The New York Herald Newspaper, June 28, 1856, Page 2

41 $4 Hai | i Hi ‘ & E E i if i H . § i? Ef Hi i ! E 85, 33 z a Hi i 5 j if i Ai i A ret aes j | i E E 5 E ; Pee i FESTEE ! E i i who, taining the legal gentleman whom he himself describes as of Reputation, professional and political, telli American law against t is 80 ly and strin- gently drawn as to render it impossible to evade it, and ‘warving him that ‘‘ the least to be apprehended” by any me attempting to do so was ‘a prosecution,”’ posts off to Nova Scotia, with this document in his hand, to prepare ‘an elaborate and widely ramified scheme of operation, ex- ly for the purpose of attempting to do the very ig which his legal adviser declared he could not do ‘without exposing himself and country to danger. A man who, at a most critical moment in the political re- Jations of the two greatest nations in the world, thrusts into bis pocket a despatch received from the Foreign Secre- tary, making a proposal of vital importance to the e of both countries, Without at all looking at its con- its, and which he does not discover until about three months afterwards. A man who makes a broad, delibe- vate assertion ina diplomatic document as to the opinion expressed to him by a distin; hed statesman of another eountry on a mooted point of territorial right, which that jae sustained by the corroborative testimony of or three other gentlemen of the highest character and position, flatly declares to be utterly and absolutely false. And ‘this is the nan, to save whose dignity we ‘are called upon to be ready, if need be, to be prodigal ‘four blood and treasure. But if the people of England really wieh to be saved from a doom so calamitous and Bo ignoble, let them meet at once, and protest; and should Bere be no other remedy, let them hurl from power the blun- that threatens to expose them tw this the London Star (City Article), June 14.} the money market continues in a position of me ease, there been some slight apprehension (18th), temporarily at least, of a change for the ‘worse, partly in consequence of the political complications ‘with the United States, and partly in consequence of a eontinuous fall of rain having been presumed likely ad- versely to affect the corn harvest. There is, on all wides, a manifold indisposition to countenance the idea of a war with America solely on account of Mr. Crampton’s isi now that the path is n for @p arrangement of all existing differences; but an fmtimation in a government organ, this morning, that Mr. Dallas would be dismissed, produced some anxiety, as it ‘was taken for granted that the announcement had an efficial character. It appears, however, both from Lord Palmerston’s and Lord Clarendon’s statements, in their es, in Parliament, thts evening, that the government we not yet decided what course to take; it is therefore le that, although a great deal of ministerial {ll may yet be vented, rational councils will finally Prevail, and that we shail’ not retaltate by sending the American Minixter away. If this proves to be case, it is highly probable that the money market will become ex- fwemely buoyant. [From the London News (City Anticle,) June 14.] ‘The American difficulty is again weighing upon the stock markets, which, but for this source of anxiety, would probably exhibit a strong upward tendency. Prices ave experienced a reduction of 9; per cent, and closed at the worst point of the day. This decline is solely at trfbutabls to the apprehension that Mr. Crampton’s dis- maisea! will be followed by that of the American Minister at this Court. Despite the lowering aspect of politics in this quarter, however, there is still an indisposition, in the best commercial circles, to believe that peace is really endangered by the disputes now pending. A favorable ‘mpreseion was produced by the declaration of the Paris Momiteur, that the French government bas no intention of bringing forward a lon, but this announcement failed te wounteract the general downward tendency of the mar. kets. (From the Manchester Examiner, June 14.} * * * * et ‘The question to be first settled is, shal] we dismiss Mr. Dallas? For ourselves we have no hesitat on in saying, go! The grounds upon which the United States govern: ment has dismissed Mr. Crampton are either sufficient or fmsufficient. If sufficient, we have no right to complain at all. Instead of waiting for his dismissal, we ought to have recalled him ourselves. The United States government demanded his recall in a despatch dated the 28th Decem- ber last, and our refusal to take that step left the Cabinet of Washington no alternative butte dismiss him, if, in ‘their opinion, the demand was based on sufficient grounds. But graziting that the reasons alleged for Mr. Crampton’s @ismiseal are insuflicient, what then? In the first place, % must be remembered that that this is pre-eminently an question. It concerns us, of course, but it con- verns the American people much mere. The alleged of. fence was committed on American soil, and against Ameri- ean law. Surely their opinion is eutitled to some deference. If we cannot see that we have violated their laws, yet if ‘they believe that we have done go, surely, without plead: PE ‘guilty to the charge, we may recognise their right to id that opinion, and to act upon it. We should in simi. ‘ar circumstances indignantly repudiate the idea that Frenchmen, or Austrians, or Americans could interpret @ point of British law more accurately than we could ourselves. Hence, if, in our opinion, the reasons assign- ed for the dismisval of Mr. Crampton are insufficient, it is by no means clear that our dignity, to say nothing of our interests, would be consulted by retaliating upon Mr. Dal. ies. If any great question of international justice were at stake, we might fecl bound to retort to the very letter; Dut as,s0 far as we are concerned, it relates merely to the preference of somebody else to represent us at Wash- imgton, rather than Mr. Crampton, considerations of dig: =, forbid reprisals. If the United States are in the right, our course is plain; if they are in the wrong, the ‘most effectual rebuke will be administered by our mode- ration. {Correspondence of the London Times.] Paris, Thursday, June 12—~6 P. M. I believe that no official intelligence of Mr. Crampton’s @iemissal by the American government has been as yet received here, but well informed persons are of opinieo ‘that it has taken place nevertheless; yet it is not believed that war will necessarily fellow that dismissal, and, in any case, that the United States will n be the first to declare war. Whether England will take the initiative in this respect, it is not for me to say, but, if both are so disposed as it is affirmed that one ie, one will naturally conclude that no more serious consequence will follow, than the interruption, for a shorter longer period, of diplomatic relations between two countries. It is not concealed, however, great danger is to be apprehended from the restiess and reckless character of the adventurera who hardly want the example of Walker's successful foray to ‘attempt similar undertakings, and from the inability of the American government to reatrain or prevent them. Mr. Crampton’s dismissal has been accompanied by a let fer to Lord Clarendon from the Secretary of State at ‘Washington, couched in a very conciliatory spirit, and in which assurances are given of goon will Jowards our go- yernment, and of a sincere desire to avoid anything like ly to envenom the present difference. The American go- verpment still maintain that they have right on their side; and, indeed, they express their conviction that if the case, both as respects the enlistment of men for the eervice of the Queen of England and the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, were submitted tou jury of unimpassioned and impartial Englishmen, the verdict would be in their favor. They still maintain that Mr. Crampton violated the statutory enactments of the Union though they admit ihat he has done so unin tentionally; that when he denies the charge, which he may do in good faith, bis denial is merely founded on I own opinion of his conduct, the correctness of which \ digproved by facts; and they conclude that a political agent who has thas rendered himself obnoxious to the goy+ nment cannot remain accredited to it. Itis, in point of fact, the xe of Sir H. Bulwer over again, who, when he received his passports trom the Spanigh government, with an order to quit Madrid in for. ty-eight hours, at the same time received a private from the Duke of Sotomayor, Minister of Foreign Affairs, assuring him of his personal esteem and lasting friendship. wh given to the English government of Sjwin’s earnest desire to avoid anything tending to dix turb the good relations between the countries There ‘io one point, however, to which it may be to direct attention. A. private hington meptions, among other things or the ‘that letter ‘from that the American government are anxious to ascertain the disposition of the French government, or rather of the French Emperor, under these circumstances, what part, if he will be likely to take in rel. The Wa nelined to : Frence will n ty in the event war breaking out; ang, in fact it she will not dra the swar long a# “the honor of France remains vu to ed. In truth, 1 believe the opinion of that Cal net to be, that, even were France disposed to otherw cannot go. The eagerness with whic he accepted with Russia ig well known and appreci Washington, snd t explanat re is in her comparat exhanet wive warfare. The terrible cx Yostrop lotions, which have laid waste more than whirtogn tuents; the probability of scary) which is so enormously developed in the country, and the gigantic but unsafe projects of the Credit Mobilier, which must inevitably lead to a fearful commercial crisis; even the fact of the great outlay neces- sary to keep down the price of bread in Paris, at the cost of the rest of France; the possible exigencies of other great towns, should the apprehended scarcity and conse- quent dearness of food be realized, and the general dis- content produced by these concurring circumstances, are, I have reason to believe, duly weighed vy the Cabi- net of Washiny im the conclusiou \t may draw of the impossibility of France ap active with Eng- land. What weight ought to be atta to these con- siderations, and how they may be justified by events, it is not for me to say; but, for one reason or other, it fs believed at the other side of the Atlantic that, if battle there be, we shal: have to fight it by ourselves. FRENOH PRESS. hitherto the interests of industry fluence upon eh ag of Great Britain United States, but the British govern! render its ow entirely independent of its material in- terests, in favoring as much as possible the cultivation of cotton in its Indian colonies. Instructions ba: warded on the subject tothe East. La Presse confirms the above news, but remarks, with reason, that for many years past England has protected as much as possible the experiment of cotton cultivation in India, which up to the present time has not given any satisfactory . Cotton productions on a large scale cannot be Improvised, says the Presse? In Enghund ag in America, according to the Pays, public opinion is averse to war, and the interests of the two na- tions require the preservation of peace. If the United States are extremely useful in the way of prodaction to Europe, Europe is to the United States a consumer af the ene, importance, and Europe would suffer less than thought from a rupture with Northern America, Eg: and ria would reap the benefit of the situation. , if sufficient funds are furnished to them, will be able to produce cotton and tobacco, the two staples which Europe requires from the Bnited States. Besides this, land has at present more frequent communication with India and Australia—the focus of her riches—as well throug! the Mediterranean ag through the ocean, The Mediter- ranean is shut to the United States, and England, who navigates there freely, and has in her power the ‘Sea, the Indian’ Ocean, and the transit of the isthmus of Suez, can brave there the privateers and tilibusters of the New World. It is impossible to forget that England, in view of a prolongation of the Eastern war, had prepared a gigantic fleet, which she has still at command, If this formidable force were to cruise before the American coast, and attack the vulnerable points of the United States, it requires no great tagacity to predict to the latter Power frightful disasters. On the other hand the United States have scarcely any avy; it would be almost impossible for them to sustain a maritime war. Every thing urges them, therefore, not to push to extremities the present ditferences ; and, while England displays so much moderation in this atlair, they ought, in their turn, to show themeelves more plicable and more equitable. Peace Manifestoes FROM THE LIVERPOOL FINANCIAL REFORM ASSOCIA- ‘TIO: TO THE COMMERCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL’ ASSES. THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Friends anp BrETHREN—~In the present critical position of our internal relations, we, the Council of the Liverpool Financial Reform Association, deem it our duty to address to you a few words of friendly remonstrance, in the hope that our doing so may be the initiation of such an expres- sion of the national determination, on both sides of the Atlantic, as will serve to convince those to whom we have respectively deputed the management of our affairs, that, whatever they may wish or propose, they cannot and for the third year consecutively; the ma- | that on Cog tor *h other a ladly will the upholders c- Dn each other low u have had a great in. the di 8 ment wishes now to } sreat cham) NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JUNE 28, 1856. A A im us Kes for the utter destruction of car's other's name and nation? Reason, justice, common | eae hu- ity, religion, all answer loudly and emphatically “nee? We were told by our Prince Consort | ut representa war, that that war on their trial, and yee might we Pr to dimin- ish our present freedom of ach plication. This was the captious objection ¢f'an indtyii during the jate insnitions tert, baying merely. i. f. 4 leepotic principle look om and ‘whilst the two of human freedom bumap progress are en; in an internecine, a fratricidal, and a suici dal le, which, in whatever way it terminates, must be znuually reeves, Lacy sure wae Ly last in ae compromise, after squande! millions eh te fo protest ay 20 dire a: Ly to you, to ourselves, - to a whole ager race, is the abject of ign ress. We may say, also, to prevent its occurrence; for we feel sneured thal Ir you, the commercial and industrial classes of America, are actuated towards us by the same feelings as those which animate the people of this coun- try with Ep td you, we shall not enter upon this course of mutual tion, Our rulers and ed Dius- ter as they please, but with the veto of Pca ituents on any proceeding to extremities, war between us is im- possible. By order of the Council, ROBERT GLADSTONE, President. Liverroot, June 7, 1856, MANCHESTER AND THE UNITED STATES. The following address was issued im Manchetter on Wednesday, June 11, and has already received @ large number of signatures — ADDRESS FROM THE CITIZENS OP MANCHESTER TO THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA. Friends axp Breraren—We venture to address you under a deep fecling of solemnity, occasioned by the perilous condition into which the relations of our two great countries have been thrown by the mistakes or the misconceptions of our respective governments. Whatever may be the errors of either or beth of these goverpments, we cannot forget that we have to do with a people who, for domestic enlightenment, commercial en- terprise and political importance, take rank among the first nations upon earth; and who, by rapid expansion, increase of population and Christian philanthropy, pro- mise at no distant period to attain the highest degree of influence among the governments of the civilized world. ‘A brotherhood of race and a community of interests have sprung up between our two nations, more intimate. mere continuous. and more comprehensive than the world has ever seen before. Never im recognized history were two great communities 80 closely allied by blood “or so intimately blended by their common interests; and never defore was it given to the world to witness a union where £0 much was involved of the wealth, the prosperity and the happiness of distinct States, each haying its separate government, and being under the control of its own in- dependent laws. ‘We are therefore all the more alive—and, allow us to add, tremblingly alive—to whatever may affect this union, and interrupt the harmony that has $0 long exist edt be tween us to our reciprocal ‘advantage, and we be lieve to the benefit of the whole world. Providence has made us mutually dependent, so much so, indeed, that whatever would seriously injure the one, would to an equal extent seriously injure the other. As the direct consequence of this Providential arrangement, we are they shall not transform the people of two nations 30 | equally interested with yourselves in the material that is clocely united as ycurs and ours into deadly and unre lenting enemies. “We take up this question on higher grounds than are afforded by financial or mercantile grown in your fields, the shipping that conveys the car- goes to every market of the universe, and in the endless train of relationships that the most princely commerce of considerations only, though their importance can hardly | the world has interwoven between us for its own auxil- be cver-rated; and we believe that the sentimerts we are about to express are those entertained by our fellow- covntrymen of the commercial and industrial classes, al- most without exception. May they be re-echoed in the same spirit. There is rumor of war between us! For a long time past your diplomatists and ours have been corresponding, with more or less of acrimony and superciliousnss on either side. We confess frankly that, hitherto, we have paid no atiention, or very little, to their disputes. Do not attribute this apparent neglect to indifference. It has arisen partly from a sort of foregone conctusion that, whatever they might say or do, a quarrel between you and us, to be brought to the mortal a) bitrament of arms was, in the nature of things, all but impossible; and part jary support. Ina word, we are of one blood, of one family, and of one religion; our sons, by long continued emigration, are spread over your soil, and you have mae them happy by every domestic endearment; a higher ‘than human destiny has made our interests identical and interwoven the prosperity of the ¢ne State with the pros- perity of the other. We are therefore placed among the nations in a position to show what national friendships may accomplish, where rivalry is directed toa common good, and where success is equally shared between the rivals. And shall war be permitted to sever us? Shall battle and bloodshed, contlagration and the sword, be allowed to divide those whom God and mutual interest haye made one, and to convert into national enemies brethren by lyffrom the fact that our system of diplomacy, aristocratic-| blood, by race, and by religion? In the name of humanity in its instruments and objects, is secret in tts opera- tions. treaties, whether these relate to peace or to war, is a branch of the royal prerogative, with which we (the peo- ple) have no concern beyond finding the means for their observanc(—not even the right to know what is doing until all is done, and we are irrevocably bound by their and civilisation—in the name of ourcommon Maker and The theory of our rulers’ is that the making ef | of His boly faith, which both nations profess to believe and practise, we say, No! There is no sacrifice of time, of wealth, and of influence that we would not be ready to make to prevent so dire a catastrophe among mankind— acatastrophe that we believe would more directly tend than any other possible event to throw the world back stipulations. We aim at the reversal or modification of | into the barbarism of the feudal ages, and to furnish des- this yery slavish theory, and hope to accomplish it by and by. In the meanwhile, permit us to observe, that you also have been quiescent, withcut the same excuse for your supineness; for your diplomacy is open; your Exe- cutive can do nothing definitive without the sanction of the legislative branch of your constitution, of which you have the appointment far more effectively than we of ours. Whence is it, then, if you do ord the acts of your Ministers, as we are led to believe you do, that there bas been no public manifestation of your disapproval? potism with a plausible pretext for banishing every form of constitutional government from the face of the earth. We implore you, therefore, brethren, in the name of all that is eacred and valuable among mankind, to employ such methods as your own judgments shall approve of restraining your government in any warlike tendency that it may have exhibited; assuring you that we on our disapprove of | part will exert ourselves to the utmost of our power to produce a similar effect upon the government of the Bri- tish crown. We believe that much of the dispute that now imperils the peace of the two countries has arisen in ‘The causes of our inactivity up to the present period | mistake, and not in design; and we further believe that a have been indicated; for yours we can only the supposition that you, with us, have believed it all but mpossible that diplomatic warfare should terminate in actual hostilities. As to the merits of the questions at issue we shall, of course, differ; bnt you must agree with us that, whatever be ythe pretexts, a war between Great Britain and America would cast into the shade of insigni- ficance all the scenes of carnage that have disgraced and cursed the world since the son of the first man slew his brother Abel. Standing apparently on the verge of such a deadly check to human progress and civiliaation, it surely becomes the people of both countries, as rational | with the government beings, to ask themseives seriously for what it is they are about to fight, and whether there is any necessity for fighting at all) Aggressive war may be the ultima ratio | est extent of our of kings; but for the rest of mankind, it is, generally speaking, the perfection of human folly. Connected with you by affinities of race, language, in- stitutions and religion, as well as by common interests, we have no feelings towards you but those of friendship, no wishes but for your prosperity, no desire but that the immense capabilities of your country may be developed to the fullest possible extent. In all this we claim no credit for disinterestedness, since, with your welfare, our own is clogely involved; you cannot prosper without our deriving most substantial advantages from your progress; nor (ab you suffer a check to your well being which wil not react most strongly upon our own. ll that is true of material British interests as regards America is equally true of American interests as regards Great Britain. Are we wrong in assuming that the feelings of the commercial and industrial classes of this country towards America are those which animate Americans of the same classes to- wards Great Britain? If there be, indeed, this bond of friendship and mutual interest between us, for what is it that our respective rulers, no matter which are right or wrong, would have us quarrel? Is it to vindicate any great principle, to en- force any right, or to avenge any Wrong’ Nothing of the kind. The mother of mischief, says the proverb, is no bigger than a midge’s wing, and, verily, the origin of the misunderstanding which threaten such tremendous con- sequences would seem to be of no larger dimensions, It rests on two grounds—the enlistment question and the actual meaning of a ky! concluded between our re- spective governments. Of these it is difficult to say which, comparyng both w the mighty results that may pro- ceed from them, is most insignificant, ‘As to the first, the people of this country disapproved from the first of the governmental! project for raising rein- forcements for the Crimean war, either in America or in Europe, and it was only forced on Parliament by the threat of ministerial resignation. It was and is the uni versal conviction that, with the same inducements that were offered to foreigners, at much less expense, and without danger of embroilment with friendly nations, any number of British recruits that might be required would bare been forthcoming. We must say, however, that for what our government proposed to do in America they seem to have had the implied, if not the express sanction of yours. What else is to be inferred from your Minister’s observation that the American government would enforce the strictest observance of the neutrality laws in its own territory, but that there was nothing to prevent any American ‘citizen or resident from leaving the States and enlisting elsewhere in any foreign service, if it pleased him so to do? On this hint, arrangements supposed to be perfectly compatible with your laws, seem to have been made; but these were abandoned before a single man bad been enlisted, on grounds which common sense ought to have sug gested to our Ministers—in the first instance, as von- clusive against the making of any such experiment. They have since, however, formally and solemnly dis- claimed all intention to infringe your laws; they have ex- pressed their regret if any such {infringement has occured; they have tendered whit is here considered an apology fer all that may have been done amiss, either by them- selves or their agents, but they have refused to submit to the degradation of branding with recal and disgrace the principal of these agents, because they say they be- heve him to be guiltless of any offence. Your govern ment has dismissed, or are about to dismiss, Mr. Cramp- ton; should ours lack the magnanimity of refraining from reprisals and dismiss Mr. Dallas, you will no longer have 4 minister at London nor we at Washington; but the tem porary cessation of diplomatic relations between our re- spective governments need not bring with it apy interrup tion of friendly intercourse between you and us. We can manage our alfairs quite as well wishout as with them; and, in any event, this is no question for us to go to war about Our second supposed ground of qua equally irrational with the first, There is a diffe to the interpretation of a tre Our negotiator says that he meant one thing—yours that he meant another; our two governmeuts ure at issue as to the meaning of both, and the true construction of their umted handiwork, whicb, nevertheless, ie there in black and white, and to speak or itself, Our government has offered to’ submit the whole question to any arbitrator whom yours shall select, and to abide by his decision, whatever that may be. As between man and man, nothing can be fai than euch a proposition; why not, then, as betwe tion and nation? Your ministers refuse to act upon it They say that their own construction is the only true one —that there cannot be two opinions on the matter, and, consequenuy, that there is nothing whereon to’ arbi rate. But, being so conliden', why reject @ reference ? It they be right, the task of the arbitrator will be all the er—the delay in an amicable settlement all the le: ¢ notoriously two opinions on the sub d toadmit ouly of one, the party sta on ite Own as to refuse to submit ther ts own selection, would seem to be ‘onsciously in the wrong. Such, at least ¥ « the conclusion of any dispute between ind F the same reasoning holds as to a dispute be tween natic Again, we Tel seems to us ask you in all solemnity, ia there anything nthis Aecond ground of difference, or in both of the ut te which ghould get us to destroying each cutting cach other's throats, and doing all account on | cal: nd quiet survey of the question will even yet lead to a satisfactory solution of every difliculty and to the re- moval of every cause of contention and complaint. This we are convinced may best be done by submitting the whole case to the arbitration of some Power friendly to both parties; and while such a course would avoid the havoc, the cost, and the disgrace of war, it would tend to make our union firmer tham ever, and, through our ex- ample, to exhibit the superiority of constitutional liberty and of Christian faith to the civilised world. We, there- fore, brethren, implore you to exert your utmost influence the United States in favor oi this method of averting the calamities of war, assuring you, with all solemnity, that we will do the same, to the full- wer, with the government of her Ma- jesty the Queen of Great Britain; and sincerely praying ‘that our mutual efforts may be attended with complete success, we remain, yours in the bonds of an insejurable national friendship. The Slavery Issue in Kansas and Our Rela- tions with England. [From the London Post, June 12.) It is nearly six months now since we directed the atten- tion of our readers to the little cloud, no bigger than a man’ shand, which was then slowly rising over the West. 1. horizon, but is now assuming With startling rapidity its proper but portentous dimensions. Seldom haye the foreign relations of the United States been so unsettied and £0 unsatisiactory—seldom has any country entered so hopelessly upon an unjust war with the verdict of civilization 60 unanimously against her. Never did State challenge such fearful odds upon go feeble a re- liance as the desperate delusion that Englishmen will submit to dishonor to save money; and yet at this, the most critical period of her existence as a federated body since the days of Washington—for the South Carolina business had not the tenth part of the import- ance—just as the suicidal madness of their government is plunging the United States into a war with the most for- midable naval power the world has ever yet seen, the Nemesis of slavery appears upon the scene. But the danghter of Night does not come in the shape of a co1 yulsive servile insurrection, enfeebled by heredi bondage, exhausting itself by its own excesses, sustaining itgelf by brigandage, and speedily confronted, surrounded and crushed by the superior power and the superior en durance ofthe dominant race. Probably, of the whole slave population of North America, not one twentieth part has the elightist idea before what a tribunal their case has come; still more, probably, any knowledge of the real state of things leading to action on their part, would damage that cause fatally, by uniting, ¢ necessifdte rei, both friends and foes to put it down. Nevereheless the lists are set, the champions are in the saddle, and the first notes of pre paration have already been heard on this side the At lantic. By our last accounts, it appears that the govern. ment of President Pierce, having decided upon active in terference in the Kansas affair, its officers approached the town of Lawrence, the capital, in support of the pro- slavery Legislature; and though no resistance was offered—and, indeed, General Pomeroy delivered up what arms he, as agent to the Emigrant Aid Society, could ‘collect, without attempting to oppose any re- ristance, and taking a receipt for them—neverthe- lees, the Free State Hotel, the Governor's house, ani two’ printing offices were destroyed by fire, two free State men were shot. and from subsequent accounts there is reagon to believe that the whole town was burnt. How these outrages took place where no resistance was offered has not been explained—probably the angry passions that have been smouldering in the Union, now for many years, were ready to buret out at any vent that might be found, and that the authorfies could not control their subordinates. Blood has, however, been shed, and, as Goethe says, ‘Blood is a very peculiar fluid.” “It may, however, be well to recapitulate the circumstances which led to this affray, with a view of obtaining a more correct idea of the consequences likely to follow it; for the inter nal affairs of an obscure, almost unknown district, to the westward of the Missouri—without population or govern- ment—have not hitherto excited that interest in Europe that we strongly suspect they will be found to contain. not now about to enter upon the question of slavery, which our readers are well aware has been the great evil of the United States—the ultimate probabie cause of the dissolution of their Union for some tine past; 0 long, indeed, that as far back as 1821 an arrangement was entered into that it should be confined within certain imits by a permanent geographical line; and under this errangetoent California and others entered the Union as free 2 ew Mexico, Utah, Oregon, &c., be- came t is, districts in a probationary state, not qualified to send members to Congress, Re- cently, however, that body passed a bill termed the ‘Nebraska act,” by which it was enacted that ea h new State or Territory should, through its Legislatur whether it would be free soil or slave ond, under this act, the election of the Leg lature of Kansas took place last autumn. This district bad been mostly settled by emigrants from the Northern provinces, assisted, no doubt by the auti- slavery party for the purposes of their own policy, | still regular bond fide colonists, and in an vem rity on the lind whose future social rela called upon to define; but on the day of elect inhabitants of the peighboring, though certainly not nehborly, State of Migsouri—violent slave soil parti Fane géed the boundary, took possession of the poll ing , and elected a slave soil Legislature, which | forthwith decided in favor of the slavery of Kansas. The | conetitution of the Union provides that the Governor of a ‘Territory shail be nominated by the President ot the United States, not elected by its own citizens, like the Governor of a State; and, without bestowing time upo intrigues which followed, we may at once sta that the end was that President Pierce, who had | this time thrown himself upon the South for support, vknowledgcd the usurping Legislature by appointing a proslavery Governor, whe is encountered by re- tance from the people of Kansas, supported by the whole power of the free soll party in North America | n ibe Houge of Repregentatives, the free soil Staveg | have one hundred and forty-three votes against ninety of the slavebolding, but as the free soil men are not unani- mous—in' Many of them adyocates of slavery— whilst the slave owners act as one man upon the question of the ‘domestic institution’ too, with an apparent than real: majority ‘more and in the Senate the slaveholders are in a majority of admission of two-viz.: thirty-two to thirty—which the Kansas as a free State wot walize; but there are several other rising Territories, whose action u| the Legislature may soon be expected to make itself felt. Ne- braska, New Mexico, Minnesota, Utah and Oregon are all likely to become free soil States, by putting the thousand inhabitante—had attained a of hundred and five thousand in 1860, gyi it two (free nell) votes im the Renate, and tires ix House of Repre- seniatives. The matter at issue, therefore, is not a savage brawl in an obscure village, or even whether a given portion of North American territory shall maintain slavery. Kansas is but the ¢/ clos in which the great Ameri ques- tion of slavery Is to be debated, most probably in arms; and ¢o thoroughly is the vital character of the crisis un. derstood in Am that there are many who hold that the postponement of the contest would be cheaply pur- chased by a foreign war as the only means of unit the Jarring States once more under one or. The Late Seene in the United States in_an Point of View. om the London News, June 12.) ‘The march of events in the United States id almost as important, and ought to be almost as interesting, to - lishmen as to Americans. In the domestic politcls of the States we possess the key to the foreign policy of the government, and the mystery of the insults offered to England is solved by the graver wrongs offered to the elite of the American nation by the government, or under its connivance. Therefore it is that we have been anxious to keep the facts of the struggle about Kansas before the eyes of our readers, and for the same reason we now lay before them a brief narrative of a series of incidents which may not impossibly issue in a dissolution of the Union. Such a dissolution has been the occasional threat of many an angry State or disappointed party since the great nullification conflict, a quarter of a century ago; but the case of Massachusetts, of which we are now speaking, is wholly unlike that of passionate South Caro- lina, Massachusetts, the leading State of the Union, would no more hear of a dissolution of the Union twenty Years ago than England would hear of restoring the Stuarts or of setting up a republican government, and gradual bas been the approach to the verge of such dis- solution, and very stringent must have been the force of circumstances which could bring the foremost, the most intelligent and the most staid of the group of States into such a position, About eighteen years ago a clergyman from New Enj land, a citizen from Massachusetts, was settled at Louis, Missouri. Having denounced, by his missionary press, the denial of justice in a case of burning a negro alive, which prevented the murderers being brought to trial, he was driven out of the State, afier his press and types had been thrown into the Mississippi. On the op- posite bank of the river, at Alton, Mmois, which was not aslaye State, he established his press again. There he remained, through many scenes of violence, quiet and inoffensive, but continuing to publish hts paper, At length, after his press had been desroyed three times, he was shot; and it has been customary from that day for- ward to call Lovejoy the first martyr inthe cause which is pow approaching its crisis. Dr. Channing, as soon as the murder was known in Massachusetts, headed the eitizens of Boston in a requisition to the municipal au- thorities for the use of Faneuil Hall—the old ‘Cradle of Liberty,” as it has been called since the Revolution—for a public’ meeting, on occasion of Lovejoy’s murder, in de- fence of the press. The authorities refused the use of the Hall, on the ground that public sentiment was opposed to sucha meeting as was proposed. This stirred Dr. Channing to such a remonstrance as shamed the leading citizens to action, and the same requisition, bearing an immense mass of signatures, was presented again, with success. Very critical the occasion was; and there were moments when thefriends of constitutional rights feared that all was lost, and that liberty of the press, and all the liberties that are implicated with it, would be sacri- ficed to dread of political danger on the one hand, and the cupidity of the merchants on the other. To Dr. Channing’s low voice and quiet manner were opposed the loudness and the blustering of the Attorney General of the State, who seemed tocarry the waverers with him in his denunciation of the press as a troubler of the rela- tions of the North and South; and all seemed lost, when a very young man made his first great speech—the first of a e¢ries with which no other American oratory can com- pare. Mr. Wendell Phillips, whose name is becoming more important to England every day, was a young citi- zen of good property and good family; and he obtained a hearing at once, and roused others to support the right, 80 that it finally prevailed. Mr. Wendell Phillips has for many years been tbe leader of the disunion party, fore- going all the usual aims of republican ambition, rather than take the oath of allegiance to the federal constitu tion, which count nances slavery, and is therein in direct opposition to the constitution of his own State. Sooner than others, the disunion leaders saw that unconstitu- tional laws like the Fugitive Slave law and the Nebraska bill must be carricd through the compromises of the con- stitution; and they took their ground in good time, 80 that if others bad joined them, the final col ision and di { Tuptionjof the Union might have been avoided. Among the hearers at that critical meeting was a law student, the favorite pupil of Judge Story—Mr. Charl B Sumner, whose name is just now the label of the cau"® throughout the United States. Mr. Sumner lived for sor @ time in London, and travelled extensively in our country. He made many friendships among us, and the selection of him as a victim of Southern violence is perhaps a fortu- nate circumstance, as the personal sympathy of many Englishmen will necessarily quicken their comprehension of American politics, in which Mr. Sumner is 80 deeply concerned, This gentleman’s conclusion as tw the right method of action was not the same as Mr. Phillips’, though their advocacy of their common principles was equally earnest. Mr. Sumner decided for political action, and entered Congress as a leader of the free soil party. He has for some time been one of the Senators from Mas- sachusetts; the honest, plain spoken abolitionist, Mr. Wil- son, being the other. ‘The agitation caused in boston and the rural districts by the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave law in Burns’ case +0 far brought the citizens to the point of practical action that they passed the Pergonal Liberty law, and are abid- ing by it, in opposition to all threats. The’aid they have given to the free settlers in Kansas is well known; and the completest exposure of the betrayal of Kansas by the President and his creatures that has yet been made is to be found in the speech in the Senate of Mr. Sumner, Out of that speech has arisen the new crisis, which go fills every American, mind that whole packets of letters and newspa- pers by the last mail contain no notice whatever of the quarrel with England. Mr. Sumner’s speech was long and exhaustive, The reports given of it in the American papers vary so widely, that it is impossible to judge whether it was or was not offensive in its personali ties. If it was, this is a new feature in Mr. Sumner’s oratory; and there is a strong presumption that it was not, in the fact that, while addressing a hostile auditory for two days, he was not once called to order. Mr. Butler, a Senator from South Carolina, came in for his share of Mr. Sumner’s reply and accompanying censure. A consultation was held by some Southern for a committee of inquiry into this breach of Senatorial privilege, and the committce could not, of course, be re- fused; but Mr. Seward ig not on it, nor any other Northern man who can be suppesed to have any bias against the South. The Washington magistrate saw no occasion for committing Brooks to prison, or for even taking bail for his appearance. Throughout Massachusetts and a great part of New England public meetings were immediately called. The first Boston meeting, instant and spontane. ous, is very striking. Dr. Channing has been long in hi grave; but the white-haired old Dr. Beecher, Mra. Stowe’s father, was there to open the meeting with prayer—ac- cording tothe old custom of the State. To us the most impressive fact is, that the general cry of this and the great subsequent mecting, composed of citizens of all politics and religions, all professions and parties, was for Wendell Phil lips, the abatitionistand disunion leader. All the sp2eches are splendid; and it may be imagined how this one will work. The situation of disunion, virtual before, will ere Jong become actual and recognised. Th? sentiment of the first meeting may be briefly expressed in the words of one representatives the night after Mr. Sumner’s speech, to decide how he should be punished and silenced, and it was under the directions of this clique that a member ot ‘the other house, Mr. Brooks, a nephew of Mr. Butler, took up Mr. Butier’s quarrel—not by sending a challenge to Mr. Sumner, but by twice waylaying him on his way to the Senate Chamber, and finally attacking him there when he was incapable of self-defence. Mr. Sumner was writing at his desk, which was fixed to the floor, and he was also confined by the weight of the Senatorial arm chair—he was alone in that part of the room, unarmed, in every way unprepared, when his enemy came behind him, and, without a word spoken, struck him violently on the head. Mr. Sumner gee! up with such force as to tear up the fastenings of his desk, but he fell uncen- scious, and was beaten as he lay till the person who mounted guard over his assailant was pushed aside, and the assailant himself overpowered. Mr. Sumner will not die of this. He is pronounced out of danger; but if he had died on the spot, the wrath of his State could not have been greater than itis. It will not be appeased by Senate the conduct of the authorities at Washingtou whose partiality in favor of the assailant, Brooks, is evident enough. Mr. Seward move of the speakers—"The blood of this Northern man, whe Wad dared to stand up in the Senate of the United States under circumstances that would have discouraged a iin of less ardor, less enthusiasm, and less courage—that blood now stains the Senate floor, and not all the water o/ the Potomac can wash it out.” A prodigious moeting wa: held jn Faneuil Hall the evening before the departure of the last mail; and the vext will bring detailed accounts of the proceedings and of Mr. Phillips’ speech. The New Fngland annual convention was to take tplage the week after; and it may be confidently predicted that it will be more like the conventions of Washington’s days than any that have been held since. Meantime this quarrel puts out of sight and out of mind the quarrel with England, and the President's purpose in aggravating that dispute will be so far baffled. Every man is repeating to himself d his neighbor that the blood of their representative pow stains the Senate floor, and not all the waters of the Potomac can wash ityout. The next*thing said is, that there is nothing for it but the discomfiture of the slave policy or separation from it, and that this would be the upshot, whether now or ten years hence The Trouble with Mexico. [Correspondence of the London Tiw Pais, Juno 10—6 P.M. Then again we have a quarrel with the Mexican g nt. ‘The Spaniards, too, have sent from Havana a fore isting of four ships of war, to blo the coast of Vera Cruz, in cage the Mexicans prove restive, You are aware that this step t taken in consequence of the refwsal the Mexican government to satisfy the just claims of cortion Spanish subjects for indemnity, OF these chums part was dikcovered to be unfounded, and a mixed com op degided hat they should be reduged by 3,000,000 ern piasters, but the rest f¢ enforced. The instructions to the Envoy who accompanies the ‘ition, are the effect that, if on landing at Vera Cruz he finds the Mexican government di wo to reason, he is to refrain from any hostile demonstration. If the refusal be persisted in, he is to establish a blockade. Now, itis ver: doubtful, considering with what a wistful eye the Ameri- can filibusters have long regarded those countries, whether they will much reapect the Spunish dlockide, und, once disre- garding all international luw, there is no knowing to whit extent they will All these add considerably to the difficulty of our own question, which, if not settled in a very short time, may lead to serious complications, such as the serzure by the Americans and the nexation of the whole of Central America. The French go- vernment, who are very that war should break out anywhere: are most anxious for the matter to be ar- ranged, and would willingly offer their mediation if there was a chance of ts being An active correspon- a 5 dence has been going on between the two governments on the subject—with what result remains to be seen. I can assure you that great Cement Iwitt not say alarm, prevails among official men on head. rc a Madrid letter, June 7.) What people chiefly talk of at. the the possibility of a war with Mexico. go. vernment are extremely anxious to ‘(make aeplash,’’ but they don’t know where to find are in it hopes that there tween England and the United conseq’ the course affairs are taking in Central America, and think this may make an morarchical Bag ‘There ae i her uniary 1 ner of arranging her pec' quarrel with ; there it ie same time, not the shadow of edonbt but that an immense number of ish claims are false ones, which have been surreptitiously concocted for be ee, with the consent and even collusion rsonages of influential positions, who sought to make mone, means. ‘What _ was cy y by this amusing beyond measure was to hear Senor Esco- sura, who is a great political as well as literary cox- comb, talking of the bad faith and the incurable spirit of revolution in Mexico, as if this dear country was a mir- ror of honesty and had never heard of a pronunciamento. It is said that the English and French governments have asked this to adhere to the delaration in which the issuing of letters of marque is abolished. 1am inclined to think that the Spanish government’ will not adhere—indeed, cannot adhere, unless the United States accept the same compromise. Ina war with that unscrupulous power it would be necessary for Spain to do all she could in the way of ‘guerillas’? on sea, as she did, in the war of in- dependence, so successfully on land, while there is not a creek from Boston to Mobile that would not send outits clipper. All those things prevent any possibility of in- ternal amelioration. No Minister of thinks anything but his daily existence. The tariff'and all commercial matters are shelyed for opportunities which may never come, and the Cortes are expected to prorogue ‘themselves on the 30th, to meet again on the Ist of October. Perhaps, too, this may be au illusion—I mean the meeting again. Assistance of the British Government to Costa Rica. [From the London Star, June 14. 1 Copies of the correspondence that took place between the late Mr. Wallerstein, Consul-General for Guatemala and Costa Rica, and the War office, relative te the pur- chase of arms and ammunition from the British govern- ment, have been presented to both houses of Parliament, and were delivered yesterday morning. A portion of this correspondence has appeared in the papers of the United States, where it excited a very angry feeling. The correspondence commenced December 26, 1854, with a letter from Mr. Wallerstein, and it concludes with one from that gentleman, dated April 30, 1866, which is considera- bly later than those before published. The last letters of the series, which represent the state in whtch the matter stood at that time, are as follows:— LIEUTENANT COLONEL DIXON TO MR. WALLERSTEIN. RoyAt Bua Arms Factory, Eswueup, March 4, 1856. S1n—In compliance with your request that I should giveyou my advice upon the question of the description of arm to be selected by you, With the consent of her, Majesty's ment, for service of the government of Costa Rica, state as follows:— There are at present a considerable number of smooth bore muskets in the Tower, not exactly new arins, but which can be repatred, and rifled, and sighted, thus making a most efll- client weapon, and giving a great superiority to 8 small num- ber of troops over a larger number armed merely with smooth bores. As, however, the troops under Mr. Walker, against whom you may have to defend. yourselves, are probably arm- ed, elther wholly or in part, with rifles, I should be wrong in counselling you to select any but rifled arms, and I think her Majesty’s government would not object to my selectin, required number of amooth bored muskets; and I could ar- range for their being rifled and sighted, which operations, in- = ing Hints repairs as are necessary, Would amount to about . each arm, Téhould recommend that ammunition, to the amount of 500 rounds each arm, or 1,000,000 of rounds, be obtained from ber Majesty's stores, and the usnal number of percussion caps. Ihe Implemenits necessary for the above number (2,000) of arms could, I believe, be supplied to you from store on your demand, and the cost of these articles could be defrayed by on. u It would be advisable for you to obtain permission for me to prepare a few bullet moulds—say three—and also to contract Jor a good number of iron cups. ‘I have, &c., INT, Paul Matt, March 18, 1866. Sin—In reference to the conversation which you’ have bad with Lieutenant-Colonel Dixon, Superintendent of the Royal Small Arms Factory at Enfield, relative to the selection of muskets for service of the government of Costa Rica, I_am di- rected to acquaint you that Lord Panmure has approved of the proposal of Lieutenant-C Dixon, that 2,000 smooth-bored tmuskets be repaired, rifled and sighted, and Eeomes to you for the government of Costa Rica, on Pees of the expenses of the alterations, also of the supply of the ammunition and ne- cessaries, on payment being mate for them; and his Lordship has given erders for the same to be carried inte am, &e., i. R. DREWRY. MR, WALLERSTEIN TO TIE KARL OF CLARENDON, [Received May 1.} ConsvLaTe GENERAL oF Costa Rica, No, 2 Warwick crescent, Harrow road, cs vern- beg to War Dera April 30, 1856. My Lorp—You are aware that I had solicited and obtained from your lordship, on account of the government of Costa Rica, two thousand muskets, with respect to the payment for which I addressed your lordship on the 28h of March last. Since this period General Waiker is at war with my govern- ment. General Walker has also declared that the ulto coast, under the Ug tion of Great Britain, is annexed by him to the State of Nicaragua. In the meantime he is constantly receiving supplies through Greytown, @ portion of the Mosquito territory; and the posi- tion’ he is thus enabled to occupy between Costa Rica and Greytown renders all eommunication with Costa Rica of ex- treme difficulty. I venture to hope that, under these circumstances, I am not presuming too much on the friendly relations which have always existed between my government and that of her Ma- Jesty, fT venture to call your lordship’s aitention to this state of things. ‘The conduct pursued by General Walker, insulting to Great Britain, by menacing the power she protects, is j dicial to British interests, which are deeply involved, eady pointed out to your lordship, in the tranquillity and prosperity of Costa Rica; and, at all events, it ‘would satisfaction and some guide to me, if I were enabled to ascer- tain, through your lordship’s goodness, the policy which Great Britain is disposed to pursue towards this adventurer, who denounced by the government of the State to which he belongs, is nevertheless making war on his own account, and threaten: ing the peace and well being of the whole Central American continent. have, &¢., E. WALLERSTEIN. Execution of William Palmer, at Stafford, (Correspondence of Liverpool Times.) Srarrorp, June 13—8 P. M. A stranger entering this town to-day would little ima- gine that so dire and dreadful a tragedy was to arrive at ite close, a8 will be, without doubt, by the execution of the unhappy and wretched culprit, Palmer. The good denizens of the town are quite alive to their own interests, and are large in their demands for accom- modation. In this great rivalry exists, and invitations are now placarded to solicit customers. A gigantic poster announces, ‘‘A good view of the execution to be had at the Carriers’ Arms, Sash street,’’ and this may be taken as a specimen of similar productions. To add, by way of climax, a company of strolling players, in anticipation of securing crowded audiences from the influx of strangers into the town, actually commenced a ‘“‘season” of a week on Monday evening, with true Adelphi diableries. In the afternoon the town began to fill with numerous clusters of well clad men, many of them from the neigh- borhood of Rugeley, the’ late residence of the convicted poisoner. Bot \ ave run astray from that most important con- sideration to which every humane and Christian heart is directed. Has Palmer made a confession? The reply is, that he has made none, and further, that none is expected from him, It is also said that Palmer has refused all further interviews with Mr. Thomas Wright,*of Manches- ter, The ground of this interdiction {s alleged to be, that the philanthropist has pressed the delinquent too hard to make a confession. Yesterday the wreteled man was visited by his two brothers—Mr. George Palmer, the solicitor, and the Rev, Thomas Palmer. @ final inter- view between the unhappy relatives was originally ap- pointed for noon to-day, but, for reasons not assigned, it ‘was postponed unt] the evening. What took place I have not fearned, beyond the fact that Palmer adheres to his declaration of innocence. The executioner, a man named George Smith, from Twdley, bas arrived to fultil his loathsome office. I hear that he'came into the town incognito, in a butcher's cart, instead of by railroad, in order to avoid the mob which had beset his abode in Dudley. * * * The convict’s demeanor has in no way changed, ex- cept, perhaps, during the last two days, when it became apparent that the hope he had been led ‘to entertain by his friends of a reprieve, or, at least, respite, could no longer be indulged. He has ‘taken his meals regularly and with his accustomed appetite, and he has gene slept well. He has maintained his self possession; the litte conversation he has had with those who vi him, or have been in attendance upon him, hag evidenced that his ‘mind has been somewhat subdued, but not to say depressed. When the final order for his execution was read to him a few days since, he coolly replied w the effect that ‘il jt must be, (¢ must de. ‘On Sunday last he attended the chapel in the jail twice— the only occasions upon which he has been to Divine ser. vice since his condemnation—and his outward behavior was befitting the sacred place and the serious position in which he stood, The seat he occupied was screened from the observation of the other prisoners, The Rey. Mr. Atkinson, it may be oberved, has beep the pastor of Palmer from his’ youth, haying adminis to him the rite of confirmation. Palmer was a pretty constant at tendant at church up to the time of bis apprehension on the charge for which he is about to suffer, It may be expected that if any one could gain the con- fidence of Palmer, and induce him to confess Lis crime (of which not one man.in a hun dred entertains the least doubt), that Mr, Atkinson would be most likely to guceeed; but Palmer has exhibit ed towards that reverend gentleman the same moodiness which has characterized his conduct with others who have visited him. It was confidently expected youterd. aflernoon, indeed we believe he had intimated as much to those about him, that he would, before going to the drop, make @ “statement,”? but whether that statement wil] amount to a covfession remains to ve econ, We may here mention that on Tuesday last a beautiful Bible was received at the gaol, Rent a8 @ present to the pri by Mr. Sergeant Shee, who so ably but unsuccessfully exert ed bimgelf at the trial on his hehaif, The Biblo was ac companied by 8 most af ting note from the learned Ser geant. ‘The Bible and the note—melancholy souvenirs— will be kept by the family of the mer. RVEN O'CLOCK, P.M This evening the Rey, Thomas Palmer, Mr. Georgo mer, solicitor, and Miss Palmer arrived ke che jail to ¢ their final eave of their brother. Fach of them, so: parately, spent a congiderabig time with the prisoner, Spf, 96 MAE well be immagine’, wes greatly sister larly so. prisoner no longer maintaine. particularly 8i moved to but he quickly recovered self, e Rev. Thomas Palmer earnestly the prisoner to confess if he were. guilty; but he and distinctly replied, “I haye to say, and 1 shall say.” The interview between the parties occ! upwards of two hours, and the last of the visiters took leave of the prisoner at about a quarter o'clock, though they did not leave the jail some tine after. Surcrnay Moryia, June 14, 1866, ‘This morning—indeed, we may say, froma last night—thousands, and if the space would have ad- mitted tens of thousands, were anxious to witness the that tho ra ell" most heavily: duriag Friday, Frida it the rain fell most heavily r7 ht and this morning, every. place where the leass gi of this sad and spectacle could be wit messed was occupied, fabulous sums paving deen for tickets for the platforms, and for a seat from whence s view could be biog... ie gallows was erected outside immediately in front of the entrance, and opposite baer ‘ The available space for the immenge number congregated on the occasion was nota tithe to ‘a. mense masses who were in the town, and who, up¢e the: 1am minute of the fatal bolt being drawn, continued tor urrive, The streets were one mass of and allt viei ‘ers were drench d through to tl akin, by the dehuge a tain that fell about half-past seven o’clock this. ‘The crowd in front of the fatal instrument ef death, terrific; but the able and efficient ‘1 ing the multitude Titable exhorting them dress! e multitude in sui terms, to take warning by the sad sight of a fellow to be launched into eternity, and amend their inedelly manegtinn Fes baie aaa it the people. ivering religious r As nevr eight o'clock as possible the sound of the bell . ofthe chureh commenced tolling, and soon after the. prison doors were thrown open, and the mournful . cession was seen sppronshing e fata} drop. The J. H. Goodacre led the way, reading the funeral servi and was followed by the miserable ¢ ‘Wm. Palmer, who was then in a few moments about to suffer the ex- treme penalty of the law. He was not much altered in hia - appearance since his trial. Major Fulford, the Governor, and the keepers who have had the charge.ot the condemned, with the executioner, filled up the rear. The Chaplain took his place on the right of Palmer, and proceeded with the reading of the service, while the executioner was adjusting the rope, and placing the cap. over his eyes, He then for a moment stepped , the: fatal bolt was withdrawn—and William Palmer, the sur- geon of Rugely, was launched into eternity to meet hig Maker for the murder of John Parsons Cook. i The prisoner was dressed in the prison costume. Ho mounted the scatfold with great firmness, and died with scarcely astruggle. During the night, nor up to the time- of his death, has he ever confessed to the awful crime for | which he bas suffered. THE LATEST. C1osinc Lonpoy Prices, June 14.—Consols for money, 94 to 3¢; exchequer bills, 4 to 8; three and a quarter per-’ cent, 937% to 9434. Consols steady. Railway shares without change. Nothing doing. Loxvon Tattow Marker, June 14.—Market is very quiet. at 45s. 6d. to 453. Od. on the spot, and 463. 3d. for last: three months. Giascow Iron Market, June 14.—One sale at 47s. 6d., cash, Still sellers. Buyers supplied. Losvon Propvce MArKEt.—Sugar looking firm. Two cargoes sold yesterday, viz: 875 boxes Havana, at 31s, for near ports; 5,000 bags Pernambuco, at 23s., landed, conditions. Coflee steady. Teadull. Rice firm. Salt- Petre inactive. Liverroot, June 14d—4 P, M. Messrs. Richardson, Spence & Co. report:—Breadstuffe- very firm. Provisions without change. Corrox—Some speculative inquiry, based upon the offi- -* cial news of Mr. Crampton’s dismissal. Buotations for» some qualities 3d. higher. Sales to-day, 15,008 bales. 8,000 on speculation. Loypor, June 14—P.M. Consols for money closed this afternoon at 94 a 9434. Markets. Lonpon Moyry Marker, Friday Evening, June 13.—The commercial world is still ina state of uncertainty as te - our future relations with United States. The latest advices from New York are quite contradictory as to the dismissal of Mr. Crampton; but whether that step was taken by the American government or not, tage was little doubt that such would be the case. , The three Consuls would also be superseded im their - functions. As the matter now stands, it has evidently regolved itself into a personal quarrel’ with Mr. Cramp- ton, as in the reply of Mr. Marcy to the last despatch oft * Lord Clarendon it is gtated that the apology of the - Eritish government was satisfactory, as far as the goy- ernment was concerned, but that Mr. Crampton, as i representative, was not agreeable to the Cabinet of Pre- ident Pierce. It is further stated that the American Minister here, the Hon Mr. Dallas, is armed with the Jullest powers to negotiate with the government of this. country on all disputes. It is not, however, likely that Mr. Dallas will be officially recognized by our govern- ment, if Mr. Crampton’s functions at Washin; are sus- pended. Much interest is therefore attached to the next: arrival from the United States. The money market continues to manifest an easy posi- tion, and confidence is decidedly increasing. The pay- ment yesterday of the instalment of £1,000,000 upon the: Lew loan temporarily increased the demand for upon the Stock Exchange, especially as it was combined with special settlements in various descriptions of minor railway shares. Rates averaged from 5 to 53, per cont for short loans. The pressure, however, passed away before the close of business; and the commercial do- mand out of coors was no greater than usual. The advances made by the Bank to assist in- the payment of the loan instalments were, it ie said, ~ very moderate. No change has taken place in the rates- of discount at the Bank ef England, although in Lombard &treet accommodation could had on rather easier terms. There is a general impression that a reduction in, the rates of the Bank of England will be made before the close of the present month, and that nothing deters the Bank frum making it forthwith but the apprehension leat: undue encouragement should thereby be given to the many speculative undertakings ready to be placed upon. the market. The specie imports during the week amoun® to about £400,000, the exports to rather under £80,000, Pe ee has purchased geld, so far, to the value of” ,000. The return from the Bank of England for the week end- ing the 7th of June gives the following results, when compared with the previous week:— Public deposits Other deposits. Rest... +200 On the other Government securities.£11,682,126,. Decrease Other securities. 4,333,306... Increase. Notes unemployed. 5,952,735.. Increase... 266,065 ‘The amount of notes in circulation is £19,579,360, beni an increase of £25,000, and the stock of bullion in departments {s £11,688,418, showing an increase of £303,- 762 when compared with the ing return. The British funds, owing to the easy state of the money market and the prospective arrangement of the American question, hi been steady. Business has not been active at any period during ti wreck, bus the daily tendency has been upward, and the tone uniformly good. Yesterday consols opened at 94% & 9434, ex: div., and for a moment they touched 9434 a945, upon the presumption that the Bank would lower the rate. They then relapsed to the opening prices, and as goon as it was known that no change led, been mado by the Directors, they became weak, and gradually de- 9414. Subsequently there was a 4 clined to 943 6 y, and the market closed rather firm at y consols declined to sellers at 94. Some un- manifested on the Stock Exchange ae tothe turn American affairs may take. The closing prices were as follews:—Consols for acgount, 937% a 94. The following table will jw the fluctuations in con- sols since the 6th inetant:— Y—$— J Lowe Highet Closing. Lowest. Highest. rune. rst. Highest. Closing. 3 . Closing. Sat. «Shut shut shat oF Mon. 9..shut shut shut 9496 Tues. 10—shut shut shut 943g Wed. 11..shut shut shut baud Thur. 12.‘shut shut shut 94 9436 Fri, 13.,sbut shut shut 937%, 9434 943g Foreign securities have upon the whole been well Lal rted, The leading descriptions, including Turkish, ‘ussian, Spanish and Peruvian, have been principally ope- rated in, and the bargains in some cases were axtensive, A considerable business has been done this week in: bullion, The Mexican dollars have been cleared at 56, but many are supposed to have been bought on specula- tion, waiting orders by tne next China mail. Bar silver is in active demand at the printed price, holders asking; 4d. advance, A considerable portion of the gold by the » est India steamer Clyde found its way to the Bank of England, Foreign goldin bare (standard),.......pero2£317 0 Silver in bars (standard)...;,.peroz..0 5 1 Gold coin, Portugal pieces per o2..317 6 ’ Doubloons, pat per o2..314 3 Spanish, per oz-317 8 Napoleons per 02..815 0 10 guilderpieces: . pr oz,.316 0 Silver coin, Mexican & §. American dols.per 02,.0 5 0 Spanish pillar dols per 1030 WHIGHT, JUNIOR AND CO+’S CIRCULAR, Livervoon, June 13, 1856, We closed our fast circular remarks of 6th instant, per America, on a quiet cotton market. The same features which have biassed the action of all classes for somo weeks past continue in full force, and until our differ- ences with the Cabinet of Washington assume a more definite aspect, we shall probably drag along in the list- — less manner which characterizes the limited daily bu: nes now in progress. Whilst such conilicting interests are involved, it is not to be surprised at that different opinion should be entertained; and according to the views of ya~ rious holders, 80 has been their course of action. The more favorable position of ywonetary matters and: the prevaience of fine weather for the crops, are well ealeu- —» lated to impart impetus to Wahe in the manufacturing districts, which, however, is kept in check by political considerations. Apart from these, the promise of ar over abundant immediate supply induces spinners to adopA @ cautiONS reserve, and many importers to offer freely, which occasion ‘irregularity in rates; and although quotations are only reduced about 344. per Ib. on fair qualities, actual sales have taken place much lower in particular instances, Onr stock is somewhat augment. ed during the past few weeks, but that held by the trade is sensibly diminished, and with a more settled politien! horizon We may reasonably hope for greater activity whidh, indeed, is apparently manifesting itself in the ci » jarged operations towards the close of the week, To da, a better demand has been experienced, with greater reg larity in prices. Salgp are estimated at 10,000 baley,