those upon whom degrees were conferred. A large and fash- Jonable audience was present. ‘The Postmaster General and the President have Gecided upon the route of the overland mail to Cali- fornia. It commences at St. Louis and Memphis, thenee to Little Rock, thence to the Rio Grande, | near Fort Fillmore or Doons Ana, thence along the | projected wagon roadgo Fort Yuma, and thence to Bsn Francisco. Messrs. Butterfield and Company are the contractcrs, at the euin of five hundred and ninety-five thousand dollars. Tais provides for the | tzansportation of a mail twice a week. The Board of Councilmen held a special meeting | oat evening, when the rerolution from the Board of Aldermen directing the Corporation Counsel to take charge of the books, papers, Xc., Commissioner's office, and to allow Commissioner Deviln access to them for bneiness purposes ouly, was referred to the Law Committee. The Central Pask Commissioners held @ meetiag yesterday. Several committees reported progress on different subjects relating to the fotare organiza- Qicn of the Park, avd the immediate adoption of measures to clear it of it present obstructions. A communication relative to the purchase of the State Arsenal by the city was prevented. in on Tresdey next. robably bat few of cur readers are aware that we heve a Whig General Committee among us. It still lives, am proceedings last night—a re- port of «hich w would seem that an effort is to be made to in‘use some vigor into the decripid Organization. An addres to the whigs of the State is to Le prepared anc circulated; a general account of stock will shortly be taken wi view to making nominations, and # call for a S'ate Coovention in Geptember next will be issued if sufficient encow ragement is offered. The Young Men's Committee chosen under the ei reguistions of the Tammany Reform Convention, ' met last night and organized by the§choice of Jonas B. Phillips as President acd the election of the neual officers. Both the Old and Young Men's Com- mittee having organized, the Reform Convention, their empicy ment being at an end, adjourned sine dir \ast night. We publish esewbere the report of the Board of Viniters to the West Point Military Academy. It fontaine acveral important suggestions. The Board question the propriety of the severe discipline main , tained, recommend sn increase of the number of appointments, en extension of the privileges of the cadets, and a thorough change in the military or- genization of the Academy. The report is one of the mos} Important made for years, and will doubt | ees be critically examined. ‘The steamship Hermann, whi sh left Southampton On the 17th of June, arrived at ber dock early yes fierday morning. Purser Mallins handed us files, but the news of that date had veen anticipated by the previous arrival of four steamers, and three days later advices have been received by the Niagara at Haifax. ‘The democrats of Maine met'in State Convention yesterday, and nominated W. H. Smith, of Warren county, as their candidate for Governor. Five of the persons engaged in the Plog Ugly election riot at Washington on the first of last month have been convicted. Two of them had fled from , justice; the other three were sentenced to one year's imprisonment and a fine of twenty dollars each. ‘The foundry of J. L. Haven & Co, in Cincinnati Qogetber with nine frame dweliings, was destroyed by fire on Monday night, involving a loss estimated et tweaty thousand dollars. Cotton was firmer yesterday, with sales of about 2,000 Dales, including about 1,000 in transitu. The market closed Mtabout Ke advance above the lowest previons rater. Prour was beavy, especially for common grades of ae and Western, with a tendency to easier rates, while good bo choloe extras were stents at previous prices. or heat were confined to two lots of Chicago, part at 81 50. (Gore soil af Bic. @ Hoc. for mined, and Mt Sie 8 B80 for the Street | The Board meet | . NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, JULY 1, 1857, - ° Soulbern yellow. bork was steady, and opened with emai! tales Of mone at $71 760 $22, and 1,000 bois. were taen veld, check op tha day, at $71 85. Sagars were sold to the “tent Of about 600 bhds.,1n lots, chiefly refining goods, ‘at prices given elsewhere. For stocks, 40, we refer to snether column. (ufo: was trm, with sales of about ‘2 900 begs Rio and 60 bags Maracaibo at full prices. The tock tp this market te reduced, and consists of about £7,782 nage and 15,960 mate Java. There was some more ‘*revgbt offer ing, while rates were ateady at about provious quotations. Ihe Southern Ultras in Motion—Pabite Moct- ing tn Loutstana. For the in‘ormation of cur readers, and eape- cially ot all eceptics in reference to the disorga- nizing tendencies of the Southern secessioniste, we publich this morning, from the New O:leans Dutta, the