The New York Herald Newspaper, July 4, 1856, Page 2

Hl q itt ED 1 te 2) 3 i phys those delicious tileties du sovr, all with Deptiomal veils, were allassembied, the effect of this light wap euchaul But ~ ume Prince Imperal en ‘The Card’ rose, and the the floor, was prosented raised it in bis arms amid Legate of all, it uttered a jor Bve cry, which attracted exclamation indicative of human sympathy. chureb, to J. Poy and Empress and the entered with a fanfaronade of trempets. Legate received them. ill the con- from the roof was one vast mass of bumap be- im their habits of ceremony. The font, and as the deathiess »\- imperial , loud, sharp, but still plain. sympathy of all present. Every one helped to break the silence, and make some The Empo- ror em.ljed, and the Empress, spite of the solemnity, Deut 3 ; the the De H i great book of state. bead over the little one. n took place the attestation, the Emperor doing so Princess Mathilde and the ofher princesses same, maga ficently saluting their Majesties, as, Defore them with their superb trains, upheld by retainers, they proceeded to the des where lay the The baptism over, the equerry exclaimed: Pive le i 2? The congregation caught it up, and Jmperiat @echurch from all points rang with the glorious ory. were in tears. The words were caught up, and - express!y composed for this occasion was chanted By the whole choir, with the words: * Vive Bmpereur! es) Vire le Prince Imperial.” ave not time for another word. 'y te ‘= «¢ House of Lords on 16th of June, the Earlot Dersy ‘@aid—Jn expectation, which was not an unreasonable ‘ope, censidering the question put by me 1 the noble ear! ite at the last meeting of this House, and the reply to me, that ber Majesty's government would take consideration the cow ree moment in expectation that the noble earl would not fo be very anxious. apeeinest on the subject, but It ts impossible to overate the im- portant position mn which we at present stand, or the ser.ous b= pommel that rests upon her Majesty's government regard to the advice we to the course to be pursue! they ~~ give to the Crown huder these circum: tances. | should have thougbt that the noble earl would Bet have reqwred me to put bim this question—namely, whether the government have, since the House last n come to any conclusion as to the course they would ad: t, ‘vine ber Majesty to pursue, and whether they are pre- pared to state to the House ‘The Ear! of CLannepox.—As I stated on the last day of House stiting, it is the intention of her Majesty's cov ‘what that course is? t 10 lay before your lordships at the earlicet period @e papers which have been communicated t) as. before the Senate, and are papers bave since been lai Thore Bow in the possession of the people of this country. They ‘ere at prevent ‘n the printer's hands and they w.!| be laid Before your lordehips as soon as the answers to the last bave been returned. Your lordsh.ps mast be will require ere not yet prepared that! fhe nodie cari Links I cug! of ber Majesty's guy ane and anxiety on the part ofthe pec with respect to our relations with Amer do not bevitate to \nform ar lordinips, the country Majesty's overument to (Loud cheers.) ‘with ihe Univd States. The Earl of y¥—lo would be extremely premature to enter ‘nto y reywice at the en sive upon the subject; but Beuncement which has bee Pejoice for this reason, because, a Be course pursued by the 1 taken, and the conduct under whose authority be ve that it is mpossibi uursued by our 4 did not tale th ht to have takes tis the ernment w of this counury 4 aad I thereture your lurdships, and wy ‘that it is mot th uspend diplo pate the absence of the paper I persona: yA mate for vs to vindicate the #te acted: and, believing that tee government, ye et et and Whose United States government have a just cause of complaint A ene I rejoice nat her Majesty's government, by Sequiescing in the withdrawal of Mr. Crampton and the Consus, have sanctioned the opinion that America had a cause of complaint against this country 'n this mat At the present mome @necion of the merits of the cause, @at we bave acknowletged our dowbied!y we have done Ko ust say \s bumillaung on bent m—pamely, the pot I rejoice, how error, although un- ae Twill » he part of this country emoval by the arthorit enter into a di r, submitting to that which to of Abe United States of the Minuter of this country, (Hoar, bear) The Ear! of CLanutox —The noble earl has stated that ® would be premature to cnter ussion. He eertuit!7 has not entered into B apon the Merits of ihe subject, Dut he pronounced a most posiuve Judgement op the cour ursued by her Majesty's go- vernment. (Hear, bear.) I cap on peal your Berdships, and through your lordships, w the Bot w juin the nobie wa vers.) . The Lar! of Dew to etate tbat | ba formed Bours Im the House of ¢ y 4 J. Reem, who spoke was very indistinctly b the Boure of Commons Spx the inet remain wabout asking the g Qo the perition in whi). we Wo the |b tet States of Americe erpmne @ccording to all former pract ions going on the go therm—that, turing he vice 4) raise anything brt the question now carried declared that laratiens, terms of amity with this cou! @ second question, which watjeet of negotiation betw ot Mate with hor Mejesty'® gov derencs which pow rxiet, mw potwia iw great detail, they b to seme of them, an ar? weed vot ak for ar ‘other of ub. nowt davernesesbire (Mr. Baik ten to bring the reer on Thursday pext. is uy ec mmons on the 16th of Jun Be that the House resvive itself into Committee of ih ir that he would be Mcouvenient to the pu nt varions States of Cox 64 Geir willirgners to enter into Cirect communi vnment upon any points ¢ y expianat tions, My 1 lo prejudging we quest my julgment (rom the paper m: at Present stand with would righ! ¢ Hone would ie iance of those pe cont a dia ere resembling is whether ar De any negotiaions with jhe United States govern ween the two countries on by bim, and the they can us myer with bin © Cot » continue with rogar has ven th yd. hawng gone throngh pave deckered that, with rew um may rightly be admitted —In answer to the noble ovrl, I beg 0 sbed apd laid oo the table of tus ) mm the ” Went or noty Ths eate of fhets, I conorive, to be tha Breryat hes have been recetved by her Maj »sty’s ge men. de 4, according to the explanations dew b of Parliament. that with respect to th on of recroutment the govern tot the Cuited States Gre satintied with ihe explanations of her Majesty's guv ernment, to the effect that they bad uo inteution what ever of violating the law: of the United States, an heey had heard with great regret that anything w oustrued jute violation of thove laws conil be hem. The question f reer etobeatanend. (Hear, hear) Bs nited State, net giving the sam hich they have given to h ik that be t hae by t at t mn can, tions, and nm wo 1 with regard to one oF y rond the member for ) has gee notice of bis int mn quesvor Lofore tse House bou.member should thing » per to bring that question forward, and {the danse si entertain it, then any member of th's House, and 1 among the fest, may declare our ojtuions om, that ques thon th respect to the 6 Gnestion—tbat felaiing to Central America—the real poirt ia whe ther pe gotis st be cntered into or fiued On fat supject. Ifnegotiations wore to be broken ff, No doubt it would be nocossary to briug that q a expect fom ment ation is now to take plac ation, and T shonid a.s0 ea it would be nivst desirable tint Jon should take piace until her Majesty's ¢ at jear, hear.) Butt ne rian( poinig, ind Of the two greabqoestion jouse of Comme firet is whether, od Mir. Cram) Be Vat cove, ie two or thres «fany detatt of whe he inor! ought to reserve asthe American to coame bis rel intowiana of bee Denvaty 2 ge ¢ jurt alladed to, on which for eremultof the negotiations ub v: nications with the Minister of the however, there are no circumstances which lead them to that eonchision, then T should say that not only former ex- amples, but the present ular circumstances of this case, make it most desirable that they should accede to ibe ny of the government of the United States, and enter Into pegotiations upon any points of difference which, though not erious at the present time, may lead {o most serious results, (Hear, hear.) Wr lormer examples there are many, I , On this subject. There are cases in which voth France and Great Britain have found that the Ministers they have inted were not acceptable to the government of the States. There is the well known case in 1798 of "M. Genet, the Minister gent by the Republican Convention of France, who not Cy! fitted out privateers, and had the prizes brought to New York, aud thus violated the neutrality of the United States, but likewise in a most offensive and improper manner endeavored to raise seditions attempts against General Washington's government. Generai Wash- ington acting with that wisdom for which be was remarka- ble, and joining to it calmness and Srmness, which likewise formed part of bis character, in declaring to the French republic taat the conduct of M. Genet was intole- rable, and that he could not any longer be permitted to contunue as Minister to the United States, did not break of agente relations with France. General Washing- ton, through his Secretary of State, set forth the deta! of M. Genet’s conduct, and stated that bo was not accep- table to the American government. U this the French government disapproved the conduct of M. Genet, and recalled him, appointing another Sinister who might be acceptable to the ‘of the United States. ‘Thus the diplomatic relations of the two countries con- Unued umbroken. Again, in 1809, Mr. Jackson, the Min- ister for Great Britain, made bimself perzonally anaccep- table to the President of the United States, and he was in- formed that no further cemmunication could be held with bim. Mr. William Pinckney was then the American Minis- ter in London, and continued 0 without interruption, Mr. Madigon being President. In 1850, Mr. Poussin, French Minister in America, baying used language in one or more diplomatic notes which was considered disre spectful to the Secretary of State, Was sent his passports, but there was no interruption of amicable relations be: tween the two countries. Mr. Rush, the American Min- ister at Paris, was at the time en route to the United States, but lis successor, Mr. Rives, was received with- cut obstacle, and a new French Minister was sent to the United states, General Taylor being President. These exampies show that the disinissal of Mr. Dallas need not, accorcing to usage and international practice, immedi- ately follow the course pursued by the American govern- ment in respect © Mr. Crampton. I now come to the question in which negotiation is practicable. That question is one of very considerable diflcuity, being unyolved with ancient Obligations on the part of this country, and ancient and what we consider bonor- able relauons between us and certain tribes of In- diana op the coast of Central America, and being in volved, likewise, by various interpretations in respect to @ recent treaty. Ip regard to these matters, involving, as they do, most important consequences, it appears 10 me, from the hasty perusal I bave been able to wt ‘nm the newspapers of thie day, that Mr. Marcy has written & very dispasstonate despatch, maintaining, as he was sure © do in opening a ugotiation of that kind, ali the poriuions which the American government have hitherto maintained. Yet he seems to admit that each of them might be discussed, and to assent that these points, on which arbitranon would be useful, should be referred to arbitra ion. Now, it has been suggested that, though Mr. Dallas were to receive his passports, and ail diplomatic communication were to be suspended, yet that negotiation on all these various points might be carried on in some other place and by some ot mean. | capnot think that such a cource would be either befitting the dignity of this coantey or that it would tend w apy useful conciusi I capnot_think it Defitung the dignity of this ceuntry, because, ft ® are to negotiate with the United States, | bardly think {t would be right to commence au indirect ne- getetion, or what it ‘would conduce to any good end. If the negotiation ts to be carried on, I cannot con that it Dallas, a gentleman i the short time be could be beter carried on than by universally respected, has been liere. has d wil (hear, heer), and by the noble earl at the head of the Fo- feign Department, who 's acquainted with all the cir stances of the case. I hope, indeed, that he, who bas re- gned the treaty of Paris, will be the persov to to a termination these distressing ovcurrences. (Hear, bear.) With respect to the second point I alluded to, the present tate of aftuire in Contral Ameriea, j air toobserve that an accident might occur, a aught bappen on =eme unforeseen question or i expected place, which jou ly compromise the amicable relations of the two countries. We have hitherto had a question which bas roiled on for a long time, and for a great part of his century has been, as it were, ia abeyance, without apy active participauion of our arms cr of those of the United States in the dispute. The States of South America, so far from realizing the expectations of Mr. Canning, that he had created a new world t re- store the balance of the old, buve hardly been able to inain- tain order within their own limits. Still less bave they been conquests; nor has the stronger among them been able so completety to van- Guishs the weaker as to form any great and powerful =tate in Contral America. The State of Nicaragua, great aa her pretensions were to the denunion of the Mosquito coast, and \itte a# she regarded the obligatio bad descended to her in consequence our for. th Spain, has not been able either to fx the Mosquito coast or to overcome that us Furopeans—Englishmen and others— the United State which bas been see now, bowover, of cousidera wh. mer treaties w herself wy of Va and citizens of ton against ancths er in the State of Nicaragua, and Fr eat K therefore pent (ps would think it their A property of British resi- Will be the course of her Maye contingency I bave no doubt duty to protect the persons an‘ dents in e i Icenoct wonder ther ve that they shi 0 & eufficient force uh the n= "hur. hood of Greytown for that purpose, Whether thy «ould think ft to interfere with respect ty Nicaragua ar town | know pot, but I think that itis & question which wo ought lo have gomo information, Tray ti more because th ports on this subject are very conficting. I saw in @ newapaper today that the chips of the United “tates were alowed wo carry men and even mitary stores, who, £o doubt, were going to swell the forces of Nicaragua. It seeuns to me that cuch a course would not be couelstent with respect which is due to the flag of the nd States. I have aco seen What Was Plated wo be a telegraphic des. pated wot Beet t uer Majesty's ship-of war Pury the habit of interfer ng with the ships mak.ag ot Greytown, and of overhauling them befure Some explanation, | have no bject, Det I think it is right hould be dice was | tions and from party in the Unite shoud igbt iv questons ehip Will rece ve suck orders that iby concert: aut that they will States 2 Central America, with their riv squavbles, w commit two great Ba tice with ‘rack pon the misfort tw he two or felt by everybody any serious qua between this er which wenld ar oth nations are ibealcwlal’e they are of such A patcre as no man in this country, hope no man in the Unite! States 4 contemph i the two cow dleplayed fa w settle from peace, ths cour preteaeions which m national benor ini, We om ton |: heeded from the go to hewr what By neble friend eo upon him a great reap. | Shan borwere We iwo ooucirgs, Lam gueypood Ua) jt we of this wall tereste of this cout ° ! eva for a long period to come of the fe was amty b tween ue and the UnRed Mates. (Hear) 1 thot after former negotiations Dew q icehons ha between the two contri, | have been very grieved to see thet, although the question 4 re tern bewmiary tine gad the quention of tie Curcune amicably ar ek ifdily wetted by dipkom tern won edly arone, from which ot was Rough 6 cren « ~ E government an io rear to our present position with the United States. ln ond, Bie, Se benetle By any) . par teste ye bye a. ae toalow 6 to ithout: Howe on ol our eoneen on This gubfect. (Hear, beer) it is un- Becessary for me to enter inte any explanation Lowey er i tions having been presented to Congress, and already ford published in the every ble member is as fully ip Pestana othe as is the annkieneet see Mayes 'o lay them upon the table of Dim, in consequence of whic! that intimation did not go to diplomatic relations; but, on pied, im another despatch, b; tiplomatie | another intercourse Upon her ty» government, duly considering Hay oh of the matter, and attend considerations upon which my noble friend have not deemed it their duty to advise her Majesty to suspend diplomatic intercourse with the American Mi- nister at this court. (Cheers.) We are, therefore, pre- 1 again to enter into communieations with bim upon any matters which concern the interests of these two great countries, think the House will fee) that 1 am best performing my duty by abstaining on the present occa- sion from entering into any discussion be, this answer to the question. (Hear, hear.) My noble friend has, however, expressed a hope that the instructions which her Majesty s government have given to the naval force which was mcently despatched from this country t the coastof America are not such as are likely bring about any unnecessary collision between the Awerican and British squadrong. ‘Sir, J can assure my noble friend, Tcan assure the House, that it is the anxions desire of her Majesty’s government to ayoid which might bring about such a collision ; instructions which have been given to mander of that force relate to the protection of British interests, of British subjects and of British property; and that there is nouling in those instructions which would tend to a collision between the British and Amet forces. (Cheers.) We certainly did think it right, considering the uncertain—uncertain ‘a8 it then undoubtedly was—position of our relations with that great naval Power, that our force in those seas should be placed in such a condition that it might pot be Kable to any occasional disasters. (Hear, hear.) We thought it right to be strong; but, being strong, we shall not be the aggressors. Upon that subject also—the ques- on about Central America—I am sure the House will pot at present wish me to go into any details. (fear, hear.) Iconcur with my noble friend in the opinions which he has 80 well expressed, to which I also gave expression on a former occasion, that it would be lamentable if two coun tries, which have so many juterests in common, should through the perverseness of any man, be brought into a state Lepr eny | with each other. With regard w the conduct of her ety’s government, I think I may be permitted to say that, se, on the one hand, this country ‘was pever in a better position to carry on war f war were forced upon us, that very straight aad that very cn ot which 'we may boast is also a reason wh without derogation from our dignity, act wi s@, with moderation, and with due de!beration upon a matter of such great importance as oue which bears upon the relations between this empire and any foreign country whatever, more especially one between which and ourselves there are so many causes of union and so many mutual interests as between Great Britain ‘and the United States of America. (Cheers. Mr. Desnazi.—The frequent recurrence of questions of this kind—of misunderstandings in our relations with the United States—must impress upon every gentleman the expediency of treating them with the utmost moderatun, and in a spirit of the utmost forbear: ‘Ths noble iord who has just ac dressed the House has touched very ly indeed upon the imtmediate cause of the ret rement of ler Majesty's Minister from Washington. | was glad wo be reminded by the noble lerd that, in so far as the govern- ment of the United States was concerned, that could not be looked upon ar & complete rupture of diplomatic rela. tions. Buti couki net help feeling tat it was my duty at this moment to say that, allhough the govern- ment of the United States bas drawn a distinc- on between the conduct of Mr. Crampton and the conduct of her Majesty’s governmert, I trust the House of Commons will not follow thatexample. (Cheers. glad to hear that the noble lord did not by bi sanction thie distinction. J am perfectly willing to accept as thas been expressed the statement of bir, Marcy—that, so far as Her Majesty's government is concerned, the fo- yernment of the United Sates is completely’ satisfied with the explanation a the conduct of Mr. Crampton, and that of Her sula, with regard to the rex but T am quite sure that the House will not adopt the distinction which the United States government has made upon that subject. It will bold Her Majesty's government responsivie, and wiil not in a moment cf ex treme difficulty, if not of per!l, announce to this country to Furope, and to America that the House of Commons is prepared to say that ber Majesty's Minister at Washing ton—an ud! vidual whe, at all events, auempted to do bs duty to his covereign and to his country, and who has apparently acted epon the instructions of bis superiors— is to be made the sowpegoat of diplomatic sins. (lear, bear.) | have expressed myself ill if I have seemed to offer any op.pion upon the conduct of the government. ‘This is pot the occasion on which I would express such an opinion, but ] wish to guard myself agauust being suppos ed to accept without demur the distincuon which the Uni ted States government bas made between the conduct of Mr. Crampton and that of ber Majes. ty's government in this matter. I must distinguish between the two questions which have #0 inuch \uterested thie country Following the exampie of the noble lord (Palmerston), | am not About to enter into @ discussion upon cither of these gud. jects; b erstanding of the opi niou® \ , be allowed to make om oF {wo observation vor may bo ite ultimate ie sion upon these questions, I wish that the Bouse of Gom mous would take this opportunity of inquiring calinly what is the cause of theve pain! d frequently recur ing misunderstandings with a county between which and ourselves there ought to be such Constant sympathy euch cordial ia umpovaible to suppose that the recruitin; in which itwas el, « p+ la.ly after the apologies vibich were offered by the go. vernment, can really be the cause of the misunderstand ing Which baa unbapplly occurred. 1] want to know why nited States govermment, even adn their * ve a good one, Ss 80 prompt, not to insist spon immediate roparation, it well if We wke this opportanity—I do pot mean this evening, but ro these groat questions are settiod—of armving at some definite resalt upon this po.nt. It would be wise if England would at last recognize that the great countries of Europe, ave a right to havea poucy ery he papers whieh have been laid upon the of the House that the American Minister who is here menoed bes comnun.cation with her Majesty 's g: by saying that be thought it right to announce tt Provident had adopted ott ihe as tue ation of his sys f government. Now, str, the roe doctrive 1s h, with great respect to the of the United States, is not, in my optaion the age in which we The iner n the ps of communication between Furope and America hove made cue great family of the governments of wold, and that system of government which, 4 of’ enlarging, would restrict the diplor those two quarters of th me betw : t# not adopted to this age “a system © mab ing that obecrvation, however, 1 woukl say would be wite in England not to repard with the exur «y with which ebe has hitherto looked upen it, any tory of the United States beyond the orginally Gsed wt. 1 by hat * net a peed policy whirh is founded om th that rd with extreme jealousy alled eporit ef the United “tates hear.) t ded by Lord Achnar ton was one Of U art that hor been performed .o modern th «countr r hear), that it w und and iveral Peucy, apd that thove who oppees 't are the supp: reers a joley ¥ tick garded by the government of the hte States hortiie i the legiimate develope met or thew power. (Hear, hear.) Moreover, far per. ronded that (to the belief on the part of tf ted : that the British government ‘* animuted by he ntiment beir regaed whieh het etered the tecling thet Loe rized upon We enlivunent questi as @ pean of expreseing their Aisaatisfaction and distr. Ticar bear) fi ® through go desire to introduce con- wv " tone the present occacion tt ven ture offer thete remarks, (hear, bear,) bot «imply be. ause i ach to remind he }iowse that such is the tee — which pre n America (hear); and that, i! it © al. tayt to de preverd open Engiand that eho w 'o regard ty expenrion of the United Bates ag an at detrimen tai to her \nierest and hostile Wo ber power, we shai! be " A prevent ¢xpacvion b wif involve ‘= 9 of the mort disatroug remember what evireme ‘ yo w years ago in thie Howe in conse. a Oni fornia by the United States. Dt bin was looked forward to and one from f ace ate nyated “ y of woe vie the iby of ‘ he ew ¢ qneetion which, ay be ae ome! consequences, Cort wt Vie - # abayt Bawering W aan of oe nation or grateful to the feclings of aay Majesty’s subjects. (Hear, tw> points to which the indebted for this disci ferred. For my own part, with regard to the the distrust which prevails in whicb has its origin in the con this country is hostile to the ye their power. It is my opinion all that Ar =e 8 EJ bo expen oe may obtain, i either to Europe im general or to England (hear,) and that it is the business of a statesman nise the necessity of an increase in her power, same time to make her understand that she t sEge i fF i E tl 2 E eel BLE ~Z = e2 SE and by wing huy destiny to be regulated b; same high princi of policy which all nations which have Fonee ; plish have invariably recognized. Mr. A 't Despatches Re- aan ie cetved in England. (From the London Times, June 16.) therefore, the matter rests. The question re- nt declares that no We certainly think his conduct far from pears o have acted mi erent lewily, oot - ciently appreciated the importance or of his mission. The blame, no uve, rests in a great measure on thoee who left such a man at a post evidently above his abilities, and who, when bis conduct bad in- volved him in difficulties, persisted in keeping him there until {t became a point of honor to maintain him. His dismissal now, however it may be worded, is an act which reflects on the government as well as himself, It only remains to consider bow such an act must be met. Insuch acase a government should not cer- tainly lose sight of its own dignity; nor yet, on the other hand, forget that the circumstances of an act may alter the manner in which we should receive it. No doubt, should our government decide on breaking off in tercourse with Mr. Dallas, they will be justified by usual practice on such occasions, But the American vernment has, in addition to expressions of good will, which greatly diminish the significance of their act, made what we must consider great concessions on a subjest of much more intrinsic importance than the enlistment ueetion, and which may be considered an earnest of its fre which we ought not to disregard. Alter declaring throughout the whole controversy that its own view of the Central American question ad- mitted of no dispute, and that arbitration was inap- je in the case, it constitutes the Minister at this & plenipotentiary to arrange its matter, and gives im case ap understanding is not arrived at, the power of consenting to arbitration and naming an arbitrator, If, then, we dismiss Mr. Dallas, we commit ourselyes to an approval of a Minister whore coaduct it is impossible wholly to de- fend, and reject the friendly cpap of the United pe Rigg for as they are by offers of concession as regards the Central American difficulty which a week ago noone could have expected. On other hand, if we keep Mr. Dallas we pocket an affront, but at the «ame time take advantage of a conciliatory offer. The balance of benefits is for the consideration of our statesmen. It may, indeed, occur to every one that these unexpected powers conferred on Mr. Dallas may be only a bribe to Dl the Britishers more readily to,pass over the affront to Crampton, and when once the end is gained it will be casy to evade itlement, to raise difficulties, to interpose delays, to practice “‘a masterly inactivity” until another victory is gained. This is, indeed, quite pos- sible. But still ve no right to assume such a piece of double dealing; and by keeping Mr. Dallas here and ES x em. the american terms we at once bind the Washington Cabinet to its own admissions, that the sub- Ject is @ proper one for an immediate diplomatic arrange Ment, and, that failing forms a ft case for arbitration. ‘These are the considerations, for and against, by which Ministers will have to shape their course, and we look with confidence for a deciskn which, with a due regard to the national dignity, will be consistent with the pre servation of peace and good will with the United States. [From the London Post, June 17.) The public will have learned, from the explanations made last night in the House of Commons, that the Bri Urh government, anxious not to throw away by any act of theirs any chance of preserving the peace of the world and preventing the developegent into, wat of the ill foun xi quarrel forced upon os by the United States, have now determined to accep che position, pressed upon then by the government President Pierce, ard to acondle fo the retention Mr, Dallca # the Court of London as a Minister charged with the conduct of special negotiations and endowed with unusual discretionary powers. Our own opinions have, as our readers are , pointed rather in a contrary direction. We have entertained strong doubts of the policy, as well as the justice, of our way = ae soch an extent wo the pressure put upon us by the Cabinet of pressed ourselves in an ar- to the subject on Saturday last, ould be satisfied that the dismissal of Mr. Crampton s the result not so much of a determination deliberate taken and acted upon by the government of the United rh aud enfeeble the influence b) Slates to neutralize the prestige of England in the Western World, as the consequence of the ivr Wd a domestic political position personal to President Pierce. Looking at the events which have preceded these xnhappy differences, and weighing the comments which have been made upon them on the other side of the Atlantic, we felt ourselves driven, however unwillingly, to the adoption of the more unfavorable of the alternatives which offered themselves to us in solu to of the measures taken by America at this juncture, It is very difficult to gauge accurately the depth of pub Lic epunien country with 8 population and a govern ment like that of the United States, and we may have mr chended the nature and tender of the current which has been setting against the barriers of peace. It may be that the movement is stirred up by nothing more permanent or important than the demand for party cries on the eve ofa struggle for party axcendency; although itis scarcely credible that @ man at (he head of the hx ecutive of a great nation should be so |itde m.nded and so wocked as to hazard the © of the world for the sake of an election, or for the paltry object of placing out at large interest & political capital, if this be so, in #uch a state of things and such a eondition of political morality and public feeling be possible, as a consequence of her institutions, in a country becoming, as America js, every day more implicated im the concerns of Fr rope, the sooner phe seta herself in carnest about their modification the better. The Houve of Commons appeared to be entirely with Lord Palmerston on the question, and we are content to suspend our own jutg ment im the matter, waiting in hope that the patience. the relfcontrol and the sagacity which the nobie lord bas displayed throughout the anxious and trritaung dis ission of the polats at issue between the two nations may meet their reward in (he attainment of the objects at ®bich be aims tm common with cs, in common with the whole civilized world, who stand by, deeply inter. ested epectators of these lamentab: Wrong and redolent LF an f spirit as bie speech of last nigot was, Mr. Disraeli was right, no doubt, in his cbrervation that the enlistment quesun, and Crampton, oF hia agenta oF bit © respond ents, or written, was not the real reason of the display of ill feeling upon the part of the government of the United States, which gi #0 mucl world so mucl ‘hension been engend mn their m of the growth of America, and stauds in path, an stacle to the expansion of her territory and the increase of her power. Wo are not, at Americans understand and um the word, “Jealous” of them, neither are we averse from the loptiasate expansion of their power; but the modes in whic hay the selves by the degiutition by foul mean failed, of every attractive possession in the hands of weaker neighbors, bas compelled watehfulne ana reated justifiable fuspicion, Nor can we, consistently with ouF duty to ether countries with whom we are in connection, or With @ proper care of our own pow tion and interests, permit thal complete absorption and wit mate itolation of all the States of the Western World which some of Amerwa’s moat famous and accralit-l ttalrsmen entemplate a8 the legitimate object of the mission of the Crit Votes, if Mr. Dallas bave power, and porsess ability and temper, to settle the great and vexed ques ns to which the progressive expansion of his couatry « given rise, £6 93 to prevent war now and for years come, and so to obtain. throug!! the voice of the American people, the recognition of some principles founded in reason and justice, by which that expansion shall be gov crhed—for proceed, we are aware, it will and most in some phape, and under some cobdttions—wo, for one, shall be comient to accept such @ consummaséon in exchange Sor the great ~oncession which the crown of Great Britain has “Just made to the Gabi President Plerce. [From the London Star Jure 17.) Her Majesty's Ministers have followed the better part of valor, whch, discretion, in the decision they have adopted Tespecting our relations withg the United States. Lord Palmerston stated last night, amid the chee wa very crow/d House of Commons, that the government bad not advised her Majesty to suepend communications with the Minister of the ed States in this country; in other and jees «| plomatic language, that Mr Dallas is not to be dismiesed, We are quite willirg to give them credit for baying been actuated in this matter by motives of justice and patriotiem, Still, there is no harm \n stat ing the fact, which we believe is unquestionable, that if they bad come to the opposite conclasion they’ would have been defeated of Mr. Batilie’s motion, and moat bave surrendered the reins of power into cthor bands. De that as it may, we carnestly com gratulate the nation On tho issue, for it has for the present, at least, dispelled a cloud, big with elements of terror and destruction, and which was gradually overspreading the horizon. "It will, no doubt, require eminent wisdom and mutual forbearance on the part of the negoUators to extricate the two n tries without « m out ofthe meshes of the Central American diffic Bat from all that wo have heard Mr. Dallas, he seems posse gral qual persona elicate task 10 to him by hie governmen to doubt that Lord Clarendon will fecl on worthy of bis highest and moet honorable ambition tt d wh nod the treaty of peace, cle po of a Eorepean war, shor th the United § ut will from the still more dreadfw calamity of a war with Americe . . . . There ia another useful revelation that bas eome ont of this buss abd that i, that the bluster of our eo-called leading journals % of extremely small significance or au- “A few days ago we soine specimens of the y thander that bad beon directed against the Uni for the last few months, The Americans were he mont ¢ t langnage of the eutamary that would pon them, if they dared to ndignity to the accredited Ambassador of Eng land. Mr. Crampton wae represented as a spotless inno: cent, oo whose transparent veracity and virtue not the chacow ofan imputation should be allowed to rest, a man provd im the conselourness of unimpeachable mtegring— Who felt no fear, for he knew no sia. Prat lor® he cotomns of those papers yesterday, when they i fF coepected ®hat the government was not got to fond Mr. Dallas away. It is really edifying to peg bow muvely ny prepare yy gat Whole Ipek, Zor the same liberty not to dismiss vernment, after ong deliberation, has a measure, and, as as could be qualified by ‘any’ amount of werbal assur = ‘The American and invitations, they have qualified their dismissal of Mr. Crampton. They Pave dismissed the Minister ‘and ex: pressed themselves entirely satistlod with the explanati ions of the governmont which sent him out, wu gave him 80. ws ) eens, uttenne coer the sormamens and con. hut agent. For eyo con- ciliation or diplomacy it affects to consider our govern- ment blameless of the excesses charged on its ler. ‘What is a concession to peace, even with a diplomatic guise and with a look of insincerity, is an important ele- ment of the crisis on which our government has just been called to act. Could they with riety send back the American Minister, when the American government had brought themselyer to aver that they had on this point ‘no quarre! ‘with our goverument, but only just cause for offence with its agent? Could they with propriety gus- pend diplomatic intercourse with a government which ex- pressed a strong desire to continue it, notwithstanding alleged provocation to the contrary? At all events, could they not, without losa of honor, accept the overtures of peace made to soften a painful but inevitable act of offence? Undoubtedly the American government has carefully so put the matter that our dismissal of its Minister would be more than # tion, It would be returning the blow and giving a deaf ear to the mild tones that explained it. We were at Mberty either to interpret the hand by the voice or the voice by the hand. Government has taken the former alternative. It is, after all, the safer course, At this moment it seems hardly the course that mizht have been expected from a State that bad just concluded an honorable peace, after @ fanguinary war with the greatest military power in the world. But even with that power three short years ago we were parley ing in a way that gave little indication of what was to follow. We held ourselves then the more free to act as we might think right, because we knew ourselyes we were prepared for the worst. Doubtless a full confidence in the courage and resolution of the coun- try has contributed to the pacific choice of our govern- ment. It rightly judges that we can afford to yield, if we can do so without positive dishonor. In both Houses it will be obser’ that the explana- tions of her Majesty’s Ministers are limited to the more immediate question pressed upon them by the dismissal of our MinSter. That is the first thing to be considered —whe:her or not we shall continue diplomatic relations with the United Mates through the medium of the gen- tieman now representing that government at our court? Neither Lord Clarendon nor Lord Palmerston says a word on the subject of Central America, really at the bottom of the whole affair. They make no allusion to Mr. Marcy’s refusal of arbitration on the sense «f the treaty, and oiler of a reference to a scientific authority on some questions of fact. Lord Yalmerston, indeed, assures us that nothing more is intended by the slight addition to our naval forco in that part of the world than to protect British property and subjects, and to prevent neediess collision, We shall not, therefore, go into that matter, except just so much as to express our conviction that, not the United States government come to the conclusion that it was expedient to get rid of the Clayton-Bulw.r nay ip one Way or another, and clear that Held for po litical operation s, we should never have heard a syllaale of the recruiting question. It is evident that the United States government is not very pressing for an immediate solution of the Central American difficulty, considering that just pow things are going on favorably for its inte- rests. The recruiting «ston, however, had ripened to acritical maturity, and could not be ed. Im this this emergenc: © American President has, perhaps, taken the mildest course that remained, short of giving it up altogether, No doubt, he could hardly bavye done Ubat without damaging himself and his friends very ci n- pccekre | with his people; and of course it is not to be expected that an American President should make a martyr of himeelf for the peace ofthe world, still less ior a | consideration to the feelings of England. iv <aying that the United States government has adopted ahalf measure, and that our government has met it more than half way—in admitting that both sides had a right to do what they have done—the one without giving offence, the other without loss of honor—we do not for one moment blink the fact that the result, s@ far, is anything but flat- poke | to the pride of this country. If there are any im the United States capable of gratification at the t, we certainly have been touched in our honor, and We submit with'as much grace as we can to whatall feel an insult, We have no disposition to wlur over that fact, for we are pot without hope that the British people will be rather less liable to this species of annoyance for the future. We do not think the people of England will henceforth sit by so quietly while pro- ceedings to which they have the gravest odjection, and negotiations of which they have utter distrust, are oing on, noboly knows how, under the shield of the foyal prerogative. The honor of England can hardl; eaid to be in its own keeping, when month after month its Ss ask, and ask in vain, what has been done, what complaints have been received from other govern" ments, what answers have been sent, what is the present state of the quarrel, and what \ts probable conclusion. Throughout the whole of this witing affair, and the correspomdence arising out , the British public has only known the steps taken by its own government when the American government bad alrealy acted upon them, We adhere to our epinion, that the American government has not acted with common generosity In this affair,and that ite pretence of asa majestas, or offence against its territorial sovereignty, is simply got up for the occasion, Never. theless, the’ common sense of this country would not have allowed Mr. Crampton to go on, week after week, plunging deeper into a difficulty, at the very moment when there was nothing the American government so earnestly wanted for Centra! American purposes, Often and often indeed has the British people beem plunged into war or forced to humiliation before they knew what it was all a>out, and by men whoxe names had hanily reached them. We cannot but think tbat the time is At least, England present a de going by for this sort of work. makes ho effort to stop it after the serves the consequences. [From the same We believe that her Majesty's ¢ on of the country in deciding not to pr pretation on the dismissal of Mr. Crampton, or Wo make that step a%round for breaking off all ‘diplo- Malic communicauon with Ube Cite 1 of this revolution is not dioult by the highest exp pect from the United Stave ormimnent, by an acquital of our own govermment Ud concern in the ground of offence taken against Mr. Crampton, and Ly the conce ion on the Central American question involved in the willingness entertain our offer of arbi tration, which has hitherto been summarily rejected, the demieal of an ambassador could still re- garded in no other than a hostilc aspect, were it not for the weight of the facts and arguments bearing "pon the official conduct of Mr. Cramptem hitaself in this affair. For ourselves, while exeulpating, as Mr. Marcy doos in hia letter, ovr own government from the charge of in tending to violate the United States law, we have all along felt that it was impossible to answer for what the acts of ap individual official in a complicated and distant waneaction might bave been. It appears from Mr. Mar- cys deepateh that Mr. Crampton has not been whe faultless; that he certainly seems to have taken an ac Sve part in proceedings which were pronounced illegal by the Coited Putes Courts; and, what is still more un fortunate, persi-ted in continuing those proveedings even alter the decision against them. We do not doubt Mr. Crampton’s fidelity, zeal, and Activity ip the task which was give him, but he appears to have wapted caution and dignity, and not to have been couriderate or particular epeugh \o the means aud the instruments which he employed for his object. Wedo hot ¥ rvelue social and conversational talents in an ambassador, the ready and goo! humored wit which caa omal attack on his country without can silence am arguer at a dinner table inging him. A man need not ya grave because he may be a plenipotentiary, or became be may be a Minister ata foreign court and Tare to transact. There are capacities whieh Wt Dearing immediately upon the subject of a man's tulseion. Fun is @ conciliatory thing, anda good natared talker has net aly the meaue of producing tat first favorable impression which is so ad: vantageous in & foreign country, but is in pos sesrion of @ continual belp tw dispersing diff cultion, smoothing frown and parryiug acsanita But he bas bis dangers. Itmay safely and with perfoct certainty be valid that aa ambassador ought net te talk too tmuch—Ilor thiv reason, that owe of bis principal dutios is observavion, and (he instant a man talks to much he ob serves too Niithe. A Minister in a fore gn country is sur: rounded by latent punetili-, prejndices, expectations, ett quette and rights, politieal and socal, which do not cone to Light or make themenlves visible exept to observation, but which, atthe came time, ithe moet dangerous net to ser and te stumble againet. Aman who has ¢yes about Lim and observes, whois ever on the wateh Gor Ind! cations and signs of the mind and temper of those with whom he bas to deal, finds out a diffealty before he knocks tit, A man. indeed, may be a very gout wandevenasharp fellow im Wis way, but habitually ard systemaucally obsorvaut * are that he gets himself into a mess nly acrow some difficulty that he robbing against some brie whieh he had never a glinp % momen, We do rot doubt in the Cramptse's fhthfol 4 8 for. el ptention® amt to Was a carclese ty, which tolls ‘ie mater, "0's, Tknow what you want, and I'll do it, and I ar either.” There te a fidelity toa ma ty ton little eel r t in the ser van ars to hay tolf-reepet in the ki of persone with whom hy ected himeel? in thes transactions and the syle 6 A, atl ave managed the alfair on a fr " cr intending, perbape, really to cffead the United pment or to violate the United States lew t <iniply thinking that ft didn'teienl y,"* thas it was no awe stieking et a trifle, and @atthe United Mates gor erpment would never make a furs about eneh a little mat. er But thie was a line unfortunately most unsuitable for dealing with a jeaivus ticklieh peop e like our frienda worm the Atlantic, moektender about their dignity, and on the look out for the slightest indication of a diiter cnee of beba: ur towards themselves and Kuropean gov ernnente. Mir. Crampton wae certainly net ihe man to sent ow Duper bo pho Yaiied Stags, Buy we uy i, the Yay 5 5 Nor can we make a new state of society an old But we can, by an arrangement of our own, raise the United States embassy to a higher rank, and bring it witha the circle of promotion. The rauk of anembassy *) ought to reflect in some degree the power and resources of the country to which it i# attached; and as the United States rise in wealth, population, and political importance, it becomes more and more necessary to secure the ver- vices of able men as ambassadors there. The French Journals on American Affairs, Ia Gazette de France, under date of the 13th June, after stating on the authority of a New York paper that & Spanish fleet was to assist the republic of Costa Rica against Hicereene, says that the Cbmstitution- nel believes itself authorized to give the tie to this news, and thinks that the American papers speak only of {t Decause they wish isto be realized. ‘The Constiduionnet * | continues ose words—One imter- Seeuen iu Tavor ol War aiveseae pe x8 for declaring war against Spain, and for taki of the so much coveted island of Cuba, The lo ernment is well aware of this snare, which to everybody; and whatever resolution she may the will, without any doupt, act with full know! of the matter. Perhaps, after all, this rumor has only been spread as an indirect consequence of the declarations msde in the Chamber of Deputies in Madrid, ia reference to the difference which exists between Spain and Mexico. The pretty warlike language of the Minister for the In- terior wus calculated to makeitappear in America, that» in the midst of the Spanish nation, existed a desire fore. » foreign war, which waited only for occasion to burst forth. In this case, we kre conv; need, people have been de. ceived jj ‘The Constitutionnel, atter hat given the history of the revolutions which have agitated Mexico, and after exam- inis g the sad condition in which the Mexican government ' finds itself placed, in face of the dilemma, being entirely - dependent upon the army, and never being permitted to count upon it, comes at last to present, as the only possi- ble and desirable solution, to put Spain again in ‘i sion of that old colony which was so tlourishing jer the - administration of th snother country, and would become. Nw still more so now, when the Spanish government I~ es more liberal principles in matters of aavigwln ene . commerce. The article concludes thus:—'*But can any one delude himself on this subject? Alas! no: and no alternative is bo to Mexico peor non _— aged te by the Americar Jnion, to say nothing of being ol to undergo a foreign oppression, which will not the less leaphosiie nor Jess heavy although it take the parliamentary cloak, and » de called majority? Spain, iu the quarrel just broken out meets the United States behind Mexico; she will, without : any doubt, do all that may be compatible with her honor, in ‘order to avoid the war, and furnish the United States with no pretext for satisfying a coyetousness they do even attempt to dissimulate. [From Le Siecle June 13.) Lord Clarendon declared in the sitting of the.10th, in contradiction with the despatches, which, at every mo- ment, are arriving, that at the date of last news Mr. . Crampton had not received his passports, If the fact is true, for which we cannot be responsible, there would be @ proof that this time, as usual, the American peo- pes who do not ulways hnow how to abstain from vio- mt language, feel, when the final hour is approaching, And, in- , Wherefore should the United States pi \tate- themselves into a war with Great Britain? If we were still in the year 1817—at that epoch when Count Pozzo di Borgo proposed to the Continental Pow- 18 a crusade against North America—'‘the perpetua focus of revolutionary ideas,’ we would understand that, out of legitimate pride, the United States wanted to prove, by accepting the their independence to above go- vernments of the Old World. But today, 7 body contests, and still less threatens, ¢ - ence, so dear to all who wish that liberty, in its most . expansive form, may have an inyi asylum op earth—to-day, when the American Union is : and admitted as a great Power, and whem she Soe far from congresses and political alliances only because - it suits her wo do 0, war would not have any motive of national dignity—of that dignity to which we.vory well understand political interests are submitted. Theré- fore, interruption of diplomatic relations would not be for us a sign of war being unayoidabic, National dig nity being sefe, there is in the Anglo-Amesican differ- ence nothing that would not be susceptible of being tasily arranged. Jn the enlistment quertion, England felt herself powerful and honorable,enough not to hesitate to give all ausfaction which can be demanded amongst mea of honor as well a3 amongst nations. There is no longer any ferious motive for war. As to Central \merica, there prevails a kind of mirage which cannot but disap: pear in ope way o In another, Let us suppose, indeed, the United States, directly or by the interpositivn of others, should take pooseszion of bord es of ae oe could not arregate to them- felves the monopoly of the passage through this Isthmus, which is: the cirect road between Burope and Asia. Let the supposition be inverted, and the Lich, by what- ever combination, become the masters of the bsthmus, the whole world would, if necessary, rise for forcing ° them te leave that passage free for al! nations. The question of neutralizing the Isthmus #, like that of the rights of neutrals, a question whieh it is no permitted to anybody to decide against the will and general interest of civilization, A war for arriving ata solution everybody wishes, and which nobody is stroug enough to refuse, even if he did not wish it, would be something more than an iniquitous war—Iit would be am unjust and absurd one he agitators of public opinion on the other side of the Atlanuc tay that Europe must not be allowed to oppose the expansive force of the United States. These are big words, calculated t conceal a project whieh the majority of the American people reject, as soon as \t shows ttself he project of conquering territories which are © extension of slavery, and thereby are to estabii-h the domination of the South over the North—a domination that, by the way, would be pecu- lwrly facilitated by the annexation of Central America. Let the wave States take care; there js already accord. ing to the Nw « Mnarp of 28th May, a ing of eiy!l war tn r ite to Kansas, and South would aware of the separation having’ more asa threat than as a fact. A million of cotton bales yearly—this is the production in the name of which the Southern States think to explain and to tify all. Alper'a can some years hence produce a mil- — of le fo cotton without slaves, and then * # © ut, pressed by time and , We Wish only to to the principal “motives whith ‘make us ops tank pease will not be interrupted between two great and tree na- ons. § These motives, although not developed, present a force which cannot but strike reflective minds. No, not- withstanding so many appearances to be regretted, war ‘will not break out. The goverument of Mr. Pierce is too near the ond of its legal term to be permitted to precipitate his country into a war, Which could not be supported for somo time by the United States but by means of privateors, whose abolition has just been saluted as one of the most peal instagees of progress in international polky. os ee 4 and moderation come back again. Movements of the British North Amort. Flect. can The Tondon Times of June 17th says-—Hor ye ship Nile, 01, Captain Mundy, left Spithead Pan oe ‘a afternoon under steam and sail for North America. ‘The steanship Taurus, Capt. George R. Langlands, cently taken up for the transport eervice of government, and numbered 2%. arrived at Woolwich yesterday morn: ing from Liverpool, for the immediate shipment of shot | The re. and ammunition for Quebec and Hal the magazine, which is to be as spacio . dation of the ship will admit, is to be commenced forth- ‘with, and during the interim embarkation of car. ringer, shot, and tower stores, bedding, &e., wilt be oar. she will be moored !n the stream-for the ammunition which is d ited in the float- uaguxines, and ehe will most probably be ready fur sea before the end of the month. The entire eteam squadron failed from Falmouth om he following Under sealed orders, viz..—Impe | Captain Wateon, C. B., with the’ Vietor, Ring. ‘and Intrepid, double fennel despateh boats, and the © on & eruice, compriving the Wanderer Pioneer Mobawk and Lapwing, smgle funnel despatch boata, and the Starling, Drake, Beaver and Janus, gunboete. There veswei. bud ail been fully stored aad provisioned” OF em, ‘The Hugenic, sailing transport, le Liverpool for Cork sneoniay. At Cork she will embark troops of the liae- nd sei! for Halifax. The London News, of Jano 16, eays:—We aro enabled ‘© state that there is no truth whatever in the rey thane +ny inerea ¢ Of our naval force on the Nort: Americar tiation Lar either been made or is at present contem- plated. The ships that have recently been ordered ow will gimply © place others that are returning quite nit for longer service, The most stringent ‘uctions ave, we believe, gone from the Adiniralty to Admiradé ‘anchawe to avoid om bis part ang that of the British optoine under bis command any collfeion with the naval forces of the United States. A yecompetent British equa- dren has, however, heen ordered to Greytown, whore the United Stat s government has lately despatched three of theve large ships of war which the Americans eall fr- Nes The Londan Times, of Jane 18, reports —The etaamt African arrived yesterday morning of Wootw , end landed a cutter lifeboat, 28 feet in le jately built at Sheerness, on an improv nid to be impossible to capsise it, Am jiie patent boat, on a. similar principle, been recently received at Woolwich, Tt is intended tly to put these boats through a course of trial itp competition, in the presence of the Lords of Admiralty the naval authorities of the dookyards, 90 as to teen feiwncy. fe screw steamship Assistance is undergoing ronan orool, Whence she will proceed ina few days with ath troops t Canada. Th crew of the paddlewheel stoamsloop Ttago, 6, | were paid wages Li outh on Friday, and she wae canted to sail aad for the Pacilon a Her Majesty's crew sloop Haier, 17, Commander Dor- rindan, willbe vudocked morning o) Porteous,