The New York Herald Newspaper, September 14, 1856, Page 2

NEW YORK HERALD, SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 14, 1656. ; : consume that we ought had meg ‘and wanufactnre for peroa ed ourselves, but Jependant acquired from the goverument of Fraree what was shells or now to reler to, but which I com to your considera. —— precio: twter- | with the same understanding with which it was original ju that wan in the South who votes for the re- { workshope, in the channels of trado at | economical standard. Another and if Tan ves resotin! openntion, wal us ea vet | ay 7 And the vote im the ailirmative stwodeatchi- Jett the Miceourl compromise 1s unwitingty engaged home, we noe ae we ‘ought tebe, the Serene arena this ayeeegiie (net's nant, Rice Sere wi isié. Im the year 1808, by @ treaty that was , Bell, Ber: Benton. Borland, Boght, tn the service of Mr. Seward; after you have lenders, and not the borrowers af mouey, de) on | of waste, extravagance and | insufferable corruption; down 10 1506 og the admmmisiration of Mr. Jecioream, we | Butler, Came easpyl, Dic 3 aa erece cgmpromise you will have no more na- | Purope, ag we are, now coly for a large part of what we | something of which may be gathered frou a speech late- sop, , Downes, ygoraid, Foote, 2, tional democracy and Bo more national wihigism. You ly made by Mr. Ball, of Ohio, which I have not the time ‘Jobbron of Md., Jonson of Ga. mend will have in the North no more huakers, bard for the loan of money to meet a to This terrvory, coa- | Houston, Hunter, , Rows a che Touthne. Nevtnwactern. Territory which | Jopnson of La., King, Lewis, Mangum, Mason, Sietcaife, Zdawan'ines; they will all become soft barn burn | carry on our internal 'mprovementa and meet tho in- | tinn, and which way be found {na late number of the sprit r by the ordinance of 1787, gave | Pearce, Sebastian, Sherman, Surgeon, Tureey ard Un- | a fore jar, it # only because there has been more | ers and free sollers.”” And so they are—all are united | terest on State debts, Xe. I do not pro) go much to | National American. In 1862, Mr. Douglas, Occupying and wisdom in British statesmeo arpue this question elaborately as to furnish some eta- | tbe stand from which I now speak, said:— been provided t = ‘eoxweme diicvities between the North and the South in reference to this question of slavery. Out of a Porting of that territory acquiwed from Loaisiana the State of Missourt was formed, and she asked tor admis~ ton into the Usien. Tbe Northern States having at that time acquired a superiority iu numbers, had it io thelr power to reiuse the admission of Missouri, except upon the condition that siarery suould be excluded; or in other Words, tbat the ordinance of 1787 should be applied also tp that territory. It was necessary to settle the question fo sume form. | was obliged to be settied cur by the minority or the majority in Congress, and we of ibe South unfortunately cvnstituted the minority. at Kength this far-famed Migsouri compromiso was tmtrodueed—not by the North, but by the Svuth, preity much uader the same circumstances, however, that the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was iatroduced io 1864. They selected a Northern man to introduce it, bas it was first agreed upon as a Southern measure, and it was by Southern yoles—and what was it that wa ‘thus agreed to by the South, and passed by the South 3t was not, as bas beea commonly said, & measure im- pored upon the South by the North. It was proposed on the partof the South to the North, ‘thet if you will al Jow us—you being in the majority, aud having the con trol—\f you will permit us to carry slavery up to the lire of 36 deg, 30 mim., we will pledge ourselves not to at- tempt lo carry slavery beyond 36 deg. 30 min.’’ They eaid, “we will allow every State souts of 36 deg. 90 min., that chooses, to adopt slavery or reject itas they please;”” Dut if they make an application to Cougress, as the peo ple of Missouri have done, for admission into the Union as slave States, then you shall make no objection to thei admission oa the ground that they mise slavery ‘and the South, with the aid of a few of the Northern votes ‘was able tocarry the measure. We find that this mea eure was voted for in the Senate of the United "States, by “twenty” out of “ twenty two’ Southern Senators, only two Southern Senators voting against it, and only four Northern Seuators voting for it. Aud those who voted for it were—Barbour and rieasants of Virginia, Browo and Jobnson of Louisiana, Eaton and Williams of Tennes see, Eliott and Walker of Georgia, Galliard of South Carolina, Johnson and ont ot Keutacky, Loyd and Pinckney of Maryiand, Kifig (the late Wm. R.) and Walker of Alabama, Leak ard Willams of Mississipp!, Van Dyke and Homer of Delaware, and Stokes CR ag Sasol wenty Southern Senators and four from the Tone 3 4 and Mr. Smith of North. Mr. Macon of North Carolin South Car: |, were the only two southern Senators that ‘voted against it, whilst only four Northern Senators voted for it aud eighteen agaio it. It went to the House of Repro sentatives, and it passed that body by a vote of 154 to 42 —forty Southern representatives voting for it, and thirty- seven against it. Thus was the compromite of 1820 brought about: and the history of that day will show that i was regarded (as st really was) as a great Southern triumph, tm which the North reluctantly aequies ished Southern men, including Mr. Clay, Mr. Lowndes, Gr 'W. Smith, Lewis McLeun, abi others, being its cuiel ‘advocates. And upon ite fipal passage it was sudmitied to Mr. Monroe for his sigouture; aud there being some ‘wiveacres at that day, as there are at all times, Wao set up the pretension that it was a violation of the constita- tion tor us to agree not to do what it was contended we Dad a right to do, for the sake ot the peace, the harmony and the prosperity of the country, Mr. Monroe submit ted the constitutionality of that ueasure to his Cabinet, of which J. C Calhoun was one, W. H. Crawford anotaer, and Mr. Wirt of Virginia, a third, and he required a written opinion of cash member of his Cabinet upon the Gonstitutionality of the Missouri Compromise. Tue Cabt. in net were unanimous in the opinion that the law was strict and perfect conformity with the constitution of t United States. It must be admitted that these were pigmies in comparison with the giants and the dwarts of the present day (Laughter.) But when the bill became a law it was recerved throughout the South with the ring. ‘mg of beils and tiring of cannon, with illuminations and shouts of joy and gladness, and heralded everywhere as & great Southern victory. (Loud cheers.) Under the operation of tbat law, te which the integrity and bonor of ‘the South was pledged, the South obtained the admission ‘of Missouri ard Arkansas 4s siave States, whea it was in the power of the North to bave rejected them They also optained the admission of Fiorida as a slave State, of Texas as a siave State, and never, never while there was ‘an opportunity to make a slave State out of Soutuera ter- ritory did they dream that it was proper to repeal that law. But when tbey had populated all their own Terri tories and obtained the admission of all their slave Sustes, when there was no necessity for it whatever, they at fempted to rob the Norih of its just due, and thereby dishonestly racrificed the integrity and boaor of the South that were pledged to carry out, 1 good faith, the bargain entered into. But | will show betore I get thr: at tt never was the object of this democratic party to sauc tion anytbing that would pro¢use peace and harmony in the country (cheers); that their object was to keep up agitation on the question, ard that it was their purpose that the Misseuri Compromise sould be disturbed, in order to agitate the question of slavery and provoke re sistance to the fugitive slave lew, ia order to agitate. ‘Things went on in this way pretty sais fi @feen or sixteen years, when Mr. Cathoan, the great Jeader of the Southern righw party, set himself to work— fas seemed to be bis object co the last moment of his life— excite the apprebension and alarm of u le upom the question of slavery, iu order, as be ead Pies the South. to unite us, the whigs of tae Sourb, with the democrats upon the subject of elavery. aa every man of the whig party, every politiciaa of th whig parc, every press ‘n the Whig oF Atuoricaa interes: ‘that fis aided tm keeping tp this agitation, have added sirength to the democratic party, and them to rivet a chain oo their they will wear as long as they Jive the le become better informed as to their obje Tt was for thes reasons, becaure there wes too us) peace ix the country, that they could uot remaia satisiied, Abd these Paurwert att or Bim nent chnisey uence to dis. ‘urb