The New York Herald Newspaper, July 5, 1856, Page 2

have Duilding, and lately two af the windows bave Deen restored, pat mess becoming the thirteenth century. The for the present occasion have im fact, been a ing of the interior, #0 as to produce @ fac simile of ‘that era, in the belief that if ed of regard- rH g. FH g tt é eventful ceremonies an tering, therefore, the visiter was surprised to find im a new land of sacred things. New aisles had erected, with a yualted roof of cerulean blue, be- ed with golden stars. The lancet arches were ‘out with green, yellow, crimson and gold. Win- f an ephemeral character, but so admirably done they almost vied in beauty with those that were re- painted, helped to tling a soft light of rich harmony ‘a scene which would take half of your columns ade- to describe. The centre of the cress which con- the edifice, had a high altar erected, over which ed from the top of the bine vaulted roof a canopy. :apemmet with bees. On one side a graduated es sat the 84 bishops of France f their gorgeous robes. There were the four archbishops eo® fauteui) by themselves. The cardinals, in crimson, ea another opposite. In front of the altar, with the fout between, was placed a throne, for the Emperor and Em- Thousands of hustres tlung their light on the nave ‘the church. Tbe sun «hot its glorious rays through colored windows, and when the imperial party, tho ve and senatorial bodies, the thousands of beauti- women, in those delicious ‘wileties du soir, all with Septicmal veils, were all assembled, the effect of this light was beyond measure enchanting. But time presses. The Emperor and Empress and the Prince Imperial entered with a fanfarouade of trumpets, The QGarainal Legate received them. All the con- tion rose, and the church, trom the roof orate floor, was one vast mass of human be- im their habits of ceremony. The imperial Meet tace omy ye Og — and as the rained it in his arms si- Yence of all. it uttered a long, loud, sharp, but still plain. five cry, which attracted the sympathy of all present. Bvery one helped to break the silence, and make some ezclamation indicative of human sympathy. The Empe- for smiled, and the Empress, spite of the solemnity, bent Ber bead over ‘he little one. ‘Then took place the attestation, the Emperor doing so @ret; the Princess Mathilde and the olher princesses @mwjz the same, magn ficently saluting their Majesties, as, } raed before them with their superb trains, upheld by retainers, they proceeded to the desk where lay the @Feat book of state. ‘The bapticm over, the equerry exclaimed: “Pine le Prince Imperial!’ The congregation caught it up, and @e church from all points rang with the glorious cry. Many were ‘n wears. The words were caught up, and ap air expyess'y composed for this occasion was chanted ‘by the whole choir, with the words: “ Vive i Smpereur! Pine, Vive le Prince Imperial!” But { have not time for another word. §0UR RELATIONS WITH ENGLAND. * ©niistment Question and Central Amc rican Difficulty in Parliament. e House of Lords on 16th of June, the Earlot Dexsy ‘mu—/D expectation, which Was not an unreasonable ‘ope, considering the question put by me to the noble earl resto last meeting of this House, and the reply fet HLL i ny to me, that her Majesty's government would take consideration the course which they might thinls it adviewbie to pursue with respect to our relations with the Gnited States of America, I bave waited until the last @oment in expectation that the noble earl would not Rave waited to be again questioned on the subject, but @at he would volunteer information upon a matter con- @erning which he must know the House and the country fo be very anxious. It is impossible to overate the im- portant position in which we at present stand, or the serious ppm yA that rests upon her Majesty's government ard to the advice they may. Kive 10 the Crown @ w the course to be pursued. Under these circum- stances, I should bave thought that the poble earl would aot have required me to put him this question—namely, whether the government have, since the House last met, come to any couclusion as to the course they would ad vee her Majesty to pursue, and whether they are pre- to state to the House what that course is ? ‘The Earl of CLaxnvnon.—As I stated on the last day of he House sitting, it the intention of her Majesty's gov- erament to lay before your lordships at the earliest period Be papers which have been communicated to as. Those papers have sinee been laid before the Senate, and are ‘Bow in the possession of the people of this country. They ere at present in the printer's hands and they will be laid Defere your jordships as soon as the answers tothe lat @empatches have been returned. Your lordshipa must be wware that the preparation of these answers will require ome Lime and mature deliberation, and it is bosause the wre not yét that I did not take the initiative whic the pobie ear! thinks I ought have taken. But it is the of her Majesty's government to eatily the natural and anxiety 6n the part ofthe people of this country @th respect to our relations with America, and I therefore 40 pot besitate to inform your lordships, and throwge lordhipe, the country, that it it not the intention of Majesty's government to suspend «iplo matic reiations wb the United states. (Loud cheers.) The Kari of Dxmsy—In the absence of the papers it ‘would be extremely premature to enter Into any discus- sen upon the subject; hut I personally rejoice at the an- Boancement which has veen made by the noble earl. I Tegotwe for ths reason, because, although I deeply regret We course pursued by the United States goveroment, yet 1 Believe that it is impossibie for us to vindicate the steps taken, and We coi duct nyo by our Minister and thoxe epcer whose autherity he acted, and, believing that the Cated States government have a just cause of complaint feguinst us, I rejoice that her Majesty's government, by éa the withdrawal of Mr. Crampton and the Consus, Lave sanctioned we opinion that America hal a cause of complaint against this country in this mat- . At the present moment I will not enter into a dis- @tasion of the merits ot the cause. I rejoice, however, that we bave acknowleiged our error, although an- deublediy we have done vo by submitting that which T mvet say ie humiliating on the part of this country to gabmit to—nemely, the removal by the authoriiy of the United Stites of the Miniaver of tis country. (Hear, ) The Eart of CLanexnow —The noble earl has stated that 8 would be premature to enter into any discuscim. Hoe cortai ly has not enterod into any discussion upon th Merits of the subject, ut he p pow Prdgrment on the course pureued by her Majesty's go- 1 can only appeal to your fereshipe, an* through your lordships, w the country, Ret to jin the noble warl tn prejudging the question. le earl, I beg formed my judgment from the papers eat have been publiched and laid ou the tavie of this eure. (Hear, bear.) Ip we House of (* umous on the 16th of Jane, on the oe that the Hivuse resolve itself into Commitiee of ~~ : 0 J. Resim, who spoke in so low atone that he 1, sald—It appears to me ought not w go inte coma! apm the last remaning military estimates of the 5 without asking Whe government for some expladation as @ the position in whieh we at present stand with regard Oe the United States of Ameria. If there were negotia tions going on the government would rightly say—aad, according to all former practice, the House would listen to them—that, during the comunu mee of those negotia it would be moonveniomt to the public ser raise anything resembling a discussion tion now is whether there are to with the United Btates govern Of facta, 1 couiceive, we be was very woristinetly te House of (same i * eR MA ous had beard with great regret that auything w be construed jot. 2 of those Wleged agaiunt Um q of reeruit ment appears to me to be at an end (Hoar, hear.) the goverament of the Calted states. nat giving @redu to Mr. Crampton which they Lave Majyerty’s government, think that lis com euch intercourse between the two countries can Oat asefully be carrie’ on by him, and they have Page ad declared that they can bo longer transact ob of the nation with him. They have accom: Panted this communication with various declaration’ aad positive deciaratiens, of their wish to conunue on terme of amity with this country They have with regard w Beecond question. which bast fr & loug time been the poy oa ty negotiation between this covatry and the Unit and various States of Comtral America, profess. Gate willingness to