proceedings of a pubiic meeting in the parish of Plaquemines, La, in behalf of a purely Southe:n pro-savery party organization tor the campaign of 1860. The authorized reporter of this meeting says that it was compored of ‘a large number of the citrzens of both parties,” aad the editor of the Delta says that in the proceedings in queation, “politicione will fiod food for protitable reflec- vion, and the friends of Southern rights ground for hope and congratalation.” The exact pria- ciples wad platform of this new Sonthern rights party are reserved for a Fourth of Jaly mass meeting; but in the interval, from the disclosures already made, the purposes in view may be readi- ly conjectured. From the address preeented to this Plaque- mines gathering of “citizens of both parties,” it appewrs that “in the affairs of our nation wt this time, stande one question pre-eminently copspi- cuons, aml overshadowing all others, and that is, the conflict of tne South agaist Northern aggressions.” Next, after o re- capitulation of these aggressions thus far, and under the belief that the preseot strength of the free soil party of the North renders its euccees in the next Presidential election the next thing to a dead certainty, this Plaquemiocs address con-, tends, that in order to pat the South “in the best attitude of defence,” “it becomes necessary to consolidate the strength of the Southern people.” To this end the meeting resolved to “ignore the political differences which have heretofore di- vided us, and to unite for the special purpose of maintaining Southern rights against free soil aggression.” Such, as far as developed, are the principles and purposes of this incipient Southern organiza- tion; and we think these developements are quite sufficient to establish all that we have said in re- lation to the wide spread arrangements existing for the speedy organization of a Southern ultra party. This parish of Plaquemines, though an obscure locality, is somewhat known in the po‘i- tical world on account of the notorious Plaque- mines frauds of Mr. President Polk's election. It is not surprising, therefore, that the first public proceedings to an organization of this projected Southern sectional and secession party for 1860 should come off in this parish. We have no doubt, however, that this meeting was composed of honest, though misguided men, led astray by visionary politicians, The meeting is represented, also, as an im- promptu affair; but all impromptu meetiags of a revolutionary character are the result, more or less, of premeditation and pre-concerted actio.. Abundant materials exist in Louisiana for an ul- tra pro-+lavery and Southern filibustering party, comprehending the Kansae question, Cuba, Central America and Mexico, and the brilliant theory of an independent pro-slavery Southern coafederacy, established upon military principles. Active sympathizers in this splendid Southern pro- gramme exist in all the Southern States. Bat with all our Southern ultras, a Southera confede racy is presented as the last resort—the first and paramount objects in view are the spoils and plunder of the next Presidency. We have, however, a conservative administra- tion at Washington, which has ect out upon a do mestic policy utterly distasteful to the ultras of both eectiona Neither anti-elavery demagogues | nor Southern fire-eaters are satisfied with the safe constitutional middle ground on the Kansas issue occupied by Mr. Buchanan. The Southern democratic ultras especially arc resolved to drive him from this position, or to break down bota his this ultra Southern faction can pervert the ad- minictration to their purposes, they may com mand the next democratic nomination; bat if they fail in this preliminary battle with the con- scrvatives they must cither sarrender to the poli- cy of the administration or revolt against it, It is evident that they expect to fail; it is evident that they intend to revolt— o3, from all the signs of the times, the democratic party in the | South will be destreyed in 1857-58 upoa the question of admitting Kansas into tue Unioa, | as it wus broken up ia the North ia 1853-54 by poor Pierce and the Kaneas-Nevraska bill With the proclamation of tbe Cabinet aad the inaugural of Mr. Buchanan, these Southern ul- tra movements te subdue him or destroy bie ad- ministration and the party began. Tae secession- ist organ cetabliehed at Richmond, Virginia, the little Southern organ establisted at Weshington, the fulminations of the New Orleans ela, the thunders of the Charleston Mercury. the prooeed- ings of the late Georgia democratic conventioa, and the doings of this public mecting of toc pa rish Plaquemines of Louisiana, are all parte of the same gencral movement. They are nothing more than the preliminary skirmishes of these Southero altras, preparatory to their