anybody, or anybody's property, we were daily warned to ‘ourselves upon the subject of slavery. ‘Then it was thai the famous “iwenty-dret rile was got ten up for the purpose of exciting the abolitionists eave with us,whereby the great constitutonal righl ition to the people was denied. Men in the South who Claimed the right of the constituent body to instruct their representatives, were guilty of the supreme fuily of de mying to the same bocy their right Wo petiuon. Ass mat ter of course theee things produced a very angry state of feeling in the North. Tue right of petition was viended with the question of slavery, and it tell to my lot apon that occasicn to stand in « minority of one or two in the ‘whole Southern country, until parties of every compiexion came up to my position; and at last, the demecratic party emg the incalculable poixchief «hich was out of it, repeaied the “twenty first’ rule. and irom that day to this, the question remained settled, as far as abolition petitions are con cerned; for whilst there were upwards of six thoueaad abolition petinons presented to Congress duriog (he tes- sion p*eceding that in which the tweoly rst suis was re |, there were nota dozen, io all, presented ta the Session following that repeal, thus show.ng how inGaively the practical operations of that famous twenty Orst rule, which Mr. Calhoun had a large share in getting up, wear ened the South, an’ streogtbened the aboii'ioa party of the North, which by this time had become a lormidabie power by this false ies ue, pret ented by the peculiar coam Pions of Southern rights. Still it accomplished the eat object bad in view by the leaders of deascracy— it i alive agitation—and there were contiaued appea's to Southern men of every politica! shade and cx xioa, to unite for the safety of the Sout and from a sectional party frout, of which Mr. Caihoun was to which was to ‘enure to bis benefit power, or of accomplishing bis ‘thet of dissolving the Uuion, and b oriber Southern republic, at the head of the latter of which ever dreamed that any other could be place! than b self. Well, we will proceed now to the ovnsi eration o the question of the annexation of Texas, which is aext in Souther oF y bringiog dent wish, ord Texas Was anoexed to the (a and it beca wBecessary to adopt this now unconstitational Missou compromise line, and apply that to Texas also, Mark you, now, that by the ordinance of 17 » North western bea <y | belonging to the Ua! vided for. The Missouri compromis the territory acquired by the Lout that was settled. There could no farther contro versy wpon this question, but when we soqalred Texas, ft became necessary to make some furiber provision ta regard to that territory. A Southers gentleman—Mr. Brown, of Tennessee— proposed the extension of the bia @our| Compromise line to the Mate of Texas Judge Dougias, of Lilinois—then a member of the House of Rep Fesentatives, and now Chairman of the committe on Territories in the Seuate—subm tied @ modification .a tie following words, by way of amendment:—" And iu each tates as shall be formed out of territory north ot line, atid slavery or invo ept for’ crime, sball be probt. g the Wilmot proviso to the aa to the territories of This is the “Little Geant (Lond cheers.) Mr. Brown accept ed the mocification, and it was agreed to by @ vete of es, 120; mays, %S—every Southern democrat in the , without exception, votiog for it, so that, by the resolution annexing Texas and adopting the Misrour: com promise line, as applicabls to t, the question was settled tly in Felerence w the lertitory acquired f . Lam tracing this matter on ‘the wisdom of those who went betore 1s, t mt qu 2 red additional ter , Shortly after this, however, w very large territory by purchase er A ith Mexico, Inclading California and the Territories o: war ‘Utah and New Mexico. During the administration of Mr Polk—a Southern democratic President—a vill organizioc @ Territorial government for Oregon was presented to him for bis rignatore, after having passed the two bran Congress. That bili contained, not the Missour! compro. mise clavee, but toe Wilmot proviso; it was passed Gemoeratic majority in the douse and in the Senate, was then rent to Mr. Volk for his signasore, wh 4 Mr. jet and S20 signature to the And ed to it. oir votes upon this bi ay in jusiideation of ther demoora (itr. Poik,) Sor signing it’ Why, that it was Cause it was in conformity with the prin eouri compromise, although that com fend to this Territory, and now they frontery to pretend that the Mirsour elf an wnovnstitationsl measure, thus justifying what they maintain was an unconstitutional act, by the exer of another, equally unroustitutonal @ they lost Joet all cons troth honor’ & aettied the Oregon dificult have shown, i became neoweenr? to the Territory of California, before the Senate — latitude, known derwool—every Southern Senator voting for ii; aud now it is insisted by come ot these same gentlemen, that the Missouri compromise thus voted tor, and passed by the Serate, was an unconstitutional measure, forced upon them criguially by the North, { bave only to ask, in what position do they place themselves by now asserting that they voted for & measure in violation of that con- stitution which they had sworn not to violate? Well, gentiomen, we next come to thecompromise measures of 1860, There was still enane acquired trom Mexico for which bad not been provided for. Serious dilliculty and danger were ended in regard to it, uniess some amicable adjustment or compromise could be et- fected on the eubjet of slavery in that Territory. Aud [ know the fact personally, from correspondence held with him at the time, that no other consideration than that of the loftiest patriotism that ever animated the boeom of man induced tho venerable Sage of Ashiand to quit his bome of retirementand peace, to come back into the Senate of the United States, in the hope of being able to compromise this question between the North and the South. (Loud and long coutinued cheers.) No man —I say itinno vainglorious spirit—but no man out of the halls of Congress, had more to do with that Missouri compromise than the humble individual who is now ad- dresting you. (Cacer’.) 1 mean the compromise of 1850. 1 was in the city of New Orleana im February, 1849 I received @ telegraphic digpateb from Mr. » Request ing me most strenuously to come forthwith to Washi mn, as he required my services; he did nov state what those services were. I dispatched what little business 1 had remaining in New Or! 8, and burried on to my home, where I remained only twenty four hours, to see my fa wily before I went to Washington; and when I got there he (Mr. Clay) discovered to me the purpose and object he had in view, stating that he wanted me to lend him what- ever influence I could exert to aid him in the xccomplish- ment of his work. You may remember that Foote, of Misssiesippi, had that a committee be appoint. ed, and Mr. Clay strongly resisted it. Mr. Foote—then of Mikessippt, now of Califorpia—calied upon me one Sunday morning, and invited me to walk. As we went along, be told me that his great object in getting that commitiee of whirteen ted to take this subject under considera- tion was, that their report would be more likely to be adopted, and the question more easily settled through them than apy other form. I concurred with him ‘a that opinion, He arked me to see Mr. Clay upon the subject. I repaired immediately to bis rooms, and broached the ject to him. He was in the habit ' frequently of taking a great many liberties with me, aud saying what be pleased. He did not receive my remarks very kindly. 1 was very much in the habit of taking many liberties with him, and saying to him very much what | pleased, and so we had quite a rough, roll and tamble diapute for a considerable time upon this subject. Mr. Clay was of opinion that if they got the comm.tee Lem | would put on a majority of democrats, and hia prepoe’ tion would be smothered by the commistee. 