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| 4 NEW YORK HEHALD, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1856.3 e NEW YORK HERALD. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, EDITOR AND PROPRIZTOR. @PPICE N. W. CORNER OF NASSAU AND FULTON STs. Volume XX1......... ..No. 264 AMUS NIBLO’S GARDEN, Broadway-—Biaxcne—Tigur Rore Frats—Prre Nearourhin. BOWERY THEATER! BLE Heants—Daxcing~As ‘ToNIsHING Prats By TH To TROUPE. BURTON'S NEW THEATRE, Broadway, op (oes te Bond Btree—Faint Heakt NEVER WON Paik LAbY—CatcHinG 4 Govexnox—AN Onsncr OF p INTEREST. WALLACK’S THEATRE, B1 Bponer. Broadway—Tre Rivars—THe FE. fate Burton’s)—Fare, oadway—After- LIMERICK Boy. SESS E— BROADWAY V4 RISTIE ty~Leax or 4 Loves. NIBLO'S SALOON. aux Seve Ages or Wome BATS. APOLLO ROOMS, 410 Broad BY THE AUTOMATON MUSICIAN ODEON, Praytari ay—Granp ENTERTAINMENT sburg—Erarorax PERPFORMANCES— New ‘ork, Monday, September 22, 1556. ———— Maiis for Europe. NEW YORK HERALO—EDITION FOR BUROPE. ‘Tee Cunard mai! siea p Arabia, Capt. Stone, will eave Boston, on Weduesday, for Liveryool The Duropean mais wil) im this city at balf-pact wo o'clock to-morrow aviernoen. The Hensip (printed im Hnglieh aud French) will be Pediished at ten o'clock in the morning. Single copies, @ wrappers, + ype Sadscripvons New ertivements fer any edition of the will be received at the foliowiag sropean Express Co., 61 King William st. 5 Hace de ka Bourse, de. b 9 Caapel street. rT, 12 Exchange street, bast. he European edition of the Heaazp Will exobrace the news received by mal! and telegraph at the ofsee during the previous week, and to the hour of poblwarce reed The News. probably the North American, is now Quebec from Liverpool, with four days’ fully due, later news. Tke inaugural address of the new Governor of Kaneae, dclivered at Lecompton, with the accom- panying prozlamations, we give in,full this morning He promises to do justive to all parties, ani insists that the tyrannical laws passed by the Territorial Legislature shal! be obeyed unti! repealed. There is. some weak talk about the constitution, the organic Taw, aud all that; out the address is by no means up tothe exigenvics of the occasion. Tae procla- mations order the disbandment of the volanteer mi- sitia and the dispersion of the armed bands of rufflans, of whatever party. The fuueral ceremonies of the late Lorenzo B. Stepard were attended yesterdty by a large con- eecree of Lis personal and political friends, includ- ing. the members of the city government, and of the various associations of which the deceased was a Memes. The cxorviece, whick were unusually im- pressive, are described ese cheve in our columns. The javestigation into the cauge of the death of Andy Ka!ly, the prize ighter, wee continued yester- day by Carover Perry. No new facta were elicited, but the names of several pereons implicated ia the affair were éivalged, and warrants issued for their arrest. Bince the death of Kelly and whe flight of the bruisers who participated in the bratal work, Water street, end localities of similar ebaracter, have Lecome, te some extent, peaceful meighbor- hoods. The seceding delegates from the Fifth Congres- sional district democratic convention, me* in Wil- Magesvorg on Saterday eveniag, and unanimously neminated Mr. Philip Hamilton for Congress, ia epposition t» Wm. B. Mavay, the regular democratic Bomixee. Fol particulars of the exciting boat race between the 5t.Jobu and New York clave, at Boston, on Saterday last, are given in to-dsy's paper. The dis tance rowed—six m\les—was performed by the win- ning Woat in forty-two minutes, the New York boat losing by about one minute. During the race the wind blew with great violence, accompanied by a @riving rain, to which untoward circums:an e,/°at of the Now Yorkers was mainly attributable. We». ve dates from Rum Key (Bahamas) to the 22th inst. “alt was scarce and very dear; inde little was to be Teoured at any price. The value of form,7® 800ds imported at the port of Boston, during tha week onding 19th instant, amounted to $774,46%, ‘The eales of cotton on Saturday bmiyaced about 600 a £00 Lales, the market closing firm at Friday's prices. F was rather better for common to me- @ium grades, though prices were rather irreguler, while ex'ra brands were unchanged. Wheat was beavy, and prices inclined to droop. White Southern jor to prime ranged from $1 50 a ‘nd a cargo of choice white Canidiag sold at #1 red ranged at $1 47a #1 49a $1 50. Corn was in good demand, with sales at 65c. a 60}: for sound mixed, and 6% c. for Southern yel low, and white do. at 70 Rye was at fic. a 0c. for old and new. Por mers at $20 37). Sugars were firm, with sales of 600 a £00 hhde. Cuba muscovado at full prices. Coffee wes firm, with moderate transactions. Freights were firm for Liverpool, and grain in bulk and bags was taken at id flour at 2s. 3d. the ecrcHater.