projected pitched battle in the next Congress. Bat as the alternative with Mr. Buchanan will bea faitafal adhesion to his own policy which the country ap- proves, or submission to the secessionists, it is eary to predict the result’ Mr. Bochanan will adhere to bis course, and leave all the dissutis fed factionista, North and South, to make their own election, as his enemies or his friends. Having gone, then, too far to recede, the se- | cemsion wing of the Southern democracy will fly off at a tangent into a red-hot Southern nigger drivers’ organization. Direct- ly opposed to them, but driving to the ame ultimatum of secession, disunion and civil war, will be the Seward nigger worshippers’ porty of the North; while standing betwoen these extremes, and supported by the solid body of the people of both sections, we shall have the con- servative administration of Mr. Buchanan and its measures of conciliation and peace. ‘Thus, scattered and wasted in the North, and broken up and disbanded in the South, the old | | democratic party will have ceased to exist iu 1860, It will have fulfilled ite mission, and will disappear as completely ax its life giving an- tagonist hes disappeared, the old whig party. But from the ruins of both these old parties, and from the ruins of the Inte mushroom Know Nothing po iy, aod from the rank and file of the republicau party, there will arise an overwhelm- ing Union perty, which will be all-powerful to f sustein Mr. Buchanan, and to silence the clamor of Northera nigger worshippers and the fury of administration and the party eupporting it If | Southern nigger drivers in the issue of tae battle for tbe cuccemion. It ts not the policy of Mr. Buchaoan to at- | ™ the ¥: «tach ‘epecial cotmeidence wat oly fooling for the edmunetresion in the coltumas aw Vouk tempt by useless indulgences the restoration of | Now, ove would suppose this Richmond co- the old democratic party. It has ran iss coarse, | ‘¢mporary to be among the most disinterested and It ia reduced to a hopeless minority in the North. | ‘fsscrifloing of politicias, judging bim by his and, abandoned by the secession wing in the | ©¥2 Worda Bat in redacing him to a trial upon Sonth it will be reduced there to a etill more de- the test of bis acte, we arrive at a difterent con- cided popular minority, The experiment of re- | Clusion. He abandoned the Richmond Enguirer to storing the party by conciliating the eecceslonists | Ct up tbat ultra Southera organ. the South; and, tothe extent cf their present demands would 88 we have reason to believe, to the end of carv- reduce tha administration to the mere official | ine out a foreign mission from the next adminie- head of a sectional faction of disorganizers. | ‘ation, in default of a foreign mission from Mr. Mr Buchanan bes marked out aud is pursuiag Buchanan. Hence, we apprehend, the lofty ad- toe prop+r course. Let this true policy of coa- miration of Mr. Pryor for Mr. Douglas, and the etitntional justice to all parts of the Unioa, and | Vey equivocal support which the South gives to to all int rests and all. classes of the people, bs the administration. Politicians do not labor for maiotained, and if of partes canoot stand thie | Mere empty abstractions, Do they, Mr. Pryor? tect Int them Jail Thus, though all the existing parties in the country should go to the dogs, q just end boencet administration will be vindicated by an intelligent people, The French Kvections. The experiment which Louis Napoleon is try- ing is the boldest ever attempted by any govern- ment since the Roman Senate decreed its own The Meaning of Constitutions and the Rights dissolution snd the annexation of the empire of of Minorities. the West to the empire of the East. Oar British We have before usa pile of Bostontaad other | cotemporaries epeak of the pending electoral con- New Engiand papers, commenting on the mani- | test in France as they would of a common clec- cipal contest wt present at issue inthis city, The | tion in this country or in Bogland; they blame geurral impression prodaced by a perusal of these | the Emperor for the rvstrictions he has placed on journals is one of utter confusion. Our Boston friends don't seem able to make ap their minds which party is right; they give excellent reasons in support of the position takem by the city au- thorilies, but they can see merit in the aggressions of the Legislature; they don’t want to see munici- pal liberty abolished. but they fear the effecta of the practice of appealing to the courts on the coa- etitationality of laws, To do them jastice, how- ever, Ws must add that as @ general rule their fympatbics seem to be with us, notwithstandiag the general bosility of New Evgland to the de- mocracy. At bottom, party prejudices aside, the New Englanders are as great sticklers for civic freedom, and the inviolability