enter inte dire. communi auen ber Majesty’ + goveroment opon any point: of dit which now viet. and, haing gone throng those in gremtdetail, they have declared that, with respoct them, an arbitration may rightly be admitted. | wk for any explanation with regard t oue or thore questions. My hon. friend the member for erneseebire (Mr. Paike) has given notice of his int ring the recruitment question bofore the House ureday next, If the bon.member shoal think pro ring that question forward, and ifthe House «i member of this He wi to jeclare our opution that ques Fecond questien—that real point ed 3 i Hi F “t uw : bject. If negotiations w ecosmary to bring 1d expect some mer 0 20; bot if negotiation is ue to take I think then. pa tha; question, nud Iehoad also say on th ether, that it would be movt desirable that ~ further orston should take place un@) her Majesty's govern t could inform ue of the reeultof the negountions hear.) Buttbere are two or thres other very portant , independent cf any deta of the merit FAS two great quesvons I have just alioded , m whieh think the House of Commons ought to reverve informa ‘The firet i# whether, asthe American government desired Mr. to cease his rel with 4 ar efi E ; fl i i gee | il Pr 3Z lit i u :¢ iH if 55 i 4 5 aS 2 5 g £ i H 4 i her " . ons Majesty’s government can otherwise meet that insult by breaking of nications with the Minister of the United States. however, there are no circumstances which lead them to that conchusion, then I should say that not only former ex- amples, but the present peculiar circumstances of this case, make it most desirable that they should accede to vhe inyjtation of the government of the United States, and nto negotiations upon any points of difference which, though not serious at the present time, may lead ‘© most serious results, (Hear, hear.) With respect to tormer examples there are uminy, I think, ji ‘There are cases in which both France and Great Britain g, 4 have found that the Ministers they have appointed were not acceptable to the government of the United States. There is the well known case in 1793 of M. Genet, the Minister seut by the Republican Convention of France, who not only fitted out privateers, and had the prizes Drought to New York, and thus violated the neutrality of the United States, but likewise fn a@ most offensive and improper manner endeavored to raise seditious attempts against General Washington's government, General Warh- ington acting with that wisdom tor which be was remarka- ble, and joining to it calmncss and firmness, which Nkewise formed part of his character, in declaring to the French republic taat the conduct of M. Genet was intole- rable, and that he could not any longer be permitted to continne a8 Minister to the United States, did not break off diplomatic relations with France. General Washing- ton, fos his Secretary of State, set forth the detai of M. Genet’s conduct, and stated that he was not accep- table to the American government. Upon this the French government disapproved the conduct of M. Genet, and recalled him, appointing another Minister who might be acceptable to the government of the United States. Thus the diplomatic relations of the two countries con- tinued unbroken. Again, in 1809, Mr. Jackson, the Min- ister for Great Britain, made himself personally’ anaccep- table to the President of the United States, and he was in- formed that no further cemmunication could be held with him. Mr. William Pinckney was then the American Minis- ter in London, and continued so without interruption, Mr. Madison being President. In 1850, Mr. Poussin,’ the French Minister in America, having used language in one or more diplomatic notes which was considered disre spectful to the Secretary of State, Was sent his passporte, but there was no interruption of amicable relations be- tween the two countries. Mr. Rush, American Min- ister at Paris, was at the time en route to the United States, but his successor, Mr. Rives, was received with- out obstacle, and a new French Minister was sent to the United States, General Taylor being President. These examples show tbat the dismissal of Mr. Dalias need not, accorcing to usage and international practice, immedi- ately follow the course pursued by the American govern- met in respect to Mr. Crampton. I now come w the question in which negotiation is practicable. That question is one of very considerable difficulty, being involved with ancient obligations on the part of this country, and ancient and what we consider honor- able relations between us and certain tribes of In- dians on the coast of Central America, and being in volved, likewise, by various interpretations in respect to arecent treaty. In regard to these matters, involving, as they do, most important consequences, it appears to me, from hasty perusal I have been able to give it in the newspapers of thie day, that Mr. Marcy has written & very dispassionate despatch, maintaining, as he was sure todo in opening a n»gotiation of that kind, all the poritions which the American government have hitherto maintained. Yet he scems to admit that each of them might be discussed, and to assent that these points, on which arbitrauon would be useiul, should be referred to arbiuraion, Now, it has been suggested that, though Mr. Dallas were to receive his passports, and all diplomatic communication were to be suspended, yet that these various points might be in some other place and by some other means. I cannot think that «uch a course would be either befitting the dignity of this comtry or that it would tend to any useful conclusion. I cannot,think it Defitting the dignity of this country, because, if we are to Le eed with the United States, I hardly think it would be right to commence an indi ect ne- gotiation, or that it would couduce to any good end. If Ube pe non is to be carried on, I cannot conceive that it couk! be better carried on than by Mr. Dallas, a gentleman universally res 4 who, during the short time he has been here, bas received the good will of all classes (hear, hear), and by the noble earl at the head of the Fo- reign Department, who is acquainted with all the circum. stances of the case. I hope, indeed, that he, who bas re- cently signed the treaty of Paris, will be the person to bring t a termination the-e distressing occurrences. (Hear, bear.) With respect to the second point I alluded to, the present state of affairs in Central America, itis but fair to observe that an accident might eccur, ® collision might happen on some unforeseen question or in some un expected place, which would seriously compromise the amicable relations of the two countries. We have hitherto had a question which has roiled on for @ long time, and for @ great part of this century has been, as it were, in abeyance, without any active participation of our arms or of those of the United States in the dispute. The States ‘of South America, so far from realizing the expectations oft Mr. Canning, that he had created a new world to re- store the balance of the old, have hardly been able tomain- tain order within their own limits. Still less have they Deen able to attempt any great conquests; nor has the etronger among them been able so completety Wo van- quieh the weaker as to form any great and powerful State in Central America. The State of Nicaragua, - her pretensions were tw the dominion of the Mosquito coast, and little as she regardec the obligauions with us which had descended to her in consequence of our for. mer treaties with Spain, has net been able either to fix herself upon the Mosquito coast or to overcome that colony of various Buropeans—Englishmen and others— and citizens of the United States, which has been established at Greytown. We fee now, however, that an enterprising military chief, of considera- bie energy, who is likely to attract many followers to bis standard, by taking the part of one fac tion against another, has ob/ained very considerable pow- er in the State of Nicaragua, and it 8 very possible that President Rivas, having lis assietanee, may make an in cursion on the Moequite coast, and may attack on the in- habitants of Greytown. The jon, therefore, is what will be the course of her Majesty’s government in such a coutingency’ 1 bave no doubt they would think it their duty to protect the perrons and property of British resi dents in such a case, and I cannot wonder therefore that they should wish to have a sufficient force in the neighbor hood of Greytown for that purpose, Whether they would think fit w interfere with reepect to Nicaragua and Grey town I know not, but I think that it is a question upon which we ought to have some information. { say this the more because the reports on this subject are very conflicting. 