—Our us news that Europe | vements hay ng ‘anton of Neufchatel. Americ vellers will not have fi en the pictaresyue country wn W the Jura, between Berne, the Pays de Verd and lake of Yverdun. ‘The latter isa beautiful sheet of water, eight miles in length and eight in bees capital of th the saine name is pretty well built i habitants, whic pr Manufactures of lac watches are extensively ¢ and excellent wines are vineyards. The watchmakers aloue num!) than twelve thousand, and they world with the specimens of th Canton w imes a Principali'; in 1707 came und dominion of Prassia. {a 1806 it was coded to F », as it is on its fron tier, and it mo German. Napo' ring on him the title o' Wagram fal services At thie cir ing serve with Lafwy the Prince recogni on the Emperor's days, he retired priva berg. There one day the Russian army appro city, he threw himeelf from his tim of remorse and despair. By the peace of Paris the Canton was restored to Prosefa: was allowed a constitation and the privilege of forming a seperate State, Ia 1622 jg as a i ae | vindow, the joined the Swiss Confederation asthe 22d Canton, and ig the ouly one under monarchical sway. In 1848, when Switzerland adopted a new constitu- tion providing for « Couneil of State, a Natienal Council, an Executive Federal Comncil, and a Federal Tribune—a sympathetic movement with the French revolution—-Neufchatel was deprived, in the confusion of the time, of some of its pri- vileges, but to what extent we are not how aware. ‘The recent reyalist movement is said te be for their recovery. The great majority of the popu- lation of sixty thousand are Protestants,enly two thousand being Catholics. In 1831 the people attempted to throw off the Prussian yeke, buat were soon put down, and everything has been very quiet there for several years. The Republican Surrender at the Extra Seasion—Senator Wilson Picading In their Defence. We notice that in most of the speeches which Henry Wilson, United States Senator from Mas- sachusetts. is delivering throughout the country in this Presidential campaign, he endeavors to shield and defend the republican members of the House of Representatives from the reprobation which they merit for the poor fight and inglori- ous surrender to military despotism which they made on the Army bill in the late extra session. Mr. Wilson comes to the task fairly and with mo- deration, and he sepports his argument in the de- fence with all the force that can be brought to bear in such a bad cause. We have some respect for this Senator. Unlike Senator Toombs of Geor- gia, or Senator Slidell of Louisiana,he does pot make a fool of himself by threatening to « from the Union if his particular Pr: ent! didate should, peradventure, be noi elected. Hei is evidently a practical man—a man of good siroag comsnon sense, He is not one of your smoot spoken, word-polisked, word-refined sophomoric orators, like Sumner and Seward, whose speeches, in the style of magazine articles, are very plea- sant to listen to—only fer the unintelligible quo- the dead languages, with which they 0 closely studded—but who realy mean no- thing, exeept to scape their classical attainments, and the ness and statesman- m has no suc) small to hie subjeet in a plain, traightforwand manner. and usee only language that all ordinary persons can fully comprehend. As he has so discussed the question of the surren- der of the republican House to the military dic- tation of Secretary Davis, we will notice and re- fate his argument. It is wel} on the threehhold to understand thoroughly the cireumstances of the case, After the passage of the Nebraska bill last Congress, the whole: inflvence of the admiuistratioa was lent, not to keep the peace and sce fair play in the elections, but to the active planting of sla- very in Kansas by the military power of the na ion, Not only was no protection afforded to ne immigrating to that Territory whe held institutiva—not ouly were the outrages perp? trated ly the border ruffians allowed to go ua. panished—uvt only G!d the Exeentive allow the freedom ballot box to be violated, and citi- zene to ve viclently deprived of their right of saf- frage—but even the troops of the United States were employed in enforcing obedience to a set of bloody and despotic laws enacted by rufflaa le- gislators. The whele power of the adm’ ra- tion, we say, unde: malign influence of Jef- ferson Davis, the Secretary of War, was directed to establishing, by th outrageous means, the system of slave labor in Kansas, and thus for- warding the pl aos of a breken dowa Missouri 2 of Atchison, who hoped to anes in this new Territory, and event tly 1 to bs sent back from it to the Senate of the United States. The course deciled upon by the republican members of the House of Representatives, to put = state of things, which was bri ato contempt abroad, and was i vil war at home, was to engraft on the b’ making the annual appropriation for the support of the army a proviso declaring null and void the alleged laws of Kansas, and directing that no part of the army should be employed in their execution or enforcement, bat that the President should make use of the military force simply to preserve peace in the Territory, and to see the laws of popular sovereignty fairly carried out in practice. This was a fair, eMcient