of city franchises a8 they were when they voted money to defend Boston harbor against the usurpations ofthe King The confusion ard doubt which overhang this manicipal contest of ours would speedily van- ish if people would only let their miods dwell on two broad distinctioos—the first, the distinction between our American Legislatures, and the Le- gislatures of Europe; the second, the distinction between our constitution and the doctrine of di- vine right. Almost all the reasoners whe have undertaken to show that the city authorities were wrong in resisting the encroachments of the Legisiatare have argued az though that Legislature occupied the same position in our society as the Parlia- ment does in British, or the government in French society. They have found both precept and practice to show that the Parliament of England and the government of France were both omnipotent in their sphere; that they bent before them laws, usages, institutions, privileges, franchises, and cvery species and order of rights, Hence, argue the critics of our city authorities, it is without example for a city to rebel agaiast the Legislature. But, in fact, there are not two bodies more peculiarly dissimilar in origia, powers and scope than the British Parliameat and the Legisiuture of this State. The former is | the fountain of li power in England. From it —with some triging exceptions in favor of the prerogative—ell rights and daties of corporations | Tadivida- | avd persons withia toe kingdom flow. ally, its members owe an account to their con- stituencies; collectively, Parliament has no ac- count to render. Ite oftice was created by the | King: and since it has shaken off its dependence | on him, itis supreme. It has no more concern witu the people, asa whole, than it has with the South Sea Islanders. The doctrine that power residee originally in the people is unknown to the Englich law; their doctrine is that God placed power in the basds of the King, who of his own free will delegated a portion of it to the Parlia- ment. Parliament reigns in fact by divine right, | With us, on the contrary, who have no misty | antiquities to confuse our politics, the Legislature is merely the agent of the people, chosen to per- | form certain specific duties, Oar theory is that | all power resides in the people; that they, for convenience sake, commit the administration of certain political and public concerns to men | chown by @ particuiar mode; and that these men —constituting the Legislatare—have no more | right to perform any act not contemp'ated in their power of attorney than a lawyer would have to transact merosntile business or to perform ® eurgical operation on the part of his client. They are mere agents ad hoe; when they transcend the limits of their delegated sphere, they arc | common persons without authority of avy kind. Se with constitutions The British coustitation is an ingenious compilation of law decisions and imaginings of persors of a fanciful turn of mind; like the Bible, it will afford evidence either way | on any question. The chartists find it republican; the high court party claim that nothing but a despotic monarchy would carry it out fairly. What proft can be derived from an analogy bs tween this patebwork contrivance and our writ ten constitution which was framed expressly for the protection of minaritics’ Yet we sce scores of writers pretending to un- | derstand the subject who throw the British con- stitution in our tecth, and appeal to the British | Porliament to prove that our Legislatare may be | derpotic, and that our censtitation means nothing! The Judges of the Court of Appeals will have discovered long since that there was no light to be derived from a stady of the British Partia- mentary practice; they will have dealt with the question on common sense grounds with no other Precedents than those derived from the history of oar own country. We trust that they have so read the constitution of this State as to view it asa barrier raised by prudent lawgivers to pro- tect the weak against the strong, the feeble mino- rity against the arbitrary majority; that they have discovered the fallacy of attempting to rear local liberties undera despotic centralized autho- rity; that they are prepared for theie part to set their faces against the first decided encroach- ment of that authority. At any rate, whatever | they have resolved, we do hope and trust that | their decision will be thorough, and on the merits | of the question, so that we may have an end of thie era of gonfusion, disorder, and riot. | A Brier Answer To 4 Discoxterten Free- | Earer.