1 saw in a newspaper today that the ships of the United States were allowed w carry men and even mitary stores, who, no doubt. were going to ewell the forces of Nicaragua. It seems to me t reepect whi Dave also see patch to the effect that ber Majesty i ¥ th the ships making hauling them before ¢ explanation, I have no ct, but | Quink it is right Gice was in the habit of interferin, for the port of ¢ allowing them doubt that the an ts with regard wo it should be as far 9s p0 These are the two questions upon which Ishould wish to have e explanation— first, whether it is the intention of the government, afer the course which has been taken with respect lo Mr Crampion, to pursue a ar course im regard to Mr. Dallas, and to break off Jomate interc with the government of the United States: and next, whethor supposing that should not be the case, measures hav: been taken, after deliberation, by the govern a order to prevent me far as possible any col between the ships and forces of the two countris. For own part, I should hope that the commanders of the of-war of thie country and of the United States receive such orde s that tey will act completely in concert, and that they will not allow the miserable States in Central America, with their rivalries and their equabbies, to commit these two gréat naticns to hostili ties with each other. (Hear, hear) I need net dwell pon the miefortanes Which would flow from a war tween the two countries. ‘Bhey are obvious and must be feit by everybody. If these divsencions should lead to any serious quarrel, or, still more, to active hovtilities between this country and the United States. the mizerie which would arise t beth nations are incalculable, they are of such @ nature as man in country ana I should bope no man in the United States, could of the two countries would no doubt be displayed if war wore unhappily to arise, nanity, the cause of pracefal com cof civilization would suffer, It is | the eontinent every man ery man who desires & dom flourieh, wou'd at between the two great free Btat plore sueh a of the world and it @ clear, too, that all these who wish oppression to cont'nue in thee countries of Europe which are oppress ol we at the breaking wut of euch a war. Such being t « which I know must animate every one. ant ua. ing heard from my noble friend «imiar sentiments at an eorber period of the seesion—centinents which did bin the highest honor—I cannet doubt tht ev which can be done consistently with the thus country, with ite honor, and with ite eng te wher nations, will be done to preserve tween the two countries. Lt me only ad government are about to enter into these che, Ido hope that from the moment that ie made, this House, ing the exatnple whicb it eet iteelf (and it can imitate none better) during the lagt war, of forbearance with fegard to negouations, will wu stain from any party discussione, from any rival imputa tiewe and from doing anything which ‘can induce amy party p the United States t think that, if at last we should fight and if negotiations, instead of loafing 1 an amicable setilement, should only lead u from peace, this coun prevamions which m wor national honor, I believe gue opinion. We in such a posit tw ede from the gon r what my noble frie upan hima great responsibility ve of ie Wil be eondurive net only f this country but also to the m: aa “1 to come of the relations of amity be tween the United Mates. (Hear.) I have eeon that after former negotiations new questions have arisen between the two couctri@e, I have beon very mueh grieve to see that, although the question of the north westers boundary line ape the question of the Caroline wore amicably and ekilf@lly setued by diplomacy, others rpeedily arose, from which it was sought create dincen blows between (he two countries, Jam gonyinged thay poms th teret NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, JULY 4, 1856. day to pass without putti our intentions on this subject. necessary for me to enter into any explanation of those communications which My nob! (Hear, head of the Foreigy Office received a few the American Mimister at this Court. These communica- tions having been presented to Congress, already been published in the new: rs, every honora- ble member is as fully in pessenelou goversment of ber Majesty. this house officially, it would be necessary that we should be able to accompany them with such answers as—upon full consideration—and upon due deliberation, such as the thought it fitting to return to been able to frame those answers; therefore we are not these papers officially before Parla- ment. But, sir, Tam ready to answer the question of my noble friend as to the intentions of Her ment with regard to the diplomatic arrangements be- tween this country and tho United States. Now, it is to be observed, in the first place, that, although the Uuited States government bave thought fit to intimate w Mr, Crampton that they cannot continue their relations with bim, in consequence of which he has left Washington, that intimation cid not go to the extent of a rupture of diplomatic relations; but, on vhe contrary, was en picd, in another despatch, by the expression of a desi to continue, through the American Minister at this Court, diplomatic intercourse upon another matter. Now, sir, her Majesty’ government, duly considering all the various bearings of the matter, and attending to those considerations upon whica my noble friend dwelt, have not deemed it their duty to advise her Majesty to suspend diplomatic intercourse with the American Mi nister at this court, (Cheers.) We are, therefore, pre- pared again to enter into communications with him upou any matters which concern the interests of these two great countries, I think the House will feel that Iam best performing my duty by abstaining on the present occa sion from entering into auy discussion beyond this answer to the question. (Hear, hear.) My noble friend has however, expressed a hope that the instructions which her Majesty § government have given to the naval force which was r cently despatched from this country to the coastof America are not such as are likely 10 bring about any unnecessary collision between the American and British squadrons. ‘Sir, I can assure my noble friend, Tcan assure the House, that it is the anxious desire of her Majesty’s government tw avoid anything which might Dring about such a collision ; that the instructions which have been given to the com. mander of that force relate to the protection interests, of British subjects and of and that there is nothing in those ’ would tend to a collwion between the British aud American forces. (Cheers.) We certainly did think it right, considering the uncertain—uncertaiu as it then undoubtedly was—position of our relations with that great naval Power, that our torce in these seas should be placed in such a condition that it might not be liable to any occasional disasters. (fear, hear.) We thought it right to be strong; but, being stroug, we shall not be the aggressors. Upon that subject also—he ques. tion about Central America—I am sure the House will not at present wish me to go into any details. (Hear, hear.) Iconcur with my noble friend in the opinions which he has #0 well expressed, to which 1 also gave expression on » former occasion, that it would be lamentable if two coun- tries, which have #0 many interests in common, should through the perverseness of any man, be brought into a stale ape a with each other. With regard to the of British conduct of her y’s government, I think I may be permitted to say that, #¢, on the one hand, this country Was vever in a better position to carry ou war if war were forced upon us, that very straight aad that very preparaticn ot which we may t is also a reason why we may, without derogation from our dignity, act with calmness, with moderation, and with due deliberation upon @ matter of such great importance as one which bears upon the relations between this empire and any foreign country Whatever, more especially one between which and ourselves there are so many causes of union anc so Many mutual interests as between Great Britain and the United States of America. (Cheers. Mr. Imaanti.