and justifiable course. It was alleged against it that it was at variance with the constitution and with the set- tled pritttice of Congress to insert any measure of general legislation in an appropriaifod vin. But it was not so decided; and the decision was right. In Congress lies the power of declaring peace and war; and certainly either House has the faculty of saying in a bill making appropria tions for the support of the army, how that army shail or shall not be employed. Legally, constitutionally, and as a matter of just and sound policy, the proviso wasright, aad ought to have been insisted on at all hazards, and to the last extremity. For some time, indeed, it was insisted on, aud the country had well grounded expectations that these republican representatives woald have re mained staunch and true to their principles, that this measure of justice would have been consum- mated, and that peace and good government would have been restored to Kansas, Egregio « delusion! It was another proof of the folly o: reckoning without one’s host. People pre-sup- posed the existence of energy, stamina, resolution end pluck in these republicans—qualities, how- ever, of which they were sadly deficient. They held out till the regular session was closed: but after a week of the extra session, and after a few silly demonstrations on the part of Pierce and Davis ia breaking up national armories in Maasa- chusetie and cleewhere, their coarage deserted them—they hoisted the coward’s flag and surren dered the fortress, For this we have denounced them, and the country will condemn them if it gets a fair chance at them. t Mr. Wilson comes and asks that judgment may he suspended. He pleads for them, and says that they yielded because they had not the force necessary to maintain the fight and to make their cause prevail. The defence i not a good one They had a preponderance in the House. They were sirong enough to elect the Speaker of their choice. They were strong cnowgh to pass a reso- lution to send a commission to Kansas, by which the country has been made acynainted with the awful state of things there. They were strong enough to jase a bill annulling the Territorial laws of Kansas, which, however, never became a law—the Senate substituting for it the Toombs bill. They were strong enough to oust all the democratic members whose seats were contested hy republicans. They were strong enough to pase a sel of ecindling radroad land bills, by which the nation wae despoiled of over ten millions of aeres of the public domain, They were strong enough to do any and syerything Which Whey, as» party, desixved to do; and yet they come forward now, through their advocater and plead that they were not strong enough to carry their point im reference to this Anny bill, and thereby make a stand against the attempt of this Pierce administration to change our republic into a ferocious military despotism, woree than Russia or Austria. We regvet the plea. The argument is not sub- stantiated by the fact; and the republican repre- sentatives must continue to stand pilloried, in face of their constituencies, of the country, and of the world, for having basely, as poltroons and nincompoops, deserted their post and abandoned the cause of free institutions to such reckless despots as Pierce, Davis, Atchison, and their hordes of ruffians. The evidence is before the country. A verdict of guilty will be rendered by the election of Fremont himself, and they must not thiuk to evade the penalty. Mr. Sheriff, remove your prisoners. Senator Wilson, proceed to the next criminal case on the calen- There's the rotten democracy—take up that, if you please—and try the first issue in Pennsylvania, in October. dar of popular iniquity. Proceed! THe as they have now got into? It isa sort of game of hlind man’s buff, or puss in the corner—a re- gular rush about in all directions—a pitching over and into each other—“old men and maidens, young men and children,” dragged into the scuffle, tumbling over each other and sprawling ludicrously over the floor. In one corner stands Senator Dix, with a rueful countenance; in ano- ther, the merry bearted Botts, just rolled out of bed, and pulling the clothes off from Fillmore, unable, as usual, to sleep quietly with any one. The old birds swing wildly on their perches on the wall, eawing and crowing amidst the confu- sion, uncertain whether to come ont of their di- lapidated eages or not. It is indeed a fanny business altogether. Are we in a circus, or @ menagerie, or an aviary? It is al- most impossible to say. But what does it all mean? This question can be answered. It means this:—The country, misruled, jaded aud abused by the parties and politicians who have governed it for the last six or seven years, is get- ting tired of the whole concern. In the midst of its prosperity, its substantial progress, its world- wide influence, it finds itself on the brink of ruin, and it deems it absolutely necessary to make an immediate change. With Fillmore the peaple have been chloroformed into political insensi- bility, while they were losing their best