1 reasoned ‘With bim, to show that 1f that was the case, it would be as weil to defeat it there as in the open Senate, and that it would be more likely t» carry ina committee fairly or ganized, and witb the best men of the Senate upon it, than if left to an open Senate, where the democratic ma- jority would be so much larger than in committee; that I felt entirely assured that Foote was actuated by honest and patriotic motives, in pis suggestion, aud that if a fa- youable report could be had from the committeo, \t would ipsure, or greatly increase, the chances of its e througb the Senate. I did not leave bim until had yielde1 bis aseeat to the appointment of the committes, which led to the final settlement of the question. The compromise measures were passed; they brought the healing intelligence upon their wings, which restored peace and harmony and brotherly teeling between the different sections of the Unioa. The illustrious patriot bad accompiisbed his work. He folded his arms and sur- rendered bis spirit to his God, under the firm persuasion that be had accomplished the last good that Provideace designed him to periorm oncarth, that of giving tran- quillity tothe pation. (Loud cheers.) From what qui ter di¢ these compromise measures meet with opposition ! Those that had upneld the * twenty-tirst rule,” to get up agitation fu the Souh. ‘The extremes of the North and the South, the abolitionists of the North, the seceders of South Carolia, with those of the same achvol in Virginia and elsewhere, united in opposition to the Compromise; and you will not have forgotten that #0 strong was their hostility to those meastres, because they quieted agitation, that they called a convention at Nashville, as was plaialy proved by Foote and others, at the time, to bring aout ® Gissolution of the Union, by resistance w the compro- mise. Harmony was not what they wanted, Harmony Gid not suit their purposes or their interests. Agitation, agitation, agitation and excitement, apprezeusion and alarm among the Southern people, on the subjcct of sla- very, Was whet they wanted, becauee by it tuey had ob- tained power, and by it, and by it alone, they have been enabled to retain it (Cheers, loud and long.) (Go with me a little further, and gee Low the Calhoun wing of the democracy (which bas now the adsclute control over the other wing in thie State) continved to vote with the ree sollers lor further agitation and @acitement. In the House of Representatives, Col. Jackson, of Georgia, offered the followiog resolution, early in the session that followed the adoption of the compromise:— Resolved, That we recognize the bi compromises of the constitutior belie tention of the pe y declare it to dually, to abide such compromises, and to sus: ‘enniu: ¥ 10 Carry them out—the provision (or the gitiye slaves and the act of the las Congress fur uded—and we depreeate all fur:ber festions growing out of that provision of the « ‘cts of the last Congress known ag (ue com promise. and of questions generally connected with (he Jost: fiuion of slavery, as uppecessary, iseless and dangerous. Now, examine this resolution closely, analyze it with all porsible care, and tell me what there ia in it to which @ Soutbera man, desiring prace between two sections of the SORE EE eRe OLANe MATYT question, Coes egaipst it, and the Balimore Sun, of that daz, from ch 1 pow read, saye—‘ We notice that the ultra Soutwern members from South Carola voted with the free goilers.”’ This is democratic authority! The Baltimore Sun continues :— "Mr. Hillyer offered tl iF above resolution, being the fame ue that which was offered by Colonc! Polk, and yo- ted down by the Democratic caucuses of the House at the beginning of the session’ — Resolved, That the series of acts passed during the first ses the Thirty first Congress, Known as the compromise, regarded as a final adjustment and « permanent settle of ‘be question therein embraced, and should be regard aud executed as such. Take s calm and clear view of this resolutiog, and tel! me why a party Cerirour of settling the slavery questira and arresting agitation should oppose |’ Yet it was op pewed, and by the same combination of free sollers and Southern Calhoun nullidere—sixty five voting in the ne gative; and upon this resolutios the ayes and noca are given, and I will read the names of those who yoted ip the negative ; they Messrs, Aiken. Alls rere, Bartlett. Bocock, bell bf Ohio, bel efficacy it to de the in m, Ash Bracg, of ‘ t, Stanton « Tuek, Venable Woodward These were the Zouthern men (al! democrats) who ro againet these resolutions, 0, Swe Wallace, mpson of pio, Strate er, Washburn, Wells lbridge, ig themecives to these tation. Bet | am far one with these gentlemen The con: and these me meantime Lecorme so popular with the peopie, that democratic party found \t necessary to take the lead +f us—the conservative party of the country—who had iv. en them, from the fret, an honest, earaest anc coruial support’ But they shot far abead of ur in 52, urged up On those measures ax their own property, clawed all tae cred.t for their own party, and made them the prominent question In the Presidential election of that year. Both parties met in convention, and each pledged itse'f to re fist all attempts, no matter when, where, how, or by whom mace, in Congress or ovt of it, to reopen or the slavery question , and further pledged tnemse! abide by the compromise as s Sina! settloment of recoliect that tte chi fasue, and test, w whetber reo was moet unqualifledly pledge: and which was most to be relied ou, to look apon the fettlement that bad been made as a Goality of the whol question of slavery. The pretensions set up by the friends of Mr. Pierce, and insisted on fo much appa rent earnestness, of superior fidelity to the South, and the sipceri\y and devotion to the com jnced @ portion of the sappy headed mpport of Seott, and they vied for ¢ iteelf, and for jas the most jen! were #, and #0 constant their pro mises and plecges of bis good faith amd houor, that we ail felt disposed to give bim a fair trial, ant /wige the tree by ite fruite, Of one thing mone could weil enter taio 8 doubt, and that was that public opin.on had been co unmistakeably expressed in favor of adhering faith. fully to ell the compromires om the question of siavery, sid bave the harditood to advanc: a ste the further discussion of the question. The rived, and with jt (be inaugural addreas, {0! os and de laration®, that made ars ara | were eatiefied and happy. Mr. was inaugurated and (nstelied into office. Them came the selection of bis Cabinet; but we find that iastewi of calling to his aid, an his’ constitutional advieers. those 4 wih the main principles upon which he was elected, he coniided chiefly in those men who were mos bitter ip their opposition to the measures of 1860-—Divis, McClelland and Cushing. (Cheers.) Now | wish you to observe this point, that when Mr, Pieroe camo int) power, all the Territory that originaliy belonged to, and that wince bas been acjnired by tbe Caited States govern ment up to that Ume bad been pro cand a) wae bine, peace and concord. Every question of vec or sulty was harmoniously wetiled, aud (hore wa nothing in the world to quarrel about’ The Slave law war only jane and the people North were well reconciled, at least the great majority of them, to ecution of vbat law. In some inetancer it wae 0 by a few for the purpose rather of cresting disturbance than of offering any organized qpporition to top, #0 that there would not have been, m « short time, eve that bone of contention between the North and the South. Well, that was the condition of the country when Mr. Fillmore left the Presi tential chair. That was the condition of the country when Mr. of it. What? What, whige | Pierce. The country, moet unfor jee, un wisely ‘concluded t ciseretion, forbearance than bave been exhibited by And I charge them exciting a vebellious rit the Vimits and that baving pose when all was peace, they have bi it when threats of dissolution are b the land. (Loud cheers) And now they come, of us to cept by democratic party.” (Loud cheers.) Tne; bave nad a Convention at Civianase and they Take faly endorsed the policy and measures of Mr. Pitrce’s admi- Distration, that bas juced civil war, that bas sacri ficed uli the territory of the United States to the cause of the free eoulers, and that bas brought about a condition of ibings . Lyd Sapien is Ct ina greater or less de; every, district throughout the Uni ger James Bu , but merely the candidate of th demecratic party. (Cheers avd laughter.) Well, now I went to know if the democratic: party can accomplish a)] this from the 4th of March, 1853, to the 4th of March 186¢, how much longer it would take them to bring abou an actual dissolution of the Union. (Laughter.) They bave peoeratiobet more — Car ape of their tase already, Let this policy be pursue @ little longer, and the Unum is gow; and of anything cam dissolve the bind of lis confederacy it will be another administration @ the denocraite party. (Loud cheers.) You have been fold by Mr Seward that the day for compromise has parsed eway. Mr. Seward is right. Blame him who may, Seward is a The day for compromise has passed away, and bas passed by the fiat of Southern democracy They have told you they heve no more compromiges; they, in the minority, without the power to control, have said to the North, in the majority, ‘we will have no more compromises; compromises are ‘unconstitutional; either you or we must control this Terri tory.” The North said to them, “Gentlemen, we have the power, (I mean they said it substant ally,) we have the power to control, but we have no dis} ‘to con. trel. This question has been harmontously settled for thirty odd years; all theee disputed questions have been harmoniously eettlec ; let them remain settled, according to the compromises that have been adopted.” ‘ No,” said the South, ‘ we will stand by no such compromises, compromises are unconstitutional; you must have your way, or we will have ours.” “Very well,’ eaid the North, “ if you are resolved upon that, anil to present to us the broad issue, of whether you, the minority, or whether we, the majority, shall control, no alternative is left—we must fight the question out.’ I say the Southern de- mocracy bave raised the whirlwind—let them direct the storm. I say Southern lentes Ala raised the whirl- wind; they bave raised up that black epublica party in the North that is likely to overwhelm the country. Let them see to it; let them make such atonement to the South as they can. Isay, as I said before, that if it was not for the boldest audacity that ever controlled a bloated party—bloated with spoils—they would bow their beads in shame, and ask forgiveness of the country. Instead of asking us to unite with them in the support of their candi date, they should be inviting us to release them from the burdens of government, which they are incompr tent to conduct. (Loud cheers.) Suppose Texas were now to be annexed as a siavye State, or slave Territory, with the Missouri compromise line repealed, docs any man, in bis oper senzes, believe that the North would consent to itt ‘£0, let me tel) him he knows little of the feelings per- vading all ranks and ali parties among the people ‘ougbout that entire region of country, You might find a politician, here and there, who would betray the confidence of fis constituents for the hope of reward: but among tle masses of the people, you would find none that would listen to it for a moment; and tor this the democracy a:¢ responsible to the South especially, and to the country Sg Bat that Kansas Nebraska bill is now object to upon the ground that it contains the squatter path ge J principle; and you find the public ess throughout e South ready to resort to arma to ring about a dissolution of the Union, rather than sub- mit to equatter sovereignty. 1 tell them it is too late to play that game. Who adopted the feature of squatter sovereignty ? The South. Who sustained it? The whig and democratic press at the South. Who passed it intoa law? (Cheers) I say that they, the Southern represen- tatives of the people, have estabiiched squatter sove- reignty, and did it kpowingly; they did it wilfully and deliberately, if they knew the meaning of English terms; ted the passage of the bill, expressly upon Was not that so% grounds of ‘ ron-intervention.”? And what is that but equatter sovereignty, that there shoul be no interference on tne part of the government or of Congress with the alien squatters to regulate their own domestic uffuirs’ And now they pretend that they do not know what that means. (Laughter.) They ought to know; if not, they ought to go school again and learn. (Loud laughter.) Why did they not kuow that upon the passage of this bill? Gen. Cass congratulated the coun try upon the recognition of his favorite, but, as he 4, much sbused doctrine of 1845, called squatter reignty, which wae subsequently denied by the democracy, and fer which denial be complimented them ying tbat cone but fools could put such au interpretation upon his letter as they cought to represent. When Judge Douglas, who was the ostensible author of ‘went to New York, during its pendency, and was ‘i that he made a uithern country, and in which be took the ground that the leading feature of the bill, and that which laid at the foundation of it, was the right of the people uf stewene aliens and all, to regu late their own affairs, and that Dy a, the portusas quertion, +: 1¢ you, the peop would you be lean cin tent to regulate Your CT ovals of Kapens? We, of {hi Bois, bave a right to regulate our own affairs, aod if we went to Kansas we should expect to exercise the same powers as residents of the Territories."’ But they have found out this principle did not work so well; and now they take the back track. (Loud cheers.) And for what object bave they done so’ ‘They have met ia convention at Cincinnati, and we tind this one of the leadioe prinel ples of the platform there adopted. They, in fact, either shortened Mr. Buchanan, or they stretched him out so as to suit the platform exactly, (Isughter and cheerr) and he endorses that feature of it cepecially; and immediately after he bas encorred it, the Sepate of ‘he United States, rmped a! the consequences likely to result irom tbe re peal ‘of the Mistour! compromise, admi:ted is was all a umbvg and cheat in the commencement, condemned the laws of Kansas by a vote of 40 to 3 (on © met), apd passed a new law, providing for ment for Kausas, (Loud cheers) Gentle: peating historical truths; [am indu'ging in no tale decla mation or vain speculation; J am telling you historical facts. But they te!! you, also, that the compromise men. sures cf 1860 repealed the com promise measures of 1420 In, the first place, I would like toask who though! so then? Next I would like toask, who said to” Nobody though nobody salt eo; and the man who would have sa: would have been regarded axa fit subject for a ltnat asylum; for how could anything be more s'upid than to ha’ tied one question by uprettling another question’ If by the terms of the act of 1550 you repeal the act ot 1820, you are retthng the diMculty in regard to the tory aequired from Mexico, and upsetting the ¢ ) in regard (o the territory acquired from France (Cheers ) Op this point only hear what Mr. Douglas, as cbairmaa ot the Committee on Territeries, reported from tbat comsait- tee as laic as January 4, 1554. That report says — Yeur © mittee do not feel themse! called upon to enter x iheir feeuew which by aflirining oF repealing the Mexican law an act declaratory of the true intent of the constitu the terricries, so your commitiee are not commend a departure from ibe course rable oceasion, either by affirming or repea.ing t on of the Missouri act, or by an set declarat : ing of the constitution ia respect to the legal poinia in dispute ‘Thus it appears that in Janue 1854, the Territori Com ¢ Of the Senate bad no idea that the Mis compromise was disturbed by the compromise of but expressly disclaimed it Yet now it is bypoorit ind falsely pretended that tad Now, where ar men who voted for the repeal of miner 7 thos» the iteouri compro Where is Jones of Connessee, Benjamin, Dixon, Toombs and Geyer, Pratt and Pearce of Maryiaut? Just precisely where they ought to be whon they placed them selves under the lead of the Littie Gant, Ieogiae nod the Great Dwarf, Merce. (Laughter and cheers.) Seven om of ten of the whig Senaters who roted for the repeal of the Missouri compromise have gone where they ovat to bave gone long since: they have cone hone to root —(Isoghter)—not in the bovom of Abraham, but in the berom of Buchanan, (laughter) And lo! they make it ® pretext (I am eorekiog ow of some of my per onal friends, but that nothing do do with my peblic duties)—they have made it a pretext fur voting for Buchanan, they did not think Fillmore could be elected. Well, it is quite certain he cannot be if hie friends do not vote for him: bat I apprehend it will be wih them as {t was with those who left us in 1858 because Fillmore was not nominated. They now go for Ruchatat because Filmore is nominate | Bat w Coat the, Rneoveri, qomnpremuee ‘Wen cncenstnetiond, We entiemen, | only ask you to take the » t into consideration tor yourselv Just weigh the authority that I bave adduced opom this subject—134 to hi Hoore of Reprosentativee—20 out of 22 Mr. Monroe, the Southern President, and al! bh with J. ©. Calboun among them- mocrats in the Senate of 1845—Mr. Polk and his party in 1847, upon the admission of Oregon. And ti take the pigmies, and the butterilies, and the grasshoppers of the present day, who ‘are croak ing in every corner of the street about the obeopstitutionality of the Miseour| compromise, and til tre, then, where ie the authority for {ts unconatitution sity. (Loud cheers.) But admit it to have been un covrttuiional, what was the object in disturbing it? What practical injury did it inflict? You are ouliged to howe (ree and slave States, and dividing lines between not a# well to bave @ straight line as a e? And was it not as well to have let alone the straight line establiehed by our forefathers, which had beos notified by time and was held for years almost ae eacred ag the constitution under which we lire? It wae o8 well for us, but it was not as well for the demo- cratic party. And why? foed to live npom; thi combinavion that gave them strength. they bad nothta vpon which they could unite their party. (/oud cheers. Heree, by bie cainet appointments and by his expulsion of Brorsen, becawse he would net turn out the hard bells and put in sof shells, had broken down the demo- tees oe os BU in good faith to the Ppoblic scrutiny and Observation, and It wes necessary to Ran! aft repea! the a an agitation uy oe a made in the Convention that and all tion of the # anes. nothing that I predicted a them int tay the repeal of the Missouri compromise, ey from the gi | d, 1 enid at the time, ‘¥ of | dimurbance of Mg enemy. I tell now vnaer the cognomen of republicans; and 1 added, “He that does not see the dark spirit of disunion lurking around this bill is a shorts! men, I part with this subject by who take the ground that the unconstitutional, or shted man,’? Now, geatle- ing that those men issouri compromise was that the compromise measures of 1450 repealed the compromise measures of 1820, perpe- dead. (Loud cheers.) 