—The frequent recurrence of questons ot this kind—of misunderstandings in our relations with the United Statee—must impress upon every gentleman the expedieney of treating them with the utmost moderation, and in a spirit of the utmost forbearance. Ths noble lord who hus just ac dressed the House has touched very light- ly indeed upon the immediate cause of the retirement of Her Majesty's Minister from Washington. I was glad tobe reminded by the noble lord that, in so far as the govern ment of the United States was conc-rued, that could not be looked upon a* a complete rupture of diplomatic rola- tions. But] could nt help feeling that it was my duty ‘at this moment to fay that, although the govern ment of the United States has drawn a distinc tion between the conduct of Mr, Crampton and the conduct of her Majesty's government, I trust the House of Commons will not follow thatexample. (Cheers.) I was glad to hear that the noble lord did not by bis authority sanction this distinction. lam perfectly willing to accept as it has boon exprested the statement of bir. Marcy—that, 90 far as Her Majesty’s governinent is concerned, the go- vernment of the United states is completely satisfied with the explanation respecting the conduct of Mr. Crampton, and that of ler ©=Majesty’s con euls, with regard to the recruiting in the States; but I am quite sure that the House will not adopt the distinevon which the United eS Po ee hans made upon that subject. It will bold Her Majesty's government r ible, aud will not in a moment of ex treme difficulty, if not of peril, announce to this country to Furope, aud to America that the House of Commons & prepared to say that ber Majesty's Minister at Washing ton—an individual who, at all events, attempted to do his duty to his sovereign and to his country, and who has apparently acted upon the instructions of hiv superiors— is to be made the scapegoat of diplomatic sins. (Hear, bear.) I bave expremed myself ill if 1 have seemed to offer any opinion upon the conduct of the government This is pot the oecasion on which I would express such au opiuon, tut 1 wieh to guard myself against being suppos. ed to accept with ut demur the distincuon which the Uni States government has made between the conduct of Mr. Crampton and that of her Majes ty’s government in this matter. I must distinguish between the two questions which have so much interested this country and the United States, Following the example of the noble lord (Palmerston), Lam not About to enter into a discussion upon either of these sub jects; but | must, to prevent misunderstanding of the opi nics which I wieh to represent, be allowed Ww or two observations. Whatever may be ita ultimate de cixion upon these questions, I wish that the House of Com mons would take this opportunity of inquiring calmly what is the cause of these painful aud frequently recur ing misunderstandings with a county between whieb and ourselves there ought to be such constant sympathy and euch cordial alliance. Sir, tt is impossible to suppose what the recruiting, or the mode in which it wag couducted, es peciily after the apologies which were offered by the go verpment, can really be the cause of the misunderstand ing wbich has unbappily occurred. I want to know why the United States govermment, even admitting their « be a goed che, is so prompt, if mt eager, to ineiet upon immediate reparation. it wil be well if we tke this opportanity—I do not mean this evening, but before these great questions are d—of arriving at rome definite res saying that be theught it r nt bad adorted the Monroe d won of hia system of government Monroe doctrine is one whieh, with great respect to government of the United States, is pot, in my o e age in which we live. The inerease in the ¢ communication between Burope and America have made one great fanuly of the governments of the world, and that #yeteim of government which instead of etlarging, ad restrict the ¢ . relations between those two quarters of w se ie a rystem which is not adopted to this age, In mabing that observation 1 would say that it woul! be wiee in England not to regard with the extrem, Jealoury with which rhe has hitherto jooked upon it, any extension of the territory of the United States beyond the bounds which were origiwally fixed to it [ bold that ane that if not a good policy which ie founded om the idea that we should regard with extreme jealousy the #0 called ar.) “aggressive” spirit ef the United States. (Hear, th Jam of opinion that the treaty concluded by Lord Ast ton was one Of the wisest diplomatic acta that bax 4 ih mode rp times, at least in this cow pat it was the indi of a sound policy, and that these who oppose jt are th a poliey which is refarded by the govern ae one hostile t@ the legitimate develope: r power, (Hoar, hear.) Moreover, Iain per eunded that it is the belief on the part of the United States that the Britich ament if animated ty such sentiments in theit regard wideh has excited ta tec ling that has seized upon the enlistment question o< a meane of expressing their diseatiefaction and distrust, (Hear, hear.) Iie through no desire to (utrodu-e com. troversial questions on the present occasion that! ven. ture to offer these remarks, (hear, hear,) but simply be cause | wich to reming the Howse that uch is the teeli which prevails in America (hear); and that, it it is at ways to be Impresred upon KngTMbe that ehe is to regard every expanvion of the United States as am act deteimen. tal (6 her intereet and Lostile to her power, we Pershing a course which WAl not prevent expansion on the part of the State, but which wif involve this coun. y ib strogeies that prove of the most disastrous character. (Hee teat.) 1 remember Jealousy exivted a few years # quence of the conquest of Cusiornia by the United Statae (Hear,) That was an event which was looked torward the greatest alarm, and one from which the moat ea. torwus reewite were anticipated. Have any of thos my forchodings heen realized? (Hear.) I wonle ack the ance of power haa been injured by aby America (bear, how). and © the disenvery of Amork © materially to the wealth the power of thie country h resources of California ear, hear) These than the developeme by meane of the U tings are worthy whieration, for, believe ma, socner oF later, we shall have to adopt sear and definite opinions on this enbjert; and, indeed, Teannot hesitate to express my belief that # sounder views with reapect to t bad prevaried in this country, the government might not have felt themeelves jostafied in takeing a cours. with regard to the enbistunent question which, whatever may be te immediate consequences, certainly has not teriminated in 4 manber Omtering t the honor of the 4 en “ear hear. tw> pointe to which the noble ford to indebted for this discussion has particularly For my own part, I lof on all that has happened with regard to the enlistment question as indicative of the distrust which prevails in the United States, and which has its im the conviction @aag the polcy of to the mate developement of tall that America bas ‘Ricse sre whom { i surely accomplish all the objects she pr dy eee jorge pete a mor] law (hear) oe in civ! .d communities, have always beeu up- held, (hear,) and to impress upon her that, instead of vaunting that she will build her greatness on the Monroe doctrine, which is the doctrine of isolation, she should zeck to atta’ ‘tbe leferring to the public law of Europe, and by allowing hey destiny to be regulated by the same high principles of policy which all nations which have great destinies to accomplish have invariably recognized. (Cheers.) Mr. Marcy’s Anti-Enlistment Despatches Re- Le ceived in Ei ° {From the London Ties, June 16.) Here, therefore, the matter rests. The question ro- gards Mr. Crampton personally, and the American Cabi- het declares that no discourtesy to kngland is intended. We certainly think his conduet far from blameless. He ap- pears to hare acted with great levity, cmd to have never suph- ‘ently appreciated the importance of his acts or the dignity Of his mission, The blame, uo doubt, rests in a great Measure on those who left such a man at a post evidently sbove his abilities, and who, when bis conduct bad in yolved him in difficulties, persisted in keepmg him there until it became a point of honor to maintain bim, His dismissal now, however it may be worded, is an act which reflects on the government as well as himself. It oply remains to consider bow such an act must be met. In such acase a goverument should not cer tainly loge sight of its own dignity; nor yet, on th: other hand, forget that the circumstances of an act may alter the manner in which we should receive it. No doubt, should our government decide on breaking off in tercourse with Mr. Dallas, they will be