teeth and hastening towards a collapse. With Pierce they were treated with tropical stimulants, or galvanized inty spasius. With Ostend doses on the one hand, and Kansas powder on the other— with Nicaragua, Cuba and California—they have become almost paralyzed. The treasury robbed— the public domain given away by millions of acres to private companies—fights in the Senate— threats in the House, and confusion and disorder everywhere—the authors of this mischief—the politicians who brought it upon us—are now audaciously endeavoring to perpetuate it, either through Mr. Buchanan or his alternate, Mr. Fill- more—they bardly care which. Their attempts to do so—grave and persistent as they are—have thns imparted to the present canvass its curious forms, its endless contradictions, its strange ano- malice and its ridiculous character. Blows fall in every direction, though without any aim; shots ave fired, but the marksmen are kicked over by the recoil of their own gans. Never be- fore was seen such unexpected contraries, neutralizing each other, as have avisen out of their exertions. The platforms from which they have taken aim at each other, are at last sinking into the mud. To resume our illustration, these audacious partizans, anxious for more of the public plun- der, no matter in what form, like quack doctors unabashed by the crisis brought on by their nos- trums, again offer their nauseous contents to our lips. and ask us to swallow them down, We doubt, however, whether they will be taken. We see signs of resistance to any more of their No. 1 heir No. 2—whether manufactured at Phila delphia or Cincinnati. In the East and North they are refused altogether; in the West, and South- west there is a revulsion taking place, and much throwing off of old bile, with considerable nausea In the South, we understand, there are severe gastric irritations, dark evacuations and much dilitation of the pupils. There is, however, a very easy remedy. A Ii tle Rocky Mountain air, a simple regimen, more respect to the constitution and the laws of politi- cal hygeine, will soon restore the country to w more healthful condition. The conviction of this truth ie working a most decided reaction. A few more weeks’ struggle against disorder, tyranny and corruption, and a union of all the honest men of the country, upon a new, untrammelled and able representative of their cause, will bring us to brighter and happier days. Every hour's in- telligence confirms the opinion that the people are thoroughly awakened to their danger. They will not be dragooned by President Pierce or by party leaders any longer. They are wide awake—their eyes are now opened. Neither Poppy nor mandragora™ can keep them asleep any longer, Sexator SLIpeLt. ox THe PrestpeNttar E viox.—In a very elaborate and eloquent }- written to a committee for getting up a bari. 1 or political stew, in Louisiana, the Hon. Joho Slidell, Senator from that State, in Congrers, ays, solemnly, with his ee in bie mouth and a tear rolling Gown hie cheek T do pot hesitate to declare that, if Prement We elected, he Uniom camnol anu ought not to be preseree!. Woat par: jeular course should be Pw raued, T am not now pre * pared to say * JOHN SEIDEL. A fearful crisis!—a dreadful dilemma! Would you take a command in the army of Chevalier Brooks, of South Carolina, who intends to march to Washington, seize the archives of the State Department, and rob the Treasury of the balance in hand? Or would you prefer the post of Secre- tary of War or Treasury under Fremont, and eave the Union and the money from the terrible Brooks’? Ob, dear! what a fearful crisis for the democrats, if Fremont gets the Presidency! Albany Statesman intimates that John A. King candidate of Thurlow Weed for Governor, « in right of marriage, a “negro plantation in Georgia.” Is this so? Doge this square with bis plating? , Comors—' ns, Hemors or var Canvass—No More Quackery.—If we could forget the wrongs and grievances inflicted upon the country by the ad- ministration of Mr. Pieree—if we could stop our ears to the cries of misery which reach us from Kansas, and close our eyes at the spectacle of the towns sacked and dwellings burning in that un- happy Territory, we shouic be inclined to laugh at the humors which mark the present canvass. Was there ever such a scene as that in which the friends of Buchanan and Filmore are now actors? Who ever before witnessed such a decided mues ‘The Prestdential Election—Estinate in Fi gures of the Probable Resnit—Fremont Elected. Our readers will remember that in 1852—some one or two months before that election—we ventured upon a tabular estimate of the popu- lar vote, State by State; and they will also recollect that our allowance of but four States to Gen. Scott, although received with derision and ridicule by the whigs, and with general incredu- lity by the democrats, was substantially made good on the day of the election. Then our esti- mates were looked upon as possessed of #ome- thing very little short of inspiration, when, in fact, they were but the results of the common sense application of cause and