1 to tell you what I think, but to tell as time will allow me to do it. speaking for the South or for the North—I party or r will, ‘hich I £0 help me bere to a sentiment! robbed. did not need any emanation from ay ‘and therefore | will it, But I claim to have been the first up his reputation, bave the credit for Tt has been appropriated to Mr. bel the living and a calumny upon the ache am here, gentlemen, not only you all I think, as far (Cheers.) 1 am not am neither a 1m & national sectional question, and, (Cheers.) I lay’ clau have been to some extent lay; but he mind w bolster not allow him to man that gaid, “I know no North, no South, no East, no West.”’ (Cheers.) the time of the annexation of Texas. buked by the democratic par South, Since that time these word is required to say be knows Fast, no West,” and the they’ know no North, no South, ter and cheers) for ‘they know power of public plunder, and that is all used it upon this stand in 1844, at Iknow I was re- ty for not knowing the have become talismanic and now every man who is a eandidate for office ‘no North, no South, no democrats may say with truth no East, no West—(laugh- nothing but the cohesive as Mr Calhoun said of them; they know and all they care for. (Laugh ter and cheers.) Now I wanttotay something upon the subject of slavery. here to _ eulogise I did not come here to say any not believe to be true; I would not I have never said before the people tion. (Cheers. what I did not believe to be tr Tam under no obligations to Mr. Gentlemen, 1 or lorit; did not come iy Mr. Filimore’s b about him that I do lo it to secure his elec. T would gcorn to do so. Fillmore; the oaly civility that I ever received at his bands, during the threee years of his administration, was one invitation to dinner. (Laughter and users, ) in my life, which was for (laughter), although I attach no mention this to show that lam licular personal consideration ‘tbat what I say of him is perfectly impartial, and I never asked bim but one favor another, Dut it was not granted biame to him for that. 1 not influenced by any par- toward Mr. Fillmore, an: ere fore is entitled to the more credit. (Cheers.) And now, sutenes, let me say, that if you expect that either I!!! more, anan or Fremont are going to assist you in the extension of slavery, or the admission of slave States—let me tell you that you are mistaken, Neither of them wili do u. for the extension of slavery or the admission of that Buchanan, or Fillmore, or Ire: States. Jf you expect e South has ebut itself out from all opportunity slave mont, are likely to disturb the institution of slavery, as u ezicts under. the constitution, you are equally, mistaken eo Neuther of them will do it. parties is this, that Bochanan party, the democratic party of the South, whose obj ifference between th: is the representative of and Whoce interest it is to keep up the agitation of the slavery question, for the purpose of: perpetuating the power they have already mont is the representative o! interest of which is to keep alive the agitation of tormiag a Northern anti- very question, for the ured and now hold. Fre- and @ party, the party, orp the sin slavery party, in order to obtain power. Power—power is all either of these parties is aiming at. In refer- ence to the agitation of the slavery question, these are the epublican itions of Fremont, the r candidate, and chanan, the democratic candidate, and their ay prt ag! cas of power, the coni sectional the leaders of which desire to keep alive this gueetion; ‘one for the for acquiring it. is the representative of a great national con of retaining fervative party, which proposes to set aside both of these ischievous Parties—for one’ is as mischievous ‘and as sectional as the other—and to permit neither ot them to use this agitation for the selves into office, and of barrassing chee! ground he ig pre-eminently enti rt of the Southern people. It excited and upon that could not ima supported by tbat yoy, I wo to ilemen have not an x ward, unless he was to be or, more like helping them purpose of the country (loud property, the leaders know, now, whether those st to apprehend that Mr. ucbapan will be under influence of Mr. Van Buren, Mr. Benton and other leaders of that wing of free soilers’ If Mr. Fillmore were now supported by one of taem, we sbould never bea: the last of it. (Lo cheers.) Do'you recollect what John Van Buren said, in 1848, when bis father was the {ree soil candidate for the Presidency upon the Batlalo plat’orm? Do you bis word to God that he woul who would not use bis best And when Pierce was nomi: us,’ “we know our man.” bim, and well be has served the party. that’ did not deter the free unionists from meeting and supporting Mr. on Frere >. recellect when be pledged id give his vote to no man eflorts to destroy slavery’ he said, “Pierce suits ‘And well they did know (Cheers.) But soilers and Southern dis Nor it deter the same digupionists in the South from meeting and co-operating with the Garrigons and Phillips, ava other disunionists of the North, whe declare they will no vote for Fremont, becaure they believe the question oF is not as ikely to be as it would be under (Loud cheers.) elaver; elect Bucbavan. agitated if he should be the adminirtration of Mr Iam not disposed to dwel erg on this matter at this point and in connection with he merits of Mr. Bi or will before I qe OF UENGET Go Ore most errant humbug and “ul janan, because you must get through, that J regard this whol ive. iom of slavery as the lanous impositwn that ha» ever teen practaed upon human credulity, beypt up nly Sor the wnefit ess, I will show what and Mr. subject—first, to confirm the views I have taken frarty yurpoies. | Neverthe ‘hauan's position on this re gard to his disposition o ald in the extension of slavery, aud reccndly, to cite ny Objections that may be to Mr. Fillmore on the game score. In 1821 Mr. Buchanan was appointed a member of o committee to Prepas Pennsylvania. The following re resolutions for a public meeting in are the resolutions jatrc- duced and adopted, which bear his signature: — Resolved, That the representatives disiriet be, and they are hereby, use their utmost endeavors, as ti lature, to prevent the existence of slaver; from. this ly requested to the natioual Legis fn any of the Ter most embe ritories or new States which may be e: by Resolved, as the opinion of meeting, as the be in session, it will be hig vairiotism to take into their early lature of this State will shorty deserving their wisdom and ‘end mont serious eensidera’ our represeniati most zealous a of slavery tn in the national Legish strenuous exertions to inbibit the existence of the Territories or Stat afer be created by Congress, and that the is ly the propriety of instructing mre to use th hich may bere mbers of Asem bly from this county be requested to embrace the portunity of bringing the eutject egisiature. Kesolved, That in the opinion 0 of Congress who at the tice, bemasity and patriot t State the fn ihe proceetin The foregoing resolutions be adopted, after whieh the meeting WALIER endeavored to be forme 'y, are entitled to the warmest than before both houses of the { this meeting the members last session sustained the cause of jus the introdaction of the of every ‘opporiny gn of this meeting be pub JAMES HOPKINS. WILLIAM JENKIN, JAMES BUCHANAN ng read, were ananimousiy adjourned. RANKLIN, Chairman. pers of this elty Attest, Write Jexxine, Secretary. On the 11th of April, 1825, (see Gales and Seaton’r Register of Debates, p.'2,180, vol. 2, part 24,) he said— 1 believe it (slavery I thank God my lot has exist. As late an 1844, on the Texas In arriving at the conclusion to : r of siavery, Whilst] ever have maintain. in their fail force and + of toutern States over their slave