justified by the usual practice on such occasions, Rut the American vernment has, in addition to expressions of good will, which greatly diminish the signi‘teance of their act, made what we must consider great concessions on @ subje st oF much more intrinsic importance than the enlixtment queetion, and which may be considered an earnest of its friendly prefeseions which we ought not wo disregard Alter declaring throughout the whoie controversy that its own view of the Central american question ad- mitted of no dispute, and that arbitration was inap plicable in the case, {t constitutes the Minister at thi: Court a plenipotentiary to arrange its matter, and gives bim, in case an understanding is not arrtved at, the power of consenting to arbitration and an arbitrator. If, then, we dismiss Mr. Tallas, we commit ourselves to an approvai of a Minister whose co1duct it is impossible wholly to de fend, and reject the friendly professions of the United States, vouched ‘ur as they ure by offers of concessioa ax regards the Central American difficulty which a weele ago no one could have expected. On the other hand, if we keep Mr. Dallas we pocket an affront, but at the sam: tume tuke advantage of # couciliatory offer. ‘The balance of benefits is for the consideration of our statesmen. It may, indeed, occur to every one that these unexpected powers conferred on Mr. Dallas may be only a bribe to induce the Britishers more readily to,pass over the affront to Mr. Crampton, and that when once the end is gained it will be easy to evade a settlement, to raise difficulties, to interpose delays, to practice ‘‘a’ masterly inactivity” until another victory is gained. This is, indeed, quite pos sible. But still we have no right to assume such a piecc of double dealing; and by keeping Mr. Dallas here an: accepting the American terms we at once bind th. Washington Cabinet to its own admissions, that the sub. ject is a proper one for an immediate diplomatic arrange ment, and, that failing forms a fit case for arbitrauon. These are the conriierations, for and against, by whicn Ministers will have to sLape their course, and we look with confidence for a decisiin which, with’ ® due regard to the national dignity, will be consistent with the pre servation of peace and good will with the United States [From the London Post, June 17.} The public will have learned, from the explanations made last night in the House of Commons, that the Bri lish government, anxious not to throw away by any act of theirs any chace of preserving the peace of the werld and preventing the developement into war of the ili founded quarrel forced upon us by the United states, have maw determined to accept the position pressed w them ty the gavernment f President Pierce, and w accede to the retention of Mr. Dallas at the Court of London as a Minister charged with the conduct of special negotiations and endowed with unusual discretionary . Our own opinions have, a8 our readers are aware, pointed rather in a contrary direction. We bave entertained strong doubt« of the policy, as well as the justice, of our yielding tosuch an extent to the pressure put upon us by the Cabinet of ‘Washington. unless, as we expresved ourselves in am ar- ticle which we devoted to the subject on Saturday last we could be satistied that the dismissal of Mr. Crampton was the result not so much of a determination deli srate ly taken and acted u| by the government of the United States to neutralize the prestige and enfeebke the influence of England in the Western World, as the consequence ot the necessity of a domestic political posidion personal we resident Pierce. Looking at the events which have preceded these wnhappy differences, and weighing the comments which have been made upon them on the other de of the Atlantic, we felt ourselves driven, however unwillingly, to the adoption of the more unfavorable ot the alternatives which offered themselves to us in solu top of the measures taken by America at this juncture. It is very difficult to gauge accurately the depth of pub opinion in a country with a population and a govern ment like that of the United States, and we may bave misapprebended the nature @d tendency of the current which bas been setting against the barriers of peace. It muy be that the movement is stirred up by nothing more permanent or important than the demand for Ly crits on the eve of a struggie for party ascendency; although it is searcely credible that a man at the béad of the Ex cutive of a great nation should be #o little minded and so wicked as to hazard the peace of the world for the sake of an election, or for the paltry object of placing out at large interest a political capital. If this be so, in euch a state of things and such a eonditon of itucal inorality xbd public feeling be poseible, a8 a consequence of her institutions, in a country becoming, as America is, every day more implicated im the concerns of Bu- rope, the sooner she sets herself in earnest about their modification the better. The House of Commons appeared to be entirely with Lord Palmerston on the question, and we are content to suspend our own judg ment in the matter, waiting in hope that the pauence, the self-control and the sagacity which the noble lord has displayed throughout the anxious and irritating dis ussion of the points at issue between the two nations may meet their reward in Qe attainment of the object: at ¥hich be aims in common with us, in common with whole civilized world, who stand by, deoply inter d spectators of these lamentable events. Wrong and redolent of party #| as bia apeoch of lant night was, Mr. Disraeli was right, no doubt, in his observation that the enlietment questi m, and what Mr Crampton, or his agents or his correspondents, had dose or Written, was pot the real reason the display of iit ferling upon the part of the government of the United States, which gives us so much trouble, and the whole world so much apprehension. An idea has, no doubt, & en engendered in their minds that England 1s jealous of the grow sh of America, and stands in her path, an ob rtacle fo the expansion of her territory and the increase of her power. We are not, a¢ Americans understand and us the word, “Jealous”? of them, neither are we from the legitimate expansion of | their power; but odes in which they have attempted w alvance ‘elves by the degiutition by foul means, when fair of every attractive possession in the hands of t neighbors, has compelled watchfuluess, and created justifiable fuspicion. Nor can we, consistently with our duty t other countries with whom we are in connection, or With a proper care of our own pod tion and interests, permil that complete abenrption and witi mate ulation It the States of the Wertern World which ume Gf Amerca’s meet famous aml accredited stalermen contemplate as the legitimate ajert of the misciom of the United Slates. Vf Mr. Vailas have power, and possons ability and temper, to eettlo the creat anil yoxed ques tions to which the progressive expans|on of his country has given rise, 60 as to prevent war now and for years to come, and go to obtain, througli the v #« of the American people, the recognition of some principles founded in reason and justice, by which that expansion shall be gov erned—for proceed, We are aware, it will and mast in rome shape, and under rome conditions—we, for one, shall be cumbent to accepd much & consummation in exchange Sow the great comcessiom which the crown of Great Britain has “yrtet made to the Cabined of President Perce [From the London Star Jare 17.) Fler Majesty "s Ministers have followed the better part of valor, which, is discretion, fn the decision they have ad Terpectivg our relations withy the United States. Lord Palmerston stated last night, amid the cheers of a ommons, that the government *ty to suspend communications ‘hited States in this country; in Janguage, that Mr- Dailas is not to be diemiseed. We aro quite willitg to give them credit for having been actuateu in this matter by motives of jurtice and patriotivm. Still, there ie no harm in stat ing the fact, which we believe is unquestionabie, that if they had come to the opposive conclusion they would have been defeated on Mr. Baillie’s motion, and must have surrendered the reins of power into other hands, Be that as it may, Wwe earnestly con gratulate the nation on the issuo, for it has for the present, at ieast, divpeliod a cloud, big with elements of terror and detroction, and which was gradually overspreading the horizon. ‘It will, no doubt, require eminent wisdom and mutual forbearance on the