—The Richmond South, in its commentary upon our recent remarks on the present position | of Mr. Senator Douglas for the Presidency, says | that we openly accuse the Innocent Mr. Pryor “of being implicated tn an intrigue to sscare Mr. Douglas the Presidential snecession.” Mr. Pryor then is persuaded to make the following obser- vations: - It ie ® maxim of common sense that @ man who is quick to impote seldeh mo ives to another is apt to be dever mined in his own conduct by unworthy considerations ‘We abail oot etay (9 inquire whether the Haxa.o’r new born colnyinen: in support of the administrauon be the epontancons impulse of & distnterceted devotion, or the sordid calcaiations of an ignodic eptrit. Tt is to repeat the gossip of Washington the freedom of debate, and for the warnings given to the press; they quarrel with him because he does not contrive to make the contest wear the same aspect of freedom aud laisser aller which is worn by electoral contests in constitutional coun- tries, These publicists forget that where electoral contests in this country and in Eugland are never vital matters, and the salvation or the ruin of the country never depends upon the issue, the con- test in France is a deadly one, and that the issue may be bayonets and revolution. One candidate whose address we have read, quotes that portion of the imperial address delivered three or four years ago, in which Napoleon alludes to the pro- gressive character that will be stamped on the empire, and to the steps which it will take toward the establishment of liberty ; jand he inquires where is this pro- | mised progress, where the steps liberty- | ward? If, says this clear headed candidate, you | elect the government candidates, you will admit that you enjoy at present an adequate measure of liberty; if, on the contrary, you think with me that it is high time the Emperor redeemed this pledge of his about laying the foundation of liberty under the imperial régime, then you had | betterelect such opposition candidates as my- | self. Another candidate, Monsieur de Monta- lembert, one of the most caustic anti-imperial writers and orators, simply refers to his printed views and opinions, in presenting himself before bis old constituency; nothing that he could have said would have been half go eevere on the gov- ernment. In Paris, of the ten opposition candi- dates, at least four were imprizoncd at the coup | @'@al, and could not help, were they to regain | their lost position at the head of affairs, to bring the Emperor to trial for that violation of the or- ganic law; the others, with one exception, indeed all nine would without doubt rejoice at the bloody overthrow of the government, and the utter destruction of the Napoleon dynasty. That is the'r platform; it is for announcing and re- commending it too energetically that the Siecle has just received a third warning, and now owes its existence to the imperial clemency. | From theee few statements it will at | once be seen that the position of the con- test in France is very different from any- thing that has ever been witnessed in England or in this country. It is actually imperialism which is involved in the issue ; a return of an apposition majority would place the Emperor in adilemma between a new coup d'état or an abdi- , cation of his throne and an acquiescence in a | pew revolution. If any monarch of modern | times has ever risked as much as this for the | sake of affording his subjects the privilege of | electing representatives we do not remember it. | The articles in the Moniteur announcing to the republicans the gracious condescension of the Emperor, and other articles in the same paper which would be here called campaign arti- cles, are certainly among the wonders of journal- | jem. Fancy Mr. Buchanan calling upon the peo- ple of the United States to decide whether they | would revert to British dominion; or to make it | still plainer, fancy the same magistrate calmly | laying before the people the question whether it was right or wrong to encourage servile in- earrections, ‘The game which the French Emperor is play- | ing, however, is too well known and too familiar to the gambler tobe as full of risk as is looks. Even if the republicans of Paris should master foree enough to carry the election, and place their | men in the Chamber, in the provinces there is bat | little danger of such a contingency. There is a world of iustruction in that pithy sentence | in one of the most influential country papers in | France: “ We beg to inform our readers that we have been notified by the Prefect that we are at | liberty to disenss political questions during the canvaee. We eball avail ourselves of this privi- | lege by remaining silent on the subject” In | point of fact itis quite obvious that both the | privilege of candidature and the privilege of dis | cussion are illusory in the Departments; the | elections will be free, no doubt, but nobody will be elected but the friends of the Emperor. This reflection will no doubt help to console the Em- petor for the ritk he runs in appearance, and for the possible defeat he may undergo at Paria. Post Orrier Pantutrrins—Usequar Dietet- weTton oF Pewtac Accommopation.