effect, and of ac- tual developements of public opinion. In the present case, our task would be more complicated, difficult, and conjectural, from the destruction of the two old parties of °52, and the reconstruction from their fragments of the existing confused and shifting trian- gular organization of candidates aad parties. Making all due allowances, however, for the extraordinary circumstances which underlie the movements of the cree parties in this canvass, we think that, in giving to Fremont the vote of every Norilern State, we ave not travelling very wide of the mark. Our reasons for this opinion are good and strong. The results of all the Northern elections during the last three years— especially the unmistakeable indications of the late Iowa, Maine and Vermont elections, the de- moralization of the democracy from the destruc- tive influences of this Pierce administration, the border ruffian and ‘filibustering Cincinnati plat- form, and the painful servility of the respecta- ble old gentleman selected as the pliant sucees- sor of Mr. Pierce, but above all, the dimmpeless and brazen-faced attitude of the spoils &e@hocra- cy and their candidate in behalf of the estab- lishment of slavery in Kansas by the compalso- ry appliances of Missouri militia and United States dragoons—all contribute to fix and fas- ten the belief upon us that Fremont is destined to carry every Northern State in the Union— every one. The Kansas issue, reduced to this startling shape of military coercion in behalf of slavery, has naturally, in the North, stirred up the foun- tains of the “great deep’ as they were never stirred up before. A weak, treacherous and truckling administration has raised a civi! war in Kansas upon the ruins of popular sovereiga- ty; and but for the saving interposition of Mar- cy, we have solid reasons for the belief that in addition to civil war within our own territories, we should at this moment be involved in a life and death struggle with Spain, England and France, as the penalty for an attempt to steal the island of Cuba, according to the Kitchen Cabinet plot of the Ostend manifesto. To Marcy we are indebted for escaping the infamy of a formal endorsement by the administration of that robber’s manifesto; but Marcy, having no jurisdiction of the Interior Department and the War Department, was power less to arrest the mischievous disunion des’ gas of that arch secessionist, Jefferson Davis. Heuce Mr. Pierce hus been led by the nose into the very headquarters of the border ruffiens, and dragooned into their service in behalf of Mr. Bu- chanan, and sworn to their policy of establishing slavery in Kansas. by force of arms. Oar amiable President laughs at the shocking brutali- ties and barbarities committed upon the defence- less people of Kansas by his agents; and briefly, 0 all remonstrances, he turns over the victims of Stringfellow to the justice of Lecompte. Mr. Bu- chanan, the timid, cold, calculating, selfish, plia- ble partizan, has never a word to say, exeept that in becoming the Cincinnati platform he has ceased to be James Buchanan, and is necessarily dumb. He consents, however, and is therefore a party to the crimes of his supporters; he adopts their policy—is pledged to carry it out. They aim through his election, to carry it; and hence a vote for Buchanan isa vote for Jeff. Davis, Pierce, Atchison & Co., and their plan of reducing Kan- sas to slavery through the sovereignty of United Statés dragoons, sabres and Missouri militia bay onets—the “posse comitatus” of our amiable Mr. Pierce. All these things contribute to fix our opinion that, in all human probability, the vote of every Northern State in November will be cast for Fre- mont. Never has the slavery question been pre- sented to the Northern mind in a shape so offen- sive and revolting as this, in which the North aré called upon to submit to the establishment of slavery in Kaneas, through the most abominable agencies, or to run the peril of a military subju- gation. The masees of the Northern people are conservatives upon the slavery question, and in favor of fulfilling strictly every constitutional ob- ligation to the South; but by a corrupt and reck- less party, led on by a gang of unscrupulous and desperate secession polHicians, this Northern con- servatism has been outraged beyond the limits of further forbearance. Hence it is that all old party lines and associations—all reservations of respect for Southern peculiarities of feeling—have given way to this uprising Northern feeling of resistance to the democratic policy of forcing slavery upon Kansas, right or wrong, and reck- less of constitutions and Jaws, and the commonest instinets of humanity. Here we have the secret of the unanimous movement of all tke Protestant churches of the North, and many of the Catholic too, en masse. against Buchanan—an active revolutionary mo- ral and religious movement, controlling, more or less, perhaps a million of Northern votes, including thousands upon thousands who have heretofore taken no interest in politics, but who now hold that even the pulpit, the gos- pel