repognance, by ny act of mine, Union over weholding be tas would, ere lou, Missourt ard probal Blates into free States, T ent reat politic en Cast in A Siate where it does « however, Lovercome these scruples, and now peli acquisition of Texas will b dominion of slay cry. g, courert Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky iy others of the ertain and a great moral «i treaty, be said: — support this treaty T had to One serious obstacie, and that was the q| matotalned, aod ever sha igor, the conetivauonal rights rope-ty, I yet fee! (oextend the itmuite of ‘erriny. After mature the means of limiting. . That the acquisition of now not a doubt. jorthern slave But abould Texas be annexed to the Union, causes will be bronght into operation which must inevitably is now called the States, remove slavery from what These extracts are aitogether sufficient to show that | you mig nding 8! i « ‘Was justified in say) Sirs ochanan ix bt not expect any aid fron lavery or in the admias sion of tlave States, and also for offsetting any hing saia by Mr. Fillmore prior to 1560, he baving cancelled bis ich Mr. Buchanan bas not done Buchanan's recor! I may a ‘well show what were his views on forcign tnflaence torty yeare ago, and surely it it was ap evil at that that it bas pot been Forty years ago Mr. Above sli, we ought to drive from onr shores fore ence and cherish exclusive American feelings. F ence has been in every age the curse diced eyes see all things in false colors, the thick of prejudice by which she in from tthe ed before le the iron hand if liberties. ow at ‘enemies of this country, , aod bullying’ of ‘Already has no man will wo ‘that Serta wea magaified to an tofinite extent sitce Buchanan taid — society, influ of republics. ver surrounded excluter hae march roe! peace | ite defeniera into fat has been aiming onr infant repun fett her witherte g iufluence; siready has ft involved usin » war whiel lety. Mr another ob; haa nearly co-t our exiatenee from experience, and forever banish this fiend from our Let us learm wis With thia extract I submit the question to you whether Buebanan is at heart ® good Amerioan or Know Nothing, or whether, im bie heart, be attec us for our cherished principle of American: that the democratic pa blame to iy have in keep alive this slavery agitation, and that i, ae long as they con keep your Mines absorbed with the questions ot siavery they do to that extent keep your eyes closed to tbe general abuses and misdoings of the party in ite ad ministration of the government it. Time was when | used to stand opon this platiorm and address the whig party upon the questions of tariff, d eury. Now, these questions are ® ren is sometimes ranked anong the antod meintaing that théy are not obeolete jew are some views that I desire to eb by an i fe miiar syste affairs woul ment of his hone upen of the reflecting business mn of the country ; 1 | undertake to thow that ihe present financial aod commercial eystem of the United Sty inoos ever adopted by an enlighter ietribavion and anb tri entireby lost +iabt of, preseut tor the considera tes ie the most ra: ned people, and theta individoal in the manage. id bring discredit and cis. ame, end ruin to bis estate, it he had the rercurces of the Rothscbilds and the Barings combined. Ail Laek to enable me 0 establish this position is, ‘thes you will admit (what no man can deny) that if a man tds him £20,000, bie ox, that yie har an estate apends 14 vears jast Lay® beeo an annual revenue of that he has only to live tistics for reflection, and to show brietly the practi- cal workings of these two systems called free trade aud sub-treasury, which answer admirably well for enriching the public treasury, but at the same ¢ of impover ishing the people. it, as to the com- mercial system or tbe practical operation of the present tariff, which 1 prone 10 show leads to an excess of im- portation greatly beyond a wholesome state of trade, and greatly beyond our meaus of pay ing for in exchanges of export, which has tobe supplied by tne lous metals y payment in money, and thus showing that wo are annually running in debt and spending more than our income. Under the opé ration of the tariff of’ 1842 for the five years ensuing. ray 184-4-5~6 and 7, the imports and exports were as {ollows:— iports. Exports. 1848, 374,204,120 $77,686,354 1844, tie 96,390,648 99,631,774 845. 106,599,541 98' 455,330 846, + 100,048,859 101,718,042 47... + 116,257,595 160,574,844 Total ees seeeeeesees es 405,590,072 $627, 986,344 465,590,672 Making an ¢xces tof exports, or leaving a bal- ‘ance of trade.in favor ot the United States, ot And making an eof about $12 000,000 a year in our fayor, which would have gone on increasing until t reached perbaps $50,000,000 @ year, it being in 1847— he last year that it was in operation—$34,317,249; but if vt had not increased, but had kept at the same average, ‘or the ensuing eight years up to 166, the balance woul: have been in our favor in a sum exceeding $150,000,000. Now let us see what bas been the practical operation of the tariff’ of 1846 during the years 1848, ’49, '60, °51, °62, 63, ’64 and "65 -— $62,575,672 Imports. Exports. $146, 651,902 $120,808 709 132}665,168 131,710,081 164,082,033 184,900,233 200,476,219 178,620,138 195,072,695 104,981,147 251,071,368 189,369,162 216,956,893 215,158,304 281,660,340 1927751,135 Total... se. eeee eee. $1,591,476, 608 $1,828,141,900 —Making an excess of imports, or leaving a balance ot trade against the United states, of $2¢3,331,699; add to this the balance that would have been ip our favor at the averege under the system of 1842, and it will make vometbirg like $400,000,000 that we bave lost by the char ge of the {Y of 1842 for the tariff of 1846, ‘While this system has been impoverishing us, as a mat- ter ol course it has been enriching Great in; in evi- dence of which I will here insert an extract from an article taken from the London Jims of August 5, written sory ‘at the same time that 1 was speaking in Rich- mond:— {Prom the London Times, Aug. 5.) Itis well for England that in announeing the publication of the haif year.y accounts relating to trade, everybody can pret- ty nearly guess what we are going tosay. It is the old story Gf prosperity and increase, to which there seems 10 be no limit, abd which far outstrips imagination. |The returns are, infact, so large that we think less and less of them from the inabilliy of the imagination to comprehend the sums. In earlier pages of the “Diary” of Pe¥pa, or John Evelyn. we meet with such an entry as the following:—"T find I am worth this day £45. God be praised |” It delights him to count his ine, 10 chink bis money and to chuckle over the amount. ‘s: we read on these entries are less frequent; wealth becomes d the sums are mechanically writen Without an’ eflort of the imagination and withont a tude. It is with similar callousness that one ‘apt to look over these returas of trade and Which, nevertheless, are full of signieance, both tude of the total, which exhibits the enormoius ex- ‘our commeree, abd in the rise and fall of the differ fat items which indicate important ebanges in our mode of ng. In this connection let me read an article taken from the Naw York Hrxsup, to show bow the system is still work- amatier of course, an navigation, im the ma; pansion ing, and what it calculates will be the consequences of this over im ; although it does not go back to show what it been for a eerics of years past:— Comrnciat, Prosrxcrs.— We see, wit some apprehension felbut ile short of seven tillions last week, and. doubtless will average as high for several weeks the coming bu- Mantes seaton,” This fs aterrible symptom. ‘even if the pros- perity we now enjoy were guaranieed to laa, It la extremely oubtful whether this country could sustain an over importa tion to this extent. ‘The market would hardly fail to be glut ted. and merebants compelled to realize at ruinons eacritices, Bui order our present circumstances the feature is alarming in the highest degree. A financial revulsion may be expected at any moment in France; it would reverberate from Paris to the Migsienipp!, and would shake credit throughout the three countries. or are our financial prospects as flourishing as they might ‘We have irnumerahie rotten schemes on hand, that wil! some day break down witha crash. Half our Fallroads are bankrupt if the truth were, known, and nearly as large a proporvion of Our manufacturing ente: i Un der the cireumelanees, to embark ina period of inflation is to courtruin. A financial revolution may be expected in Fragee at any moment, which will reverbern’e trom Paris wo the Missieeipp. Whether that revolution takes place or not in Franco, it is obliged, at some future day, to come upon us, and reverberate from one end of tuls country to the other, unless the ayetem adopted by the democratic party is “hanged -nd speedily changed—even if it has no: al rendy gore too iar \oavert it. Pay day must come soon cr oF later, and if the European war continued we -hould bave felt it before this more severely than we have. But let us prosced now to the financial syetem, and there show how our indebtedness stands this ay with Europe. Ibave ne more approximate means from oil Cini deta (to which I choose 10 contine myself) of ascer ‘Ainipg the amonntof gold that we have receiver! frota Ca iornla than is furnished by the coinage of that metal at the different mints of the United States, The amount of gold coined in the United States from the year 1792 down to the year 1847 (which was the period of time wuen it began to come io from Caltiornia), eay for Bfty.