—The policy pureucd by the Post Office Department in regard to our ocean steamers is one certainly not caica- lated to encourage the growth of that important branch of our commercial marine, Compared with the extravagance of expenditure observable in other details of the Post Office administration, Mr. Collins, we see, has recently been in Wash- ington trying to get paid up the deficiency arising from some irregularity ia point of time, in connection with the notice terminating his grant. Ile has had to encounter all sorts of ob stacles to the payment of his claim, owing, it is said, to the hostility of the Post Office aathori ties Commodore Vanderbilt has not been more successful in enlisting their support to the grant for the Havre and Bremen line, [t seems to be the policy of the department to discourage as much as possible the efforts of our American ship owners to compete with the British and other foreign steam companies, and to prevent us from rendering ourselves independent of them, so far as the conveyance of the mails is concerned. It is difficult to assign any rational motives for to unpatriotic and suicidal a course, Personal reasous may have something to do with it, bat we fear that it is only another feature of that tendency to favor everything foreign at the ox- peese of our own interects which is obtaining ground among us. And yet this is hardly recoa- cilable with the lavistness oispleyed in the ar- rapgemexts to afford poatal facilities to the Weat- ern States, frequently largely in advance of their uecessitica, An amount of from fifty to seventy- five millions have been granted in public lands tor the copstruction of railways apd other objects connected with Post Office commanication in that pert of the country, whilst annual grants thort of a million are grudged for the same ob- ject in connection with our immense fureiga ehip- ping trsde, This policy is, to asy the least of it, inconeistent, and calls for remonstrance at our bands. We ree no reason why the intereste of any one claes or section of the community should be eacrificed to unduly foster those of another. The Close of the Fiscal Year—The New ‘Tarim. Yesterday and to-day form important periods ia the commercial calendar in the United States, Yesterday closed the financial year of our gov- ernment, to which period the imports and exports of the country are made up, showing the nature of our domestic exports to all’ purts of the world, and their particular and aggregate value, and the character and value of all foreign goods im- ported and re-exported. The previous fiscal year exhibited an unprecedented amount of both ex- ports and importe; and as large as the latter were—greatly in excess of former years —yet the exports largely exceeded them in value. The returns for the fiscal year ending yester- day, though likely to show a considerable falling off in some articles, with an increase in others, yet we imagine the chief decline in exports will be found to have been experienced in the last quarter, and prixcipally in breadstuffs and pro- virions. Although the crop of cotton was under three million bales, yet, owing to the great advance in prices, it will sell for more in the aggregate than the crop of 3,500,000 bales in 1855-56, Thus, if we estimate the value of the crop of 1855-56 at 10 cents per lb. or $40 per bale, it was worth $140,000,000. If we set down the crop of 1856-57 at 2,950,000 bales, and esti- mate it an average of 15 cents per lb., or about $60 per bale, it will yield the large amount of $177,000,000. Our total exports since Septem- ber 1, 1856, have been as follows :— Bales. Falue. 2,791,000 $111,610,000 9,126,000 127,500,000 _ that, while the exports have fallen off 666,000 bales, yet the total value of shipments in 1856-57 exceeds that of 1855-'56 by $15,960,000—a difference to be greatly aug- mented before the close of the season. The other event in our commercial history is the inauguration of the new tariff to-day. The new tariff comes into operation to-day, and will put an end, at least in one sense, to the embarrasaments under which our com- merce hds been laboring for the last few mopths, It remains to be seen whether it will not create for the momeat other difficulties which will press heavily upon individual interests. Of the benefits which it will confer in the iong run there can be no question. Although the reduc- tions, except on liquors, do not amount, on the great bulk of the importations, to more than an average of five or six per cent, yct there is very little doubt that, as the Secretary of the Treasury asserts, they will leave such a surplus of revenue as will enable Congress to incroase the free list next year. If it were nothing but the boon which the tariff confers in the reduction of the duty on foreign liquors, wé should have reason to be thanktul for the change. It is admitted on all hands that much of the drunkenness and a great deal of the disease that prevail among us are to | be attributed to the vile and poisonous compounds which are cold here under counterfeited foreign brands. In the wine and brandy growing dis- | triets of France and Germany, where the popula- | tion indulge freely in the uge of these producta, the same results are not to be witnessed—at least not to anything like the same extent. By plac- ing pure wines and liquors, therefore, within the reach of our population, we are making an ex- periment which is likely to exercise a most bene- ficial effect upon thelr condition and habits. In point of revenue we believe that the reduction of the duties will be attended with proportionate advantages The value of goods held in bond in this market upon which the tariff is to operate to-day is very great, The heaviest in amount is composed of sugars and molaseca. By reference to another column it will be perceived that the stock of sugars beld embraces 91,422 hbds, against 50,291 bhde. on the Ist of July, 1856; besides 24,511 bhds and 8,000 bags molado, while | there are 27,712 boxes this year against 7,2 | 1856, and 17,563 hhds. and 17,053 bbls. molas- se@, estimated to be worth, in round numbers, about $13,000,000 a $14,000,000. There are | aleo beld in bond heavy emounts of foreign dry goods, hemp, and 9,716 bates of Cuba and Ha- | vana tobacco, besides hardware and a groat | variety of other articles, forming a graud total | of great value. | The immediate effect of the new tariff will, | however, we tear, disappoint the expectatiots of | many. Under the regulation entitling all cargoes | to its benefita, which have not broken bulk, im- } mense importations have been made during the last few months, until our ports are now regalarly | jommed up with every description of merchan- _ dise. These goods bave already been drawa for on the other side, aod in order to meet those | bills the importers will have to throw their goods | immediately on the market and sell at any price. | Thos, the advantages which they expected to teap from the reduction of the duties wil] be more | than lost to them by the heavy sacrifices | which they will have to make to fulfil their en- | gagementa There disappointments are, however, of but small account in comparison with the genctal benefits which will be derived from the | measure. It is only a pity A Divs Memonamuas at tie New York | Custom Hovse—Today the new Collector | Augustus Schell, formally enters upon the dutie - | of his office, and there will be a general fluttering | among the officials there in consequence. Mr | Schell is not only armed with power to inquire | into all the abases which have grown up under | the régime of his predecessors, but he has the aid of the report of the Treasury Commission, ap- pointed to make the same investigations, and which will greatly facilitate his tack. Although the Commissioners have not been able to procare the necessary evidence to substantiate the charges of malfeasance, corruption and geoeral misconduct bronght against certain of the Custom House officials, there is yet such strong moral presumption of the culpability of some of them that the new Collector will, in all probability, exercise the discretion with which he is vested, of removing them from their posts, The necessities regulations of the establishment. gulations will themselves be subjected to a thorough revision, and the absurd formali- be either modified or entirely removed. The fee system in payment for information furnished to merchants in advance of their returns to the Custom Houre, wilt be entirely abolished, the necessity for the information itself being dome away with, whilst in the Appraiser’s department & thorough reformation will be effected, which it is boped will put an end to the charges of favor itism which have so loog been made against it, With @ geveral reorganization and simplificatien of the rules of the estabtishment, and the exercise of energy, atd a conscicatious determination te do his duty on the part of the new Collector, we may reasonably anticipate that under his adain- istration the New York Castom House will as- sume the character of an efficient public depart- ment, instead of that of o nest of rogues and idlers, Distixquisnep Democratic Lanp SrecunatTine Poririctans.— According to an article which we transfer to this paper from the Chicago Press, (republican,) quite a cluster of leading deme- cratic statesmen and politicians are up to their ears in Western land jobbing operations. In this echedule Mr. Senator Douglas stands deservedly first, as one of the most saccesstul of modern Western land speculators. Our Chicage cotemporary, however, has overlooked tac grand- est land operation of Mr. Douglas. The proper ty which he acquired with his first amiable and accomplished wife was chiefly in North Carolina slaves, and they, if we arg.not mistaken, he has Dow employed in the cultivation of a Mississippi cotton plantation. The first great financial sus cess of Mr. Douglas in the land business was the passage of that bill through Congress, some years ago, granting to the Illinois Central Railroad two millions five hundred thousand acres of the choicest public lands in the State. Of that bili Mr. Senator Dougias was as much the father as of the Kansas Nebraska bill, and we have alwaye eupposed that with the euccess of that land grant @ fortune was ineured to the lucky Senator. | ‘That bill was also the broad foundation of the numerous and stupendous echemes of Western railroad land grabbing which have followed it. The corruption projects of the last Congress, in- volving the expulsion of O. B. Matteson aad others from the House, were but the nataral fruits 9 this land spoliation system, started iate vigorous life in Congress with that Illinois Cen- tral Railroad bill. It was that first great land grant and most splendid Congressional success of Mr. Douglas and of the parties concerned, that created the Lorde of land sharks and thc nume- Tous and various echemes of land spoliation that have marked all the subsequent land legidadlon of Congress, But, returning to the main question, our Chi- cago “temporary, in his list of these notable democratic speculators in Western lands, gives us, in addition to Mr. Douglas and Cotenel Richardson, of Illinois, the following conspicuoas names:—Mr. Breckinridge, Vice President of the United States; Mr. Bright, of Indiana; Mr. Orr, of South Carolina; Mr. Toombs, of Georgia; Mr. Slidell, of Louisiana; and Mr. Forney, of Pennsylvania. If trae, these disclosures ere very suggestive and important. They go to thow that our leading apostles ef democracy, North aad South, are as deep in the mud of these Western land jobbing operations as the Seward financiers themselyes; and that the profe-sioeal politician of any party may be resolved into an artful dodger, a stockjobber, a speculator, or grabber and gambler in the public lands. Tlave the aforcsaid distinguished democrats, or any of them named in this connection, anything to eay in reference to these statements of the Chicago Pres? If not, we shall consider oar selves at liberty to go into the whole merits of the subject. Tur Noxenttry ov m8 Merrorosrran Portcn. —The Henatp has taken the position that the new Metropolitan police force are State officers, reepousible to the State only, and that they eaa- not execute, as such, the ordinances of the city of New York. To this iti» replied with a chuckle by a cotemporary that the ordinances of the sity are made Sfate laws by the black repablican bill, and therefore they can be enforced by the new | police. We perfectly understand this dodge, as well as that of making New York a pars of a district, in order to evade the constitatiooal objections to the original bill; poor and pitiful attempts to do indirectly that which directly could not possibly be dove, Bat will the dodge of subjecting the new police force to the ordi nanees of the city, and compelling them at af times to enforce them properly—for this is the word—auswer the purpose? In the first place, f this construction is the correct one, thea the Me tropoliten police is certainly « nonentity, for by section 20, the Board of Police is compelied to carry out all the ordinances of the city, am the State law is nothing but an echo or shadow ot the Corporation ordinances. By this cariow process the city laws are to be made State law ‘and then the State laws are again made subordi nate to and a mere reflection of the city laws— thus sustaining our position that the State law: are in effect inoperative in themselves; in fact that there are none which as such can be enforced against the iafractors of the city ordinances. On the other hand, if the new Police bill make the city ordinances the controlling authority regulations are to be governed by nances, then it follows that the may at once pass an ordinance of the new police “be and they pensed with.” If that corps obey and enforce all the mon Council,” they will have to the logic of our cotemporary, they, repdal the State law, but they up the whole new police corps, for ty nothing whatever to do. We then ro-assert the principle police corps, as State officers, can city ordinances, for the city, still preme authority, even by dhe now lat% ed has given them, and will give ty to enforce them. On the contrary’ this usurpation of their constituti Common Council will most anquy ordinances which will take anay the pretended Metropolitan c!