part of the negotiaturs to extricate the two coun tries without collision out of the meshes of the Central American difficulty. But from al] that wo have heard of der. Dallae, le eocms possessed of very signal quaiifca tions, both personal’ and political, for the delicate task committed to him by hie gov uit. Nor is it possible te aoubt that Lord Clarendon will feel # to be an object worthy of his highest and mort honorable ambition that the eame hand whieh signed the treaty of peace, closing the terribie desola’ a Borepean war, should sign euch a convention with the United States ax will save ax from the still more dreadfW calamity of a war with America. . . * . . ‘There ie another useful revelation that has come ont of this bueiness, and that is, that the bluster of our so-catted leading journals is of extremely small significance or aa. thority. A few days ago we ced some specimens of the literary thunder that bad been directed againet the Uni ted States for the last few months. The Americans were warned in the most explicit language of the eurmary ve wee that would fall upon them, if they dared to jer any indignity to the accredited Ambassador of Eng land. Mr. Crampton was represented as a epotiew: inno. cent, on whose transparent veracity and virvue not the shadow (fan impotation ehould be allowed to rest, a man proud in (he coveciousness of untinpeachable mtegritg — Whe no fear, for he knew po ein. Bot look #t the columne of those papers yesterday, when they knew or svepected What the government was not going to rend Mr. Dallae away. It is realiy edify! wo ogg how meekly they proparg to oat their leek. For they regret to be obliged to acknowledge , Crampton was nota very discreet quite fit for his position, and that certainly Pity to gow war with our dear euch ap issue! And we trust that this ‘out its effect on the other side of the ple of the United States will believe Bravado in which it is the pleasure of dulge ix mere empty babble, «full of sown fying Ds . the they bi on mu fizz and explode, dod’ let them be in- § F eS = ES Fa 5 it not H SEB EEE: FEE a of ordinately alarmed, for the end come. the London Times, June te Her Majesty’s Ministers, considering that govern- ment of the United States bad an undoubted right to dis- mise Mr. Crampton and the three Consuls, if they had reasons of their own tor doing so, have discreetly availed themselves of the -ame liberty not to dismiss Mr. Dallas. ‘The American government, after long deliberation, has a half measure, and, as far as @ positive act could be qualified by any amount of verbal assurances and invitations, they have qualified their dismissal of Mr. Crampton, They bave dismissed the Minister, and ex- pressed themselves entirely satisfied with the explanations of the government which sent him out, which gave him the instructions that led to the present Ree result, which sent their directions to him throughout, and which declined to recall him when requested to do so, It mols: te Vai $6 Bey that we can take these assurances in a simple Batural sense. It is not to be sy ed that the American government does entirely acquit us of blame in this ir, or see a distinct line between the government and the cou duct of the diplomatic agent. For the purpoves of con ciliation or diplomacy it aifects to consider our govern- ment blameless of the excesses charged on its Minister What ix @ concession to peace, even with a diplomatic guise and with a look of insincerity, is an important ele- ment of the crivix on which onr government has just been called to act. Could they with propriety send back the American Minister, when tue Ame! government had brought themselver to aver that they had on this point po quarrel with our goverrment, but only just canse for offence with its agent? Could they with propriety sus pend diplomatic intercourse with a government which ex pressed a strong desire to continue it, notwithstanding atleged provocation to the coutrary? At all events, could they not, without loss of honor, acsept the overtures of ‘peace made to soften a painful but inevitable act of offence? Undoubtedly the American goveruiment has carefully so put the matter that our dismissal of it» Minister would be more than a retaliation. It would be returning the blow and giving a deaf ear wo the mild tones that explained it. We were at Itberty either to interpret the hand by the voice or the voice by the band. Government hus taken the former alternai.ve, It is, after wll, the safer course. At this momeat it seems bardly the course that might have been expected from a State that tad just concluded an honorable peace, alter aranguitary War with the greatest military powar ia the world. But even with that power three short years ago we were parley ing in a Way that gave little indication of what was to follow. We held ourselves then the more free to act as we might think right, because we knew ourselves we were prepared for the worst. Doubtless a full confidence in the courage and resolution of the coun- try hax contributed to the pacific choice of our govern- ment. It rightly judges that we can afford to yield, if we cap do £0 without po itive dishonor, In both Houses it will be observed that the explana- ions of her Majesty’s Ministers are limited to the more immediate question pressed upon them by the dismissal of our Minister. That ix the first thing to be con-idered —whe'h:r or not we shall continue diplomatic relations witb the United states through the medium of the gen- tieman bow representing that government at our court’ Nenher Lord Ciarendon nor Lora Palmerston says a word on the subject ot Central America, really at the bottom of the whole affair. They make no allusion t Mr. Marcy's refusal of arbitretion on the sense /f the treaty, and oiler of a reterenee to a scientific authority on some’ questions of fact. Lord Peimerston, indeed, assures us that nothing more is intended by the stight addition to our naval force in that part of the world than to protect British properts and subjects, and to prevent needless collision, We shall not, therefore, go into that matter, except just so much as to express our conviction that, 4 not the United States government come to the conclu-ion that it was ex; edient to get rid of the Clayton-Bulw r treaty un one Way or another, and clear that fleld for po litical operation s, we should never Rave heard a syllaale of the recruiting question. It is evident that the Uvited States government {s Lot very pressing for an immediate solution of the Central American difficulty, considering that just now thiugs are gcing on favorably for its inve- rests. The rcruiting quests, however, had ripened to a critical maturity, and could not be mony gd In this re American President has, perhaps, taken the mildest course that remained, short of giving tt up altogether. No dowbt, be could hardly have done that without damaging himelf and his friends very © n- siderably with his people and of course it is not w be ex that an American President should make « martyr of himself for the peace ofthe world, still less for oy Consideration to the feelings of England. in saying that the United States government has adopted abalf measure, and that our government has met it more than half way—in adiitting that both sides has a right to do what they have done—the one without giving offence, the other without loss of honor—we do not for one moment biink the fact that the result, se far, is anything but fat- tering to the pride of this country. If there are any people in the Cuited States capable of gratitication at the tact, we certainly have been touched in our honor, aud we submit with as much grace as we can to whatall feel an insult, We have no disposition to slur over that fuct for we are not without hope that the Britich people will be rather less liable w this species of annoyance tor the future. We do not think the people of England will henceforth sit by so quietly while peo- ceedings to which they have the gravest ojection. and pegotiations of which they have utter distrust, are going on, nobody knows how, under the shield of the Royal prerogative. The hovor’ of England can hardly be said to be wn its own keeping. when month after month its ee ask, and ask in vain, what bas been done, what complaints have been received from other govern ments, what answers have been sent, what is the present -tate of the quarrel, and what its probable conclusion Throughout the whole of this recruiting affair, and the corre-pondence arising out of it, the British public has cnly known the #teps taken by its own government when the American government had already acted upon them. We adhere to our opinion. that the American government has not acted with common generosity jo this affair.and that its pretence of lase , of effepee against its territerial sovereignty, is simply got up fur the occasion. Never. theless, the common sense of this country would got have allowed Mr. Crampton to go on, week after week. plunging deeper into « diflleulty, at the very moment when there wae nothing the American government so earnestly wanted for Central American purposes. Often and often indeed has the Britich people been plunged iuto war or forced to humiliation before they knew what it was all a®out, and by men whose naines had hardly reached them. We cannot but think that the time is going by for this sort of work. At least, if England makes pe effort to stop it after the present affair, un de- serves the consequences. [From the same paper.) We believe that her Majesty's government has antcipa ted the opinion of the country in deciding net to pat a hortile Interpretation on the dixmissal of Mr. Crampton, or to make that step a ground for breaking off all dipho- matic communication with the United States. The reason of this resolution ix not diffieult to gather. Although ae: companied by the highest expressions of courte:y and respect from the United States government, by au entire acquital of our own government of all cencorn in tus ground of offence taken against Mr. Crampton, and by the concession on the Central American question involved in the willingness to entertain our offer of tration, which has hitherto been summarily rejected, the dicmissal of an ambassador could sull be re arded in no other tian a hostile axpect, were it not for D eight of the facts and argumeuts bearing upon the official conduct of Mr. Crampton himself in this «Tair. For ourselves, while exculpating, as Mr. Marcy dogs in his letter, our own government from the charge of in tending 10 violate the United States law, we have all ig felg that it was impossible to answer for what the a a individual official in a complicated and distant tanenction might have been. It appears from Mr. Mar ey’s deopateh that Mr. Crampton has not been whoily faultless; that be certainly seems to have taken an ac tive part in proceediug® which wore pronounced illegal by the United states Courts; and, what is still more un jortunate, persieted in continuing those proceedings oven after this decision againet them, We do not doubt Mr. Crampton’s fidelity, seal, and activity im the task which was givon him, but he aptears to have wanted caution and dignity, and not to have been considerate or particular evengh in the means and the instruments which he employed for his object. We do net undervalue social and conversational talents in an ambessador, the ready and good humored wit which caa ck om hia countey with 1 or etinging him. rave becnuse he may be a plenipotentiary, he may be a Minister at a foreign court and hive tatnirs to transact. There are capacities which are useful withovt bearing immediately upon the «woject ofa man's mussion. Fun is a conciliatory thing, an! a good ovtured talker has not only the means of producing that first favorable impression which is «0 ad. vantageous In @ foreign country, but is in por session of a continual help to’ dispersing diff enlties, smoothing frowns and parryiug avsauite. Bet he has his dangers. Itmay safely and with perfect crtainty be seid that ao Atobassador ought not to talk too Mmuch—sor this reason, tuat one of bis principal duties is observation, and the instant a man talks too much he ob- serves too litte, A Minister in a foreign couutry is eur rounded by latent punetilios, prejudices, expectations, et: juettc and rights. political and social, whieh do not come to Light or make themselves visible exeapt to observation, wut which, at the same time, tis most dangerous not to ee and to stumble against. Aman who has eyes about him and observes, whois ever on the wated for id sand egns of the mind and temper of those with om he has to deal, finds out a difficulty before he knocks gaint it. indeet, may be a very good fellow in his way, but yetematically observant, gets himeelf into a moss wot habitually ances are that if Against some brist ing pre bad never a glimpse 4 Ul that moment. We do not doubt in the eet Mr Crampton s fathful devotion to hie owe goy: fF ment and good intentions towards the government to hich he was sent. But there ie such a thing a carehose and undisciplined fidelity, which tells ite mamter, © Oh), trust me; Tknow what you want, and Pit do it, and won't be particunr either.”’ There is a fidelity to a mas- ter which implics too litde eelf- respect in the servant. Mr Crampton appears to have wanted self-respet in_ the kind of persone with whom he connected himself in thes trenenetions and the style of proceeding be adopted, and to have managed the affair on a free and easy prin’ iple, never intending, perhaps, really to offead the United States government or to violate the United States law, bat simply thinking that ft “didn’t signify,”’ that it was no wee stteking at @ trifle, and Mat the tel Atates gor ernment would never make a fuse about such a little mat er. But this Was a line onfortunately most onenitable for dealing with @ jealous agg ticklich people like our friands orroes the Atantc, moe tender about their dignity, and on the Jook out for the slightert indication of t epee of behaviour towards themselves and Buropean goy- ernments Mr. Crompton wae certainly not the man to seni ae Minister vo the United Statga, But tue yruth Js, the Uni- aay ie to get the man ¥ a | rit to the “proper man, teke it. Be does ote om Euro- Pean gociv'y, taste refine himself among a nee and rather rude people, who canpet abstain from cudgelling elr own Senate hone, and whose ways its are very dif. ferent from ours. Diplomatists are not adventurers; their character {s rather the reverse of the adveuturot character. They are the children of civilization and ¢4- tablished order—the disciples of system, manners and etiquette. ‘They prefer Vienna or Berita emt my on the same Principle that they prefer the so- ciety Europe to the of the wots, The diy is a delicate 3 he does not like rough handling; he likes the smooth of decorous cere-* monial and oily words, intercepting dist and acting as ab lafelithe eee Seer es Or a rae of human passion and petulenco, ver, diplomatists,, like eoldiers, sailors, clergymen, lawyers, and, fev be- H 6 lieve, most other professions, e pl the: United States embassy, a8 & com| ely neve” | creation, lies out of the regular of embassy tion, We donot see why these defects in the Uxiiod States. embassy should not be remedied, as far as they can be. We cannot make Ameriza Europe, or contrive: any other way to the United States than across the At-~ lantic. Nor can we muke a new state of society an old one. But we can, by an arrangement of our own, raiso~ , | the United States ‘embassy to a higher rank, and bring i withia the circle of promotion. The rank of an embassy ought to reflect in some degree the of the country to which it ix attached; States rise in wealth, population, and political importance; | it becomes more und more necessary to secure the vices of able men as ambassadors there. . The French Journals on American Affairs, La Gazette de France, wnder date of the 13th June, after stating on ths autbority of a New York paper thax n Spanish fleet was to assist the repablic of Costa Rica against Nicaragua, says that the Cimstitition-, nel believes Itself authorized to give the lie to this news, "> and thinks that the American papers speak ouly of it because they wish itto be realized. The Constituionnes continues in these words—“One could find tm am inter: vention in favor of the adversaries of Walker, a pretexs for declaring war against Spain, and for ‘possession ted island of Cuba. The Spanish gov- aware of this snare, which is apparent ernment is we to everybody; and whatever resolution she may come to, she will, without any doupt, act with full knowledge of r the matter. Perhaps, after is rumor has only iy to the difference which exists between Spain and Mexico, The pretty warlike language of the Minister for the In- terior was calculated to make itappear in Ameri¢a) that in the midst of the Spanish nation, existed a desire for a foreign war, which waited only for occasion to burst forth.. In this case, we kre conv, uced, people haye been de.. ceived Jj The Constitutionnel, etter having given the histery of the: revolutions which have agitated Mexico, and after exam- >, ) ini’ g the sad condition in which the Mexican government finds {tself placed, iu face of the dilemma, being entirely: dependent upon the army, and uever being permitted tor count upon it, comes at last to present, as the only possi- bie and desirable solution, to put Spain again Jn posses sion of that olt colony which was so flourishing ler the: administration of the mother country, and would become stil more so now, when the Spanish government profess- es more liberal principles in matters of navigation and commerce. The article concludes thus:—‘But can any one delude himself on this subject? Alas! bo: and no alternative Is Jeft to Mexico but that of being absorbed by the American Union, to say nothing of being obiiged to undergo foreign oppression, which will not be the less implacable nor Jest heavy although it take the parliamentary cloak, and be called majority? spain, im the quarrel just broken meets the United States behind Mexico; she will, without any doubt, do ail that may be compatible with her honor, in order to avoid the war, and furnish the United States with no pretext jor satisfying @ covetousness they do not even attempt to diseimulate.’”” (From Le Siecle June 13.} Lord Clarendon declared in the sitting of the 10th, in contradiction with the despatches, which, at every mo- ment, are arriving, that at the date of news Mr. Crampton had not received his passports. If the thet ia true, for which we cannot be responsible, there would. be @ proof that thie time, as usual, the American peo- le, who do not always Bnow how to abstain from vio- ynt language. fecl, wi nal ir is ay Matees Aad seoticniine arms bate saniee” AR wed, wherefore should the Cnited States precipitate theniselves into a war with Great Britain? we were rtill in year 1817—at that epoch when. Count Pozzo di Borgo proposed to the Continental Pow- ers a crusade against North America— ‘the perpetual: focus of revolutionsry ideas,” we wey understand that, out of legitimate pride, the Ut States wanted f tho ge! go- to prove, by accepting the struggle against their independence to be above all attempts of vernments of the Old World. But today, when no- body contests, and still less threatens, that - ence, so dear to all who wish that liberty, in its most expansive form, may have an inviolable asylum on. earth—to-day, when the American Union is ti and admitted ‘as a great Power, and when she keops far from congresses and political alliances only because it suits her to do to, war would not have any motive of national dignity—of that dignity to which we very well understana political interests are submitted, There- fore, interruption of diplomatic relations would not bo~ for Us @ sign of war being unavoidable. National dig- nity being safe, there is in the Anglo-American differ- ence bothing that would bot be susceptible of being: sasly grranged. In the enlistment question, England felt herself powerful and bonorabie,enough not to hesitate to give alti ratisfaction which can be demanded amongst mea of: honor as well as amongst nations. There 4 no longer apy ferious motive for war. As to Central America, there prevails a kind of mirage which cannot but disap- pear ip epe way cr in avother. let us suppose, the Cnited States, directly or by the interposition of others, should take possession of the Isthmus of Panama; they could not arrogate to them- felves the monopoly of the passage through this bum which is the cirect row between Burope and Ada. the supposition be inverted, and the English, by what- ever combination, become the masters of the Isthmus, the whole world would, if necessary, rise for forcing: them to leave that paesage free for ail nations. The question of neut the Isthmus Is, like that of the rights of neutrals, a question whieh it tx'no longer permitted to anybody to decide against the will and the general interest of civilization, A war for arriving at @ solution everybody wishes, and which nobody is strong enough to refuse, even if he did not wish it, would ber fomethipg more than aa iaiquitous war—it would be am just and absvrd one. esas ot gn amen 0 Se ee side of the Atlantic ray shat Europe must not be allowed to oppose: the expansive force of the United States. These are bigr words, calculated to conceal a project which the majorit of the American Toject, as Koon AS It shows seit openly—the project of conquering territories which aro proy for the extension of slavery, and thereby are tending to ettabli-h the domination of the Mouth over the Dorth—a domination that, by the way, would be ae larly facilitated by the annexation of tral A! Let the slave States take care : there is already accord- ing to the New York Hexatp of 28th May, a inning of civil war in reference t Kanzas, and would: soon become aware of the separation ee ' importance asa threat than as a fuct. A million of cotton bales ——— is the production in the name of which the Southern States think t explain and Justify all, Algeria can some years hence produce a mil- lion of bales of cotton without slaves, and then * ¢ © Put, pressed by time and «pace, we wish only to point to the principal motives whith make us hope that peace ‘Will not be interrupted between two great and free na- tions fg These motives, although not developed, present a force Which cannot but strike reflective minds. No, not- withstanding ro Many appearances to be regreted, war Will not break out. The government of Mr. Perce is too near the end of its legal term to be permitted to precipitate his country into a war, which could not be supported for some timo the United States but by means of privateers, whose abolition has jeet been saluted as one of the most peab instances of prog. ccs in international policy, Movements of the British North Amert. The London Times of Juae 17th says —Her ‘e ship Nile, 91, Captain Mundy, left spithead sfternoce und steam and eal for Laney Ge steamship Taurus, Capt. George R. 1 re. cently taken up for the traneport service ef gorernmen, and numbered 23, arrived at Woolwich yesterday morn- ing from Liverpool, for the immediate shipment of shot and ammunition for Quebec and Halifax. The storing of the magazi ich is to be as epacioas as the accommo- ion Of the ship will admit, is to be commenced forth- with, and during the interim the embarkation of gun car- Tinges, shot, and tower stores, bedding, &e., will be car- ried out, when she will be moored in the transfer of the ammunition which is deposited im the float ing magazines, and she will most tea before the end of the month. The entire steam squadron railed from Falmouth om Friday, the following onder sealed orders, vie —Impe- rieuse, 61, Captein Wateon, C. B., with the Vietor, Ring» dove and Intrepid, double furmel despatch boats, and the: others on a cruise, comprising the Wanderer, Pioneor,, Mohawk and Lapwing, fingle funnel despatch boata, and the Starling, Dri Beaver and Jan gunboats. ‘There vessels bad all been fully swred and provisioned? ‘or sea. The Engenie, sailing transport, left Liverpool for Corks © Sunday. At Cork she will embark troups of the liae nd sail for Halifax. The London News, of Jane 16, saye:—We are enadled to state that Were is no truth whatever im the report thay Hy inerease of our naval force on the North American ‘tation has either been made or is at present contem- ly been ordered out: r will eimply ‘nfit for longer service. The most stringent €, we believe. from the Admiralty to Admiral anehawe wo # om his part ang that of the British. @ptaing under his command any colli<ion with the naval’ forces of the United States. A .eompetent British aqua- cron hae however, heen ordered to Greytown, whore the United States government has lately despatched three | of those large sbips of war which the Amerjeane eail ft- gates. The Londam Times, of Janne 18, rey The vesee! African arrived yesterday morning of Weotwick dockyard, and landed a cutter lifeboat, 28 feet ia — which has been lately buiit at Sheerness, on an system: itis said to be impossible to capsise i, Aw Ameriran metallic patent boat, on a similar principle, hos been recently received at Woolwich. It is ‘intended: shortly to put theee boats through a course of trial im cre os Y aanate the Lords of Admiralty and the naval autl ye dookyarda, #0 thelr freien " pape ws ‘he screw steamship Assietance is undergoing r at Liverpool, whence abe will proceed (i troope to Cabada. sth = : The crew of the paddlewheel steamsioop Vi ‘were paid wages at uth on é wry y J for thy fA ~ dos aren 1 Majerty's screw el Haricr, 1 rina, will be undocked thie morning ‘at Porta@aoushy,