and the Sabbath may be righteously devoted athe Fremont and the wrongs of Ken- ear. Ip on to ¢ strictly religious ele- ur © feld, there ere the Gormens—legions ow Western ad there are men, Who have the dea in their b t ne force thelr interests are concerned, one Kansas devoted to free white labor will be rth a dozen such Territories ap- propr fated to block slave labor; and Germane and Northern mechanics and laborers are rally- ing to Fremont, cither for homes in Kansas, or for an increase in their wages against Gov. Wise's increase in the price of niggers. Such are the elements and materials combined to carry all the North for Fremont, from the East to the far West. Have you ever seen the prairies on fire—sweeping along in a lofty column of flome, swelling and surging as far as the eye can reach on either hand, and moving as swift ae the wind—driving all the wild beasts reptiles and vermin of the grass, buffaloes, Indians, horses, wolves, foxes, deer, prairie chickens, and enakes, helter-skelter, before it, and Joaving the plains covered in the rear with their killed and wounded? If you have seen this sub- Jime epectagle of the great plains, dear reader, you will have a vivid idea of what wil! probubly be the ran of Fremont, from Maine vo California, on the great day of November. {1 will be a rua like that of a boundless fire under a bigh wind, rolling, crackling, and surging among the dead and dry gra of the pral Sceing the dease cloud ‘of this kindling fire already rolling up to the heavens, our frightened democratic spoilsmen, secessionists and filibus- ters, ave threatening all sorte of terrible thing:. Secession is to come upon us, avd bloody dis union, with ajl its horrors. That dreadful man Brooks threatens to run away with the archives of the government ; and Governor Wise, if he fails in realizing his expected increase in the price of niggers, warns us that he will make a hostile descent upon Washington, and annex it to Acco- mac. All such puerile rubbish and moonshine are beneath contempt. With this sort of stuff from Northern abolitionists and Southern secessionists, the public stomach has been surfeited and utterly disgusted. Secession! The thing is absurd. Disunion! It can’t be done. The election of Fremont will give a new Jease of stability and harmony to the Union. The Southern fire-eaters, with all their pompous and windy threats, dare not secede from the North—the North will not secede from the South—while the North and South cannot se- cede from the West. The interests of all sections— geographical, political, social, religions, indus- trial, financial, commercial, and everything worth having, a8 a community, and as a great homoge- neous nation, North, South, East and West—bind us all together in the Union. The South have become a little wild about niggers. A few desperate fire-eating blatherskite politicians have led them off on a false issue, and they are attempting too much in trying, under the wings of Pierce and Buchanan, to force slavery into Kaneas at the point of the bayonet. Elect Fremont, and the Kansas issue will be settled to the satisfaction of both sectionsin 2 more peacea- ble way. The Northern masses have been driven into this revolution by a rotten nigger-driving democracy, and the little squads of the Tammany Order, and the little brass six pounder of Captain Rynders, may as well be drawn aside. Don’t trust to the democratic party. Its prestige is gone, and the life and cream of it have been skimmed off. Mr. Buchanan is a dead drag, and Hercules is praying to Mr. Fillmore’ for help. But don’t be deluded. We are willing to let Mr. Fillmore keep all he has got, and get all he can. He is doing no damage, in the aggregate, to Fre- mont, and no good to Buchanan. When the American people decree a political revolution, it must come ; and we predict that this will come in November. Mr. Kerrr, ov Sovuru Caroutna, on Disuxton— Brooks sti. AnzAp.—-We published yesterday the terrible speech of the Hon. Mr. Keitt, of South Carolina, lately delivered at Lynchburg, Virginia, on the Presidential question, It is South Carolina all over, with secession and dis- union flashing over it and through it, like the lightning over and through a heavy thunder cloud. It is understood that Mr. Keitt aspires to the leadership of the young chivalry of the Pal- metto State; but having been set back a little by Mr. Brooks, and his peculiar vindication of Southern rights on the floor of the Senate, Mr. Keitt has been anxiously waiting for an opportunity to do something particularly brilliant and telling. The opportunity was afforded at Lynchburg the other day; and through our faithful Virginia reporter we have been enabled to give Mr. Keitt the full be- netit of our world-wide circulation to help him along. John Bull will prick up his ears when he reads this alarming speech; Louis Napoleon will say an American coup d'état is coming; and. the gold diggers, away out yonder in Australia, will thank God they are out of the reach of the im- pending disasters threatened the Americans by this young son of thunder of South Carolina. The particular point in this Lynchburg speech of Mr. Keitt, is in the following extract:— Whatelse? With the current of events the repeal ard the restoration of the Miseouri line have been the great issues before the country. Black repubiican fanaticism, in its wild defiance, sweeping the North, has made the ee of this Mme the issue. The South has taken Limey =, ot meets this black republican foe. ioe ® ) Westand now in the Straggle of reemen. Where is the Southern man who says the South can stay with the North in this Unioa, = matized, dishonored, reviled, fog yd Cn gk (Enthoslastic cheers.) Where is the So: with the blood of a freeman in his veins, who resid not etrike down the foul domipators? ( cheers, which continued for several minutes.) you now, that if Fremont !s elected, adherence to ‘the Union !s treason to liberty, (Loud ‘cheers. ) Tita you now, that the Southern man who will to his eles tinis a trator ond @ coward. (Enthusiastic cheers.) Pretty good for Mr. Keitt. “The Southern man,” be says, “who will submit to Fremont’s election is a traitor and a coward.” But Keitt is not yet up to the mark. Brooks is still ahead. Keitt is a man of words; but Brooks is a man of action. Keitt declares an opinion; but Brooks proposes a measure. Keitt says the Southern man who will submit to Fremont’s election “ is a coward and a traitor; But Brooks boldly pro- poses, should Fremont be elected, to march a Palmetto regiment to Washington, and sieze the treasury of the United States; and Gov. Wise is with Bully Brooke. In view of this chivalric de- sign to rob the treasury at Washington would it not be well for Secretary Guthrie to at once ship off his surplus cash there, for safe keep- ing, to the sub-treasury of New York? There is some palliation, however, for Mr. Keitt. He is an impulsive young son of thunder —rolling thunder—and has been led astray by the peculiar popularity of Mr. Brooks, and the se- cession declarations of such deliberate old party hacks as Messrs, Buchanan, Toombs, Fillmore, Wie, Johnson of Ga., Slidell of La, and other seceesion humbugs. Mr. Keitt may be in earnest, while he ought to know that these old chaps are laughing at him in their sleeves. They know that this scarecrow idea of dissolving this Union is utterly absurd; and we should vot be surpried in the least if we were to live to see Mr. Keitt himself holding a good fat office uuder Frement’s administration. Dissolve the Union if Fremont is elected! Poob! March upon Wash- ington and seize the treasury! Bah! Southern submission, cowardice and treason! Bosh, gas stuff, moonshinel The Jacobins of Paris issued a decree abolishing the Christian religion; and the attempt of Southern secessionists to break up this Union, if they were to try it, would fail as -‘g- nally as the revolting blasphemy of the Jacobins. Down with the Jacobins! Vive Fremont, the Union and the Constitution! Wind North. Skies bright. Pass Mr. Keitt. Mr. Cops on Hits Travers.—-It appears that ex-Governor Cobb, of Georgia, has been regular- ly enlisted as a Southern missionary for Bucha- nan in Pennsylvania, and is travelling the State and stamping Southern democracy in his behalf. Very good; but it would be still better to send for Mr. Keitt as a Pennsylvania travelling com- t tell oe. Cobb. pov Lah = ith Col. Forney working w ough Yo be able to seeure the State to and free Kansas by thirty thousand majority. Tou Panama Massackr.—-We- published yes terday the reply of the Granadian government to~ the communication made by Mr. Jas. B, Bowlin on bebalf of the United States, in reference to the massacre in Panama in April last. Itie a far more sensible and practical document than we usually yeceive from Spanish-American euthori- ties; itadmits the two points, which, as we appre- Lend, form the bead and tront of the preteasions of the United States, namely, that the Granadian auth ss on the isthmus had not the power to quell the riot, and secondly, that the general ant- thorities at Bogota have nut the power to coeree them or offer adequate redress, All the other points taken by owr side are immaterial, and where Senor Lino de Pombo denies them; be may possibly be right. From Washington we learn also thy! the re- port of Mr. Commissioner Corwine is under coa- sideration by the Cabinet—that by meneuds strong measures, which, of cours o Mr, Pierce, for whose glory Gre to have sufliced. ‘The point of this whole matter lies in the two points we have mentioned. It is of no sor) of conseyuence whether the riot was premeditated or spontancous; whether the natives of dhe Isthmus: are turbulent, as Ward pretends, or p: ytown app, Senor de Pombo assures us; the American who fired the revolver in the wrong or in the right. AM these are trivialities, and they belong to the past, The futnre is concwned solely with the question whether such may or may not recur and jeopardize American life and property? And that question, Senor de Pombo's own showing, must be answ in the aflirmative. He admits ‘bat “the organizutioa of the government is deficieat or incom not well supported by the scantiness revenues,” adding that “the sectional ! is improving,” and closing with a ho government interested in the secuity of the transit will respect its present comparative weak- ness.” In another place he shows how a mea sure which would have strengthened the hants of the local governmenton the isthmus was lost ia consequence of some detect in the organization of the Legislature at Bogota: and apolozizes for “the shortcoming, as the federal réginx has ouly just begun to be tricd; and that partially, ia New Granada, and experience is still wanting.’ Now, we share Senor de Pombo's hops that time will remedy these defects, and that some day not only will the federal and local govera- ments of Granada be completely and eftiviently organized, but the people of that State will be so enlightened as to relieve their government of auch of its present responsibility ag their guar- dian. But the Granadian Minister cannot surely expect us to pay the cost of the politica! educa- tion of his fellow countrymen. He must bo aware that that is a burthen which should fall on themselves alone. And he cannot think it un- reasonable if, seeing as we do from his own state- ments, that incidents like that of the 15th of April may recur again and again, in spite of the Granadian government, and in consequence of its admitted weakness and inexperience, we teke the measures that may be necdful to protect our countrymen and their property from any evil ef fects to result from such weakness and fnexperi ence. So far as our Administration is concerned, there is but one course to pursue. A national vessel thould be stationed permanently at either termi- nus of the railway; and a system of signals should be agreed upon between the railway offivials aad the veesels, so that, in case of riot, a body of United States troops may be landed at once for the protection of passengers and property. As to the past, considering the position of the govern. ment of Granada, if their excuses are ample— and we think Senor de Pombo’s note goes a long way— it might be becoming and honorable for this government to deal with them leniently. “A Hovsr Divivep Aaaryst Itsry."——So ne of the ultra presses in the service of the Pierce and Buchanan party are beginning to tura sharply around on their own friends. The preseni canvass in this respect is a perfect curiosity, for this con- fusion of opinions, and these many *lips of the tongue, observable in every corner, gives us the idea of a political Babel, and are a foreranaer of the dispersion of its builders. Our readers will doubtless remember how ia their childhood they were delighted with that curious toy, mounted on the top of a houwee, re- volving in the wind, composed of figures of men, each armed with long swords, At cvery revolution they would thump each other lustily on the head, sometimes slashing away in front, and sometimes cutting “six in the rear.’ The | partisans of Pierce, Buchanan and Fillmore are just in this position, and engaged in similar com- bats. Their assaults upon each other, their rapid gyrations and their unexpected blows are a mar- vel to all beholders. One of the last of these performances is for the benefit of Mr. Senator Hunter. The Charleston Merewry is belaboring him in a preity rough manner, and now charges him with * looseness and tergiversation of principle.” “It really seems,” says the Mercury, “that a spell of bewilderment has fallen upon Southern politicians, and that their principles, instead of gathering force and clearness with the emer- gencies which surround us, seem to have caught only the wildness of the times.” The cause of this jeremiad is found in a «peech of Mr. Hunter, in which he declared himself ready to repeal certain infamous laws passed by | the Kansas Legislature. He was not alone in this readiness; other democratic friends of the South and of Mr. Buchanan were quite as willing ashe, and gave their votes accordingly for Mr. Douglas’ pacification bill. Mr. Hunter ea‘, very well and wisely, that Congress could not give Kansas the power to pas: unconstitational laws, and had not granted them any such power by he Kansas-Nebraska act. This is one principal ground on which the supporters of Fremont and the friends of the constitution take issue. Those illegal acts of the Kansas Legislature would never have passed but for the illegal clections preceding them, and the fixed constitutional pow- et of Congress, expressly reserved to it, to legis- late for the Territories cannot be cut off by the original Kansas-Nebraska bill. If #0, the Mis souri compromise could never have been touched hy any subsequent resort to the constivution. It would have mastered that instrument. No won- der the Charleston Mercvry is embarrassed by the inconsistencies which consequently press upon its political friends. Tarn which way they will, there is no escape. What does it say, then, ia this heart breaking emergency ?— ‘We are as completely at sea upon this momentous ques tion, as if the compromise of 1850 tg the Nebracka bIDD bad never passed. We adopt sete And uy is this ? a tt oe the constitution? Are there ferent