{woy ears, 52,t88,470 £0, or an average of about a million a zee m 1847 to 30th Septem , 1865, was $232,099,137 84, or an average of $26, 991,248 4, This ‘undoubtedly shows that there has beet ax immense influx of gol. from California, which, if properly husbarded, wou d, with a jucicious commercial Fyetem, Or, in other worda,’ a well regulated tariff that Would Lot have induced excessive and ruinots importa tions, bave put us far ahead of all the countries on the globe in a financial point of view; and the quertion would naturally Fave presented itself—What has become of all this money’—if I had not already shown you tbat it went to pay for the excess of goods tmported over und above and beyond whet our exports would meet. But I will be more specific, and make t more apparent. From the year 1821 to 1£47 we imported $11,114,913 in spec curing the $29, 96 sbowivg that in the twenty se preceding the tariil of '46 we imported $81,124,781 in specie more than we exported, or, that alter the exchange of goods, wares and merchandive, we brought back that much money with ua, and that [t averaged about $3,tu4, Tela year, whilst curing the years 1848-9-60-51-2 the and 'S we exported $185.576 582, and dary period we imported $1,246,692, making an pertation of $182,628 990, or an age of 832 623 a year, So that sfler paying im the course of eight yours under the operation of the present system, the sim of $182,628 090 in the precipus meti over and above the mount uf our entire priations, we are still left in debt, cn this account alone, in the sum of $#9 605.709, with the interest that bas accrued upon it. If this were ali We might weather the storm: bat when we come to add to this amount of indebtedne:s all the State, corpora tied, railroad and other stocks and bonds held in Europe ena borrowed, whiff this balance of trade has been #0 much against ur, it will make our indebwedness nut loam, perbaye, then from four to five bundred milions of dol lare and let tbe peopie of Virgina estimate this amount by the value of all the pwd im their own State, which to 1860 wos estimated, including real and perrosal perty, at $430,501,082. From what! have said, it appear that the coinage of gold in the Coited States IMT, bas ed $26, 1S 66, 623, leaving « a of $14,412,725 a year, the people in the ordinary channels of rade, Not exact: ly fo. Now comes in the sub-Treasury —the great democratic panaces for all the ills of life. ly iw previsions the revenves of the government, now amount ing to $€6,(08,980 65, are ail to be coll in specte and locked op in the Dox; aed whilst there it" ls of 0 more use or value to the people than if it had been re turted to the bowels of the earth in California, Ty thove excessive \mportatioas, which I bave explained, the duties a amount 07, and fn all sary, or hops to roger routine of getng ta and coming % ne io and com out of the vaults of the United States, and never og reen or handled but by thore who kave to receive from or pay into the treasury of the United States, but is all the time abstracted or withbeld from the public cl of trade and com from which, by a wise and j Te. ia anes tee been withdrawn. ell, this specie bas accom from ti time the vaults of the rear $4 A ty 2 distress in oréer to prevent a searching exam! ini and an exposure of the canser (in ~~. at ‘east ) of the commercial difficulties under which the cour try was la- bor ng. it bas been found necessary to get thie mone; cut of the strong box, and restore it again to the chi Of trade, where, as I raid, it should always have in active uxe. Ard what expedient do you suppore the wis- emocracy hit upon? Why, to buy up their ct due for pine, ten, twelve or n years, nquioen cent, they ha ovember lant. receemea thirty milhone of bonds, for the privilege of doing which they have paid @ premtai seme five millone of dolinre—that is to say, having comvlated in the svb-tressury an amount tbat Fubjeted the whole community to great inconvenience ane jor which the goverment had no use, they pay five roilltons of dollars for the privilege of nnlocking the trea sary vauite and getting back Into circu ation thirty mil jones; and this is the system of commerce and finance that bes been ai by the democratic party and is ex. t Hed to the skies as the mont perfect to be Imacinet, and + ith which the people of the United States seem perfectly tent, ‘ause they are kept in a rtate of constant fer- tment and excitement upon the subject of slavery. I sub mit the tebles, the facta, and the arguments to an intelli ert end reflecting people, and ak IT am not justified in tay ng that such a system, if adopted by any bueiness man in the country, would bring discredit and dishonor vypen bie heore, and ultimately bring him to absolute roin? Ae I mean to be perfectiy candid on all subjects, | met nf that I don’t think Mr. Fillmore’s administration did steelf any particular credit in permitting, for the three years it was in power, this system to prevail without an #fort to reform it. 1 will pot go into the question ot de tatlr, I would pot if I could. doubt a lar, mber of erties in thie country are eu: tly pro tected, w need of protection For Lt 1 ao ped there is jon in the Unite: States, tor the want of protection "Bat if you wens tobe proeperous, this importation murt be checked. and ‘f you want an honest adminictration, you must re cue the pevenues of the government to » healthy and I should like to have compared the exp whig aduninistration with that of former demoe: ments. I should like to get some explanation why the expenses of the government have twenty-one to fifty two millions of know why a wi administration costs more peace thau @ democratic administration does during a great war. This might have been a very pertinent inquiry for the honorable Senator to have made at a proper time and 1, but it was a very impertinent or unsuitable in- quiry for him to have mave here, because, ‘a Sena- tor, he bad the rigbt avd the power to have made it: where it could have been promptly and properly anawer- ed, 1 did answer it before you, @ night or two after he made the inquiry, and 1 explained it by saying, the whig administration was not responsible for {t—for while you bad a whig President, you had a democratic Co who made ail the appropriations, and made them at i close of the session, when the President had to sign the bills and thus sanction the appropriations, or by veto-~ ing the bills stop the wheels of government. But J should to know, and) wish my voice could reach the Hon, Senator, whilst pe is ‘in bis seat in the Senate, that he: “oo a the Fang 9) why ae these expenses now run up, in a time of profound peace, to seventy- ive millions of dollars? Let the Senator answer grave inqui re before you, people of Richmend, and fail to make itin the Senate of the United States?’ Why did he complain of $52,000,000 ——, Bor a whig administration, which was not responsible, and not complain of $75,000,000 under cemocratic administration that is po a ible? True, as he said then, we are in a state of profound peace; au® ‘what is our condition bere in Virginia under demooorati> misrule, both im the federal and State governments * Why. although atpeace, aud England engaged in a most expensive and destructive war, instead of her borrowing, mozey from us to carry on the war, we despatch a Com- missioner of the Board of Public Works to beg a loan from her to carry on our system of internal impro' ments and to pay the interest on our State debt; and yet nothing is so common as to hear the boastful but falla- cious cry from the democratic party that the country wag never in so prosperous a condition. Where is the dence of your prosperity? It may be trae, you are not suffering for food and clothing; but where is the evidence of your prosperity’ Has money ever been more scarce among the people? Dic you ever find tt more difficult to live? Did you ever find it more difiloult to market for our family’ 1 will not say to you pay your debts z usiness is almost at a stand till FF alge never higher and real estate never lower, for the last two years, and no money to be bad on loan, either from the banks or in- dividuals; and yet you are in a remarkably prosperous condition’ becaise you are not starviog. What would you think of aman who owned a farm capable, by a pro- per system of cultivation, of bringing twelve barrels of corn to the acre, but which, by a wretched course of agriculture, only brought him five, which was just enough to keep boay and seul together, aud would boast to you that he was doing a prosperous business? Now, this is just about the condition of . perity we are enjoying in the United States, ws miserable, bunglivg, stupid system of commerce and finance, and by a shameful and discreditable system of waste, extravagance and foul corruption in every de- partment of the pene the peopl alive, but with their noges to the grindstone and because they cap point to an overflowing public trea- sury—for the government which, while it pt tend loss—you sutler yourselves to be luiled into in- diflerence to your true condiiion, by haviog your minds kept in a constant state of alarm, by the cry that the enemy is at your door, about to and by the abeurd assurance, more prosperous. And it is at such a time, and for such: a party ‘as this, that some, whom f friends wo have been in the ef calling they are tired of minorities, to desert us, because and fear to be caught in one agaio. I have no reproaches to offer desert us at atime, for such cause and for such party. Icam only say what I should think and wer commit such an act of treachery to m:; acd -— cla My own conscience would enough; eure I should feel that! bi discreditabie thing, for which the finger be pointed at me atevery turn. (Loud now iook somewbat into the merits of the candidate. I will not say of Mr. Bachanan ‘Ot possess the ability and e: rience to make opinion, he lacks the erential tegman in a remarkable degree. Whilst pol q may be led into great errors, and yet be excused, I will say, that no man can offer an excuse ior Mr. Buchanan for engaging in that Ostend Conference, by which he pro- claimed the principle there decided as one to be acted upon by the government of the United states— migh! makes right.’ The highway robber and pirate’s plea does not become a reat man, nor a great and mag- banimous people; and if Mr. Buchanan hat never com- mitted any other error, | say his participation in that Os- tend affair is enough, in itself, to justify the people in branding upon him the seal of their reprovation. (Aj pee Boy «gre at some future day it should be thought convenient or desirable to England and Russia to take possession of our territory on the Pacific, and they were ‘0 make us an offer for Washington, Oregon aud Califor- bia, which we, not choosing to accept, were firmly to reject, and they then concluded to take {t on the same terms that Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Mason ana Mr. Soulé pro- pose to take Cuba, I should like to know what response Mr. Buchauan would make to it, or what response you would make, after having endorsed Mr. Dachanan’s po- sition by elevating bim to the Presidency of the United —— ae said about Mr. Bochanan in con- bection with that bargain, so often ted to Mr. '. ‘The son of Mr. Clay has come pada geet cious to vincicate Mr. Buchanan from ever having done any injury or wropg to his tilustrious father, I question my- seit the right and authority of Mr. Clay’s son to speak for 1s father upon this question, as Mr. Ciay bas spoken for imself. He bas writen, with his own hand, the facts ie i i 3 i & 5 H & E z i z alo, for permistion & letter in his possession, which, Lcencict him of @ serious criminal cifence I do not mean to pwrs judgment hore on Mr. Buchanaa; I do pot mean to eay be is innocent or guilty of the charge; but J do say, that with the declaration that there is such @ letter of condemnation wn existence, and @ challenge lo no eliow ta puliicatun, he a Mégheinded, huneronte ay © Pl noa¥ "2.2 alow himelf to cceupy for ome moment. (Cheers.) And the presum/ttion of guilt is strongly ‘ him, of bav~ IPE prepored & proiigate and corrupt . which wae repelled, and the eviwenee of which is said to ve in ex- He is cballenged, he 1s taunted to wblication before tis saies 6 pre und silence u for nothing, % since he the Cinemnatti platform, as that, Mk covereth a multitude of sins, (Lavghtere aud cheers. Well, now I must say a word + bout the Cincinnati plat- form before | get through with Mr, Buchana tires TOBOIULION Teas AB [0)\0WRI— Resolved, That tho American democracy place thei tn the intelligence, ihe patriotem and diecricnieaciag pretion of the American people. ‘That we regard this as feature of our creed, whieh row! to maintain before the world, a8 @ great eiementia our form of government, spripging from and upheld by ® popular will, and we cou trast it with the creed und practice of federalism. unler what- ever name or form, which seeks to palay the vols of the em- stitnent, and whieh conceives no imposture oo monstrous for ular ereduilty. @tlemen, I will thank you to stick # pin Im that. (Laughter) } will read the bext resolution ES That the federal government is one of limited po . rived solely from the consi’ tie tan, graath ot pone toade therein ought '@ be stetetly ued by all the depart- menis and agents of government, and that It is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise dowbtul constitutioaal powers. Gentlemen, stick two in that, if (Langhter.) The next ph Rl ~~ Di : ex THtt the constitution does not confir pon the geveral gov spment the power to J a fem of internal kaprovementay 2S Senora an I want you to stick three in that, (Tanghter = the fourth reoteuen, which f will re} That the constitution does not confer federal ‘government, directiy ‘or. tniireciy. \e" sankor the Cobte of the several wties. contracted for ical internal ina- rovementa, o rf Cis tofaes cect Prone Coen em cea Now, then, let us look at the lest of their resol: The last reeohation adopted by What convention, and which is nowhere to be found published in any Southern piat- form thot] bave seru—iet me repeat it—the inet resola- tion adopted by that convention, which is nowbere to be found attached to the platform of the party, a1 published in any Southern paper, to far as my observation ia com- corned, declares— speedy =a That the democratic Party recognizes the great nierelia| the AUaotic and Pacifia, 1 point of view, of & communication between the government to exercise ait ’ thereby bind jon of the Btates in indian! bie bonds, open- e h trade of the Kast and unit onetey fro Pacific to the Mississippi and the great iehes ct the Nook Here they first tell you that there is no im, re too moustroue for the federalists, ax they are pleated to term wt, to practise upon the credatty of th and thet Congress bas no cor money for wor! ; Sing up with a declaration that they will expect the f coming administration to make appropriations from th+ bic treasury for the most gigantic echewe of interou rovement that was ever projected in this country, b+ ig cotbing lees than a line of railroad from ihe Atlant : tovhe Pacific. (Loud cheers.) This resolution was o fered in the convention after they adopted the platform id before they nominated a candidate, and }t was reject ut when they adopted & platiorm ‘an bemimated ndidate, the rerciution was re iniredaoed and adopte by an overs heiming majority, and the exeure that the give for pot publiehy this resolution io conne lich with the other reeolutions of the plattor is thet it wae no part of the platiorm—that \t war a mer resolution; and what is the rest of the platform but mer revoluticns ' What ase the principles but revolations o Paper! Avd what is the platform but the p: are proposed to be laid down for the pe Al Ttisa matter of no conseq what time resolutions are introduced, by which it i* intended to bind their candidate. This resolution, thoogh distinct from the rest, as we are told, being intro: sed after the Adaption of the platiorm, 18 as binding upon Mr. Bacha. the “mum ’’ candidate, (as they used to ont! General as tho platform ftself, And this is the pariy unblushing effrontery and impudence to do- of their resolutions that there i+ no imposture- too monstrous to be impored upon the popular credulity by the federal party, a8 it has suited their tastes anch their purpores to designate us. Bat this is not all that is to be brought into contrast between ihe Professions and the hag yd They tay Congress haw no ‘Ge Ge a of the debts of the y party in this © bas arsumed the pay ment of the Mets of the aten whet they have done indirectly by voting millions upon mil of the public lands, (probably no Inat,) for purposes first to mente of a local nature all r. of dollars ineur: