The New York Herald Newspaper, June 25, 1856, Page 2

"2 THE CENTRAL AMERICAN QUESTION. Debate in the Senate on the Clayton- - Bulwer Treaty. Speeches of Messrs. Clayton, Pearce and Cass, THURSDAY, JUNE 19, 1856. ‘Mr. Craytox—Mr. President, 1 ask the indulgence of Senate for the panes of Comerene an error speb ‘appears upon the report of a recent parliamentary debate ‘which the Ear! of Clarendon took an active part. In- ply done to this country by the statement which his is represented to have made. I am disposed to |] questions of diplomacy to the able Secretary of State who now manages our foreign affairs, and our Minis- fers abroad. Without any desire to interfere with them Aboid it a duty, when his lordship, on the floor of the British House of Peers, makes a statement erroneous and $wjorious to us (which is republished in this country), to eorrect it. The effect of the republication in this country of ench syatements as his lordship has chosen to make in Great Britain, is to mislead not only his countrymen but mine. The statement to which I refer will be found re- hed in nearly all the important papers of the United ; and I am about to read it from the National Intel- Agencer of the 1éth inst. His lordship said:— ‘With regard to the Central American question, your lord- wigs Know whet ware the terms of the Clayton Bulwer treaty. b it impossible that language could be more clear or more precise in its meaning than the language employed in that instrument. (Hear, hear.) The treaty sets forth that there ‘Aabouid not be in future’ nny colonization, any occupation, any Sorutying oF strengthening of places not alrendy in the pos- wesnion of either country. Ido notsee why there can be two tations of iis terms, that were the language of the treaty—if that were even a tolevebly fair ee of the language of the feeaty—I should not have complained; but every man who ig not perfectly conversant with the treaty will be astonished when I do what I intend to do—place that lan- wou ‘of his Lordship in a parallel column with the clause @f the treaty of which he professes to give us the very werds. Now here are the real words of the treaty:— ‘The governments of the United States and Great Britain hereby deciare that neither one nor the other will ever occupy, er feriify, or colonize, or assume or exercise any dominion Geer Niesracutm, Costa Rica, the Mosulto coast or any part of tral America; nor will either make use of’ any proteciion which either atfords, or may aiford, or any alliance which have, to or With any State or people, for the purpose of erecting or maintaining any such fortifications, ef occupying, fortitying ionizing Nicaragua, Costa Ri the Mos¢uito coast, or any part ot Central America, or of as: suming or exercising dominion over the same. Now read these quotations from the d (wreaty in paraliel columns, and see how the Br tary of Foreign Affairs has misapprehanded, and so rnis- staied, in the presence of the British public and the world, the words of the tre: — LATY. LORD CLARENDON’S STATE: ‘The f the MENT. Unite t Bri The treaty sets forth tain hereby deel: nei- there shoul: ther the one nor her will any oceupat ever occupy, or as: - already in ‘a either count ) coast, oF A possession of Nicaragu e Mosqul any part of ( Fe ted the words “‘in fut: 0.” There are no suc treaty, In the next place, Jerdship bi 1 other y he fo wit: ‘Places not al wy.” These words are palpably for the p aining hi treaty, Which all j ol could not possibly be supported by its plain language. It is by these means hat his lordship makes it appear that not ready in her y rt of the nc speech b ed ip the English papers, it is an outrage upon. ing no further comment from me. xtraordinary is, that such just me a descendant of the Bruce, highly honorable and very ko comment that not worthy and whose language was most kK it most remark. Grey, both who mae ble men, his lordship Sween the two countries, and made ny ‘the House of Peers or the British public by referring to She language of the : a His lordship proce us to speak of the treaty: — It was intended for a specific object: first, the constra canal, and then its maintenance free’ for the use of world, prohibiting any encroachment on the part of the Un! Piates and Great Britain, which were the contracting and g: yanteeing parties; but all its provisions were prospectiv and there is certainly nothing in it which implies that we duras and Ruatan, or to evacuate or alter spect from what {t was before the eon- ‘y. It is impossible that the very able man— who negotiated the treaty on the part of ! have taken upon himself, without tustruc- t the knowledge of his governmeni—o sbandon any portion of British territory or British interests. Here we have for the first time a new argument to show that u y did not give up any existing British Mterest in was co able a man u the knowledge or struction of his government. be says -— ‘And so far from having done anything of the sort, he ‘kcnowled, y Mir. #tringent proviso, which was ackn ie treny SHOW! not touch Honduras, or @ependencies. r. merica, because Sir Henry Bulwer hat he could not have doue it without Then new interpretation t was no longer to be looked . because we gements of the saty by evacuating all the territory we possessed in Central America. I told Mr. Buchanan—what was the perfect What thut was the first time I had heard such an interpretati put upon the weaty. He replied that, in bis country, there was no doubt upon the subject, ‘The new reason now given for the Briti: that Sir Henry L. Bulwer was too abl netructi ncontrovertible, ith— 0 nterpretation, an to haye vio- fact to “keep on Great Britain ny part of Central America od by us to bind herself not to existing possessions she bad then, as well as w acquisitions. I hold in my hand the ori a private noteaddressed by me to Sir Henry ay of February, 1850, more than two montlis the sigha the 19th of 1 a week after the first ex; tal prajét -ned by us both, but abandoned because ould notthen agree about this protectorate. In note, referring to the clause in that bound be parties not to occupy, &., I] informed him, Sour pre ned by 3d, which is to be eonsidered “as having’ never been made,’ in case our governments €o not approve it, did, in my opinion, bind th not © occupy—that is, take, or keep posses- precaution which induced me thus to define an jain a meaning—a Meaning acknowledged by ev glish author—now enables me to prove conclusively that the British pleni ntiary perfe well understoed the meaning we at tached to the treaty, and he acquiesced in that interpre- fiation by making no attempt to deny it. Sir Henry L. Bulwer will readily acknowledge this fact, the proof cf which I now adduce, because this is the first ime Lord Clarendon bas thus appealed w the weight of big name to sustain himself. Here, sir, 1 say, is the draft in my handwriting of the Jeter whieh contains that defin And here is the aeruticate, on the back of it, by as honorable a mam as there is in the United States, the present Attorney Gene- yal of the State of Delaware, who was then a clerk in the Btate Department, that this is the true original draft of the very letter which was placed in the bands of the Bri- ister. He says:— is the ertify that the within is essed by Mr. Claytor ted the @n the same day; and ‘verbatim, and that th ‘Then we Imve the fact, incontrovertib!, Pritich government bound themee! py any part of Central Americ’, I had gi rstand distinctly that they bound them only that they id not take, but that they aseesion of the country which they already had. after all that, and certa with the perfect of knowsng these things, the Earl of Clarendon, eirfy to throwathe whole blame on our gover ntroversy between the tw», tells us that he $s astonished at the ‘new interpetration” which he says Mr. Buchanan attempted to put on the treaty when he enter nat the treaty bound them not to keep possos- sion of tue country after they had agreed they would not oceupy | ‘This treaty was excnanged on the two papers which have been published long since, and sent here—the first that they would en them @ declaration on the part of the British minister, and the second my counter-declaration. In order to secure the evidence of that fact at the time, and imme y after the treaty had been tinally exchanged between us, (we had been up all night,) before I slept I made a memo- yandum which appears endorsed on the declaration as Published that, “thereon, [tbat is, on those two papers, ] ‘Without any further or other act,’ the treaty was ex changed. ° Now, let any man take these two notes—their deciara nand my counter-declaration—and then se i they justify the unqualified assertion in t Far} of Clarendon in the British Hous: Eritish plenipotentiary ‘made a string ‘was acknowledged by Mr. Clayton, not touch Honduras, or affect any of its depende But, sir, 1 do not propose to discuss this subject. I have, ev a former occasion, fully shown that the declarations of the negotiators, at the time of the exchange, were un- derstood on both sides aa not in any degree altering or affecting the construction of the treaty, and tuat no one knew better than the able miniseer of Great Britain; be- cause he was by me distinctly apprised of 1 time, that, if bis declaration was intended to effect any such at purpose, it was of no avail without the consent of the So nate, which he did not ¢ should be obtained or asked for Mr. Cass—If the Senate will hear me for a moment, I ‘wish to say a word or two on th matter entioned by the honorable Senator {rom Delaware. 1 with great amazement the statement made by Lord Clarondon and] brought it with me this morn submit it to the Senate jon. J did not intend to introduc Senator from Delaware haz intro now, in addition to wh he has M, but the honorable duced it, and 1 shal ask the attention of the Souate aid for a yery sort Pre The Senator has correctly stated what we all know, and ‘what has been reiterated here time and again, that this treaty contained a provision that neither party should of Central America. That was the . indeed, of the convention. Now every Englishman, from one end of tho jand to the other, thinks that that engagement does not mean oc- supation at all, DIM means acquisiugn, that whew Log. NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 25, 1856. land says, in a treaty with us, she will not ocec any part of Central America, eye means that she will ‘on to what she hag got but will not acquire any more. Such is the univ opinion of the treaty in that country, arising out of the pretension, so strenuously that it is prospective in its operation. So it is like all other treaties, is, it operates on the future and not on the past. As soon as it was ratified its obligations com- ‘menced, and neither could do an act or leave one undone required or prohibited by it, under the pretence that it Gid not apply to the state of things then existing. 1 do not know that there is a public man in Sciend I do not think one man has stood up in the House of Lords. or Commons and disavowed this construction. I hold in my hand a very liberal paper, called the , Cer tainly without any unfriendly feelings to us,but on this point it is as decided as Lord Clarendon. This is what it says:— We sincerely believe that, as the differences of opinion re- garding the construction of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty began with Mr. Buchanan, it will be found that with his departure from England they have practically ‘vanished. Ne doubt Mr. Buchanan always wrote in the name of the President of the United States, and might, therefore, be fairly supposed to ex- press the views of his government; but it is nevertheless ad- mitted by those best acquainted with the opinions of Mr. ‘Mar- cy, the Secretary of Stale, that he not only never identified himself with the disputes raised by Mr. Buchanan, but even did not hesitate, when opportunity occurred, to intimate that hat was rather Mr. Bucl ’s question than his; and this, Wwe are disposed to think, may account fer the fact that, since Mr. Buchanan's departure from England was decided ‘upon, no further step has been taken by the American government, even at the risk of being charged with want of ordinary cour- tesy to a friendly State, by omitting to reply to an important communication. ‘That such should have been the views of Mr. Marcy, no one who has read the correspondence as laid before Parlia- ent will be surprised ; for if there be one thing more clear than another, it is that the concessions sought to be exacted by Mr. Buchanan by kis interpretation of the treaty had never ‘0 much ag entered into the heads of the negotiaiors who igned it. ‘As to Mr. Marcy, this dogmatic asgertion, or rather con- clusion, is purely farcical; for the whole country knows, 40 reverse the expression, that it never entercd into his head that any other interpretation than that oceupation meant occupation, and not acquisition, had entered into the heads of the negotiators. Here is one of the most liberal papers in England, say- ing that our construction, namely: that ‘‘oecupation,”’ a the honorable Senator from Delaware says, corr means ‘possession,”” never entered into the h man in this country until Mr. Buchanan went to Ex It is a species of national monomania which I sho; astonisled to find in any other country in the world. If Mr. Buchanan was the first to teach his countrymen their rights under that treaty, it was another good act for which he deserves their coniidence; but, from the moment the treaty was promulgated there was not an American who thought of any other construction but the true one, and it would not Have got a yote in the Senate under any other impression. This treaty prov shall not be occupied by either party $ sent back from England to Mr. Bu in its terms that Central America We all know it , With instruc- companied ti with a dvclaration Britigh por Now, I desire exemption, if t possessions ? ent the occupation prevent the aration W: exehanged. h gover the ter a ene t. Now, em at all, for it operated on! would thus have been protected without any additi act. It is difficult to find in the whole history of nation intercourse an €2 mey, not in- r, but as true an epithe: ow that the constr ilish government was then even of. pe years after the formation of this treaty, Lord on sent to mpton, to be laid before onr go- ment, the cop ed April 15, 1853, from the British Aevocate General, a high law oificer, cc ed by the government in cases involving internation points. In that letter is the following paragraph: stand Mr. Cl tain * law rton, algo, to assert that, by the treaty, donned all dominion in the whole of ghich assertion is, in my opinion, incor- variance With the fact, at least as regards’ Bel: his exception Was not intend- , the Judge Advocate, in considering the ques- tion whether his government ‘“ has abandoned all minion in the whole of Central America,”’ says, in his opinien it is inconsistent with the fact, so far as res) Belize and its dependencies, which are the very pozses- sions excepted by the declaration or rider, and waich he evidently considers, by his allusion to Mr. Clayton, as the tenure by which Great Britain holds those possessions. He claimed no exemption on this prospective ground. But, sir, we have the testimony of Lord Clarendon him- seif to ction of the treaty. May 27, 1863, to Mr. Crampton, he say: But Great Bri in the treaty of April, 1850, d_ any i mo renounee, the full she possesses over her own lawtul ‘America, such as their designation was and declared by the negotiators of the js Lord Clarendon’s own’ declaration, made years which he claims that the lawful territories of Great a include only such as that des ors, Now, I dety bi 5 n to $04 Oné Word in that treaty d ing the Pritivh possessions in Central America; an only reference to it is found in the rider or declaration ac- compa , the negotiators de- clared dependencies were ex empted from the treaty.” And Lord Clarendon, in this letter, claims to hold those possessions, not by vir- tue of any prospective construction, but by virtue of this express declaration. Lord Clarendon has now discovered that Mr. Buchanan was the first to announce that the terms of the treaty took effect from the ratification, and were to operate upon everything included within the words of the treaty, and not specially exempted. When he expressed this astonish- ment he t have forgotten that his government and himself had previously pee the natural interpretation upon the treaty*as we did. ] read, with surprise, this account of the debate in the House of Peers, in which he said :— When Mr. Buchanan came over to this country, we heard for the first time that there was an entirely new interpretation to be put upon the treaty longer to be looked upon as a prospective arrangement, but one for the evacuation o British territory, and we were told that we were to biame, and the cwuse—I will not say of a quarrel between the two but of irritation int on the part of the © Un! ; because we ha d the engagements of the tr evacuating all the ter tral A I told Mr. Bucha was the first tin pretation put upon the treaty. He replied that in his country there was no doubt upon the subject. Now, sir, listen to Mr. Buchanan. dated January 10, 1854. he says: cul rambling conyers In his letter to Mr. “After we tion, embracing ‘ton aul Bulwer and several other matters which'l do not propose to detail. In the course of it he stated distinctly that this treaty was, in their opinion, entirely proxpective in its operation, ‘and cid not require them to abandon any of their possessions in Central America. At this Il expressed ‘ussed the point in an ear- hi both at the declaration itself and at the strange incousis- tency of which it is the proof. But, sir, beside# the two gr sions in Central Ameri eclaration of the negoti- ators and the prospective nature of the treaty—Lord Cla- rendon has more recently diacovered ‘another, by which his gevernment is justided in holding on, showing conelu- are determined to adhere to their claim, wanting in reasons to offer ns etter to Mr. Buchanan, yr 28, 1855, after maintaining that the treaty did not erfere with the state of things existing at the time of nelusion,”” he says:— If it had been intended to do go, [that is, give up their pos- session.) there can be no question but that, mM conformity with shat ine undersigned believes tobe the tniveraal ruie in re gard to instruments of this nature, it would have contained, in specific terms, a renunciation, on the part of Great Britain, if the possessions and rights which, up to the conclusion of the Convention, she bad claimed tomatntain, and suoh renuncia- tion would hot have been left as a mere maiver of inferenee. I know nothing of any such rule. Lord Clarendon, in the enunciation of it, it his own expositor of the law of nations, and I reject the authority. The rule with honest men aud with honest nations is, that if they enter into s stipulation to do an act, or not to do one, they are to con- duct themselves accordingly, without trying to get rid of their cngagements by saying I did not undertake to do y else. Apoor code of ethics, this, for the foreign affairs of a nation nds for holding posses. a! 'y for Th Lord Claren dated Seytemt 1 was pleased the other day atthe gentle (genteel, I might say) hint to France and Fa nd which the Presi. dent in his message, on t ject of acquisition of territory. The governments of both of those countess, cf England, baggy been a good deal exer- ng propensity; and the English journals nition of the existing government of Nica- ragua, another proof of our extension. They are almost a and especial cised at our disposed and yet, sir, it was the principle upon which we have acted ¢in time of Gencral Wash. ington, and which m, as shown not only by bis procee his declaration made to the French Minister. This principle is, to very defacto government which is recognized in its own country.” By virtue of this rule, Mr. Rush was justified in his recognition of the new government in after the overthrow of Louis Philippe. The Pre. nt might well remind both France and England of ¢ of acquisition, and of their continued practice e empire of th approaching the Great Desert and of th ng the coniines of Hiu- Mr. A recognize But it is a conti ject of reproach in the journals, that we ha joired territory, md, narisee, they say, We are more virtuous than our neighbors, and not like t grasping democrhoy across the Atlantic, which seizes all that itean get. There are three or four ways of acquiring territo quest, by purchase, and by mutual arrang have hever acquired with respect to Mex we conquered first, w reha apr stil! another method of forgery, indeed; and by held her first title to g The fact is ‘a historical on known; but this is not a bad time tw when professions of extraordinary virtu before the world, History is written for cxample—tor 10 not to examples to be followed or to be shunned. The e to which I advert belongs to tho latter class, an the former. Lord Clive was at the head ot fant british establishment in India. A war bré&e out with the pabob of Bengal. Clive made a treaty with the genora! of his army for the deposition of his master, and for puiting on the throne ae the tool of the English. There wag agement enterea into which Clive diglixed, and did not want to put inte the treaty; but his arrangement could not be carried into effect unless the opposite party thought it was there. He, therefore, had two papers presared— one white and one red—and he so contrived it that the one lenying ont Wis gpgegement was gigucd, and pay otugr Jett’ ed; and by that deceit the was violat- ‘rite hogetnton, Admiral Wats fo ben party in the ni a ‘to the — and Cli" tothe charact ized as it deserved. But never heard that it was pro- posed by anybody, moralist or to redress the ‘wrong by giving up the country, or by apy other com- pensation. Mr. Pearce—Mr. President, 1 intended some time toask the indi ¢ of the Senate to hear me on the subject of our British relations, or some portion of them; but a long indisposition detained me from the Senate at the time when the subject was under consideration. For obvious reasons I do not desire at present to renew the gone discussion, but with the permission of the Se! propose to make a brief statement relative to the eee aes Malone with Sogiand respecting the Clayton: our Di ie Bulwer treaty. I do not remember to have seen what I am about to Biase, peseruien in any of the despatches of the Secretary of State, or in the between Lord Clarendon and Mr. Buchanan. _ It will be recollected that Lord Clarendon, in one of his letters toMr. Buchanan, claims for Great Britain the island of Ruatan as one of the dependencies of her Belize settlement. Now, I have seen, ‘na work of authority, reference to an official letter from ‘a British minister quite incovsistent with that claim. In November, 1836, Sir George Grey, then the Secretary of State for the Colonies, addre: an official letter to 8. Coxe, Fsq., who was connected in some capacity, I be- lieve, with a great corporation, called the ‘ tral Ame- rica Commercial and Agricultural Company,”? to which important grants had been made by the State of Guate- main—in which letter the limits of the Belize settlements and their island dependencies, as claimed by Great Bri- tain, are definitely tated. Theee limits are thus stated:— From the Rio Hondo on the north to the river Sars‘oon on the south, and as fur west as Garbotts Falls, on the river Be- lize, and’ a line on the same parallel to strike on the river Hondo on the north, and on the river Sarstoon on the south, The Britigh crown claims also the waters, islands, and quays, lying between the coast above defined and the meridian of the castermost point of Lighthouse Reef. ‘This letter was published in fullin a pamphlet, or book, Dugout by or for the company before mentioned, entitied “A brief statement of the important grants con- ceded to the Eastern coast of Central America Commer- cial and Agricultura! Company by the State of Guatema- la,’ published in 1839, I find’ it quoted in the work called ‘The Gospel in Centrat Anterica,”” mg the Rey. Frederick Crowe, a British missionary at the Belize. By an inspection of the map given in this work, and also of the map of Central America, prepared by order of the Senate at the Coast Survey office, it will at once be seen that Roatan, and all the colony of the Bay islands estab- lished by Great Britain in 1850, lie to the east of the me- ridian, thus declared by Sir George Grey to be the eastern limit of the dependencies of the Belize, ard that, there- fore, as late as November, 180, these isands were not claimed by the British crown. The old missionary, in the chapter on ‘expansive limits,?’ in which he quotes this letter, adds:— Since the time when this was promulgoted the expansive propensities of this settlement have by no means diminished, End it is, perbaps, difficult to predict at what time it may be expected to hav its full growth, or whereunto iis di- mensions will id. Orme’s work was published in 1856, and we now see that he did not tate the capacity for extension of the Rel settlements, which are now said to include Roatan e other Bay islands. I think it quite manifest that im to Roatan, as a dependency of the Belize, is tenable, Indeed, besides the disclaimer neces- implied in Sir George Grey's letter, may be men- tioned the fact, as stated by the same author, ‘that when in 1880 this island was seized by the commandant at Belize, and remonstrances were presented on the part of the federal authorities of Central America to the Br government, the seizure was ‘ disallowed.” Seme reference to this is made by Mr. Buchanan in one of his letters to Lord Clarendon, and 1 do not find that hi Lordship ever denied the fact. How, then, did it become a dependency of Belize? By 1 authority. oT. what act of even doubtiul y? No answer can be given but one, which will ¥ be presented by the government of Great Pri- tain, which looks with so much disapprobation upon the lust’ of acquisition, and thinks the greatest error of the American nation to be the filibustering propensity which leads a portion of our people to help themselves to foreign lands, and prompts our government to wink at such at- tempts in the hope of annexation.g Notwithstanding these disclaimers, the authorities ofthe Belize again seized Roatan in 1841; and that act has not veen disavowed, though the seizure was made by haul- ing down the Honduras flag, and intimidating into submis- sion the single sergeant and four or five Indian soldiers fig) sslainsiea the possession for Honduras. Great Britain cannot pretend any title, founded in an act of merely superior power, without right. And, indeed, Lord Clarendon seems to have changed his ground by averring, as he did ina later letter or statement, that Great Fritain had acquired a right to those islands by the yoluntary settlement of some of her subjects in Roatan. These voluntary se:clements are the same, I presume, which were made by some of the white population and emancipated slaves who went from the Grand Cayman the act of Parliament which, enfranchised the ne- of her West India pozsessions. surely, this yoluntary settlement by British sub- jects, would’ not give even a shadow of sovereignty to the British crown. As well might it be said that a settle- ment made by Bahama fishermen, or turtle catchers, on one of our Florida Keys, would transfer the sovereignty from the Init tes to Great Britain. But I forbear further remark. ‘The Senate of the United States baz no authority in the conduct of negotiations; and, atthe present time particularly, 1 am unwilling to kay snythine which may scem to be prompted by a spirit of hostility and ili will to a country with which there are, on both sid many reasons for preserving, not merely a formal amity, but cordial and sincere good- will, The facts I have mentioned not having fowd ao place in the various statements of the negotiators, 1 have desired to place them on the records of our debates. r. CLayiox—I intended, when I first rose to-day, to make some comment on the remarks of the Far! ot Cla- rendon in regard to his proposition of arbitrati He tells the House of Pi calculated to bave its efect upon the British public, and T suppose in this coun- try, too—that he has cffered to refer the whole Central Aiverican question to eome impartial government of Eu- rope; aud of course he expected to throw on us, if Mr. Marcy refused to arbitrate, the responsibility of refusing a pacific adjustment of the controversy. Here is whut he I then said, that however clear the terms of the treaty might appear to me, to call in a third party, an impartial judge, to determine what should be the interpretation of the treaty, would be the fairest course to pursue, between governments ag between individuals. I also added that we certainly had no wish to possess territory in Central America; that we did not desire to extend our intluence in that part of the World; that we were perfectly ready to enter into such engagements as would satisfy the United States, and even our own people at home, upon that score; that it was, therefore, indifferent to us who ‘was called in to arbitrate; that we should be prepared to abide hy the decision, whatever it was; but that to do what was not contemplated by the treaty, because we were told that a cer- tain interpretation was put upon it which we could not admit, ‘was not a course which one (Are should propose to another, and to which, certainly, no independent government would submit. (Cheers.) I therefore proposed—what is by no means uncommon in such cases—that the matter should be referred to arbitration. To that proposal, although it has been $0 long before the government of the United States, we have, as yet, received no answer; and therefore, upon this question also, 1 do not wish to enter further: because I am convinced that, when the subject really comes to be considered in the United Rtates—when. the public opinion of tua: country is browzht to bear upon it as upon all other political questions—when the American people are made acquainted with our assurances as io having uo desire to extend our territory of our influence in Central America, and as to our sincere wish to enter into en- gagements suflicient to satisfy every reasonable man, our offer of accommodation will not be refused. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, when the Secretary of State has such hoavy responsibility as is devolved on him in reference to this question, and acts as ably and fairly as I think he has, I hold it to be my duty to sustain him. 1 fully approve of the course which he has adopted in reference to this mat- ter, and ¢specially his refusal to arbitrate that part of i. controversy which relates to the construction of the eaty. 1 know very well, sir, that a nation which, under ordi- nary eircuméstances, refuses to consent to arbitration, takes upon itself a great responsibility. Under such cir- cumstances, in order to avoid this last fearful extremity, itis the duty of nations to refer controversies. 1am will- ing to concede that; but here the terms are not equal. Look at it, and see what it is that we are to refer. Look and Kee What will be their condition if the decision should be against them, and what would be ours if it should be against us. Sir, the paseage through the isthmus is a necessity to us—an indispensable necessity; we must have it, or give up our possessidhs on the Pacific; but how is it with them? If they retain the entire contro! of the Isthmus, they can in time of war cut us off from all cur possessions on the Pacific coast, and all trade with two-thirds of the globe. They have nothing to lose comparcd with what we must kee by an adverse decision. A decision against us might be fatal to us. A decision against them would affect them but very little. It does appear to me, 1 say again, ast have said before, to be an insult to common sense—itsis an insult to the common sense of this nation—to contend, on the plain words of the treaty, tat the government of Great Britain did not intend 1 give yp any substantial interest whatever which they had in Central America. I*hink fuo man ought to refer the question whether his hat, his coat, his shirt, or his house, is his rightful possession. We would do better to fight at once for what is so plainly oure, and s0 indispensable to our existence —far better than to refer the propuiety of that existence to others, and especially to such as might be glad to get of ua. A European monarch has no great love for our form of government; nor has le any great desire to pre- serve us anyting we may deom indispensable to our ia- tegrity and Union as a nation, If we could consent to refer euch a question as that, we should be bound to refer any other question which any foreign nation should choose to submit. I know very well, cir, that the chances would be fifty to one for a de- cision in ovr favor, if the men who undertook to decide it should be henest men. But we had some lessons on this subject of arbitration. We referred the Arm- strong claitn to Louis Napoleou—ag clear a claim, in my judgment, as was ever preferred by one nation against ‘another, and the result was a decicion against ug. Taye another objection to arbitrations of this deaerip- tion, It is impossible to enforce the award ualess the losing party voluntarily submits to it. If a decision should be made against England in reference to this con- troversy, #he might take the very same course which she has adopted in order to retain possession of the Bay Ielande—misconstrue the agreement, and say the award is not bin of the King of the Netherlands binding upon us when the submission was made of the question as to our north- eastern boundary. I say, therefore, that I do cordi Secretary of State in the course he has adopte unite with my friends from Missiesippi (Mr. Brow Vermont, (Mr. Foot,] and other Senators here, would be unworthy of us to refer the question of con- struction to any prince in Europe. Tam perfectly willing to refer the geographical question, whether the islands, lly concur with the and called the Bay Islands, are, or are not, dependencies of Ielize, or whether they are, or are not, a:\jacent to ancient Guatemala, now called Centr America, if that is their wish; but 1 understand Lord Clarendon, in tig correspon- dence, distinetly to concede that these islands are Central ‘American jglande; and when he concedes that, in my judgment, he gives up the whole question, As to the Fresdeuy's reoogwition of Walker's pirations country, honorable must be a sent from him as to the propriety of receiving the r r fencing the cond that of England. here count of unfriendly discussions in the English press and t us for what they consider our everlasting and inordfaate desire for aune country Central Ami pricty of sittin bitter reproach Ihe cther to unde cf self-defence teach us better, and teach us also to exam- ine the conduct of other nations and compare it with our own, when ours is ji President was right in the message to which I alluded, when he referred to the Ia cn cur yart. And I thin i in our foreign intercourse constitute be rican people. Ido not beieve that such open and free discussion ever did us injury at home or abroad. my President-sent his first communication at the beginning of this & have studiously inquired what benetit we should gain by abrogation. the consequences of declaring it nif to-morrow, though a war might, and probably worfld, be the consequence of it. Wi Will it placeyusin any better position? The Senator has not attempted to point this out to us, and he cannot do it. They have really refused to carry the treaty into effect., So, ta he would show us how we cov by sosf doing. What would be’our og if we could and should abro- gate the, treaty? T question, be 1b possession of the whole of Central Ameri- ca, or a8.much of it'as they desire. posession of nearly .two-thirds of it, certainly of than halfof it, (Mr. time the treaty w: have, outef some r great deal‘of their pretensigns; but by country between the Sarstobn and Islands, and claim an indeterminate protectorate over the as existing within any fixed lim despatches of the British Ministry, itds one thing to-day and another thing,to-morrow. ng. We ourselves did not consider the award « government in Nicaragua, J utterly condemn it, as 1 de- ted such acourse before he adopted it. We are just- liable to all the animadversions of Lord Clarendon, and every other Englishman, for sucha eelf-cej jon. 1 will not—I dare not—defend it. 1 predicted fully the dis- race which ypuld attend such an act, and Ihave net n disap) . . President, I hold in my hand a volume containing an account of the incident in relation to the acquisition of Bengal, to which I referred. I could not tara to the bh atthe moment, but I have since found it, ‘by permission of the Senate will now read it. Itisthe tenth volume of the Edinburg Review, and is contained in an article upon the life of Lord Clive, by Sir John Malcolm; and a most extraordinary incident it nar- ratesi— His advice was taken; but how waa the wary and sagacious Hindoo to be deceived? He had’ demanded tat an article im the treaty between mentioned; tel ‘was to be shown to him, contained a fipulaten in his favor. ples ate uence thas & oan Pe chore aad r red treaty. und’s vigilance anc Seeppon Se penn mah ths of #0 im} it aname probably awaken his ‘But Clive was not a ee, ‘man to do an; by halves. We almost blush to write it. He forged A¢ /atson's name. ‘The sequel is told in a few but impressive words :— ‘The new sovereign was now called upon to fulfil the engage- ‘mente into which he had entered with his allies. A conference was held at the house of Jugget Seit, the great bepkar. fe. ae of making the necessary arrangements. ichut e thither, wots hoary Soe ‘to stand high in the favor ‘who, with dissimu surpassing even the dissimu- lation of Bengal, had, up to that day, treated him with undi- minished 1e88. e white treaty wag produced and read, Clive then turned to Mr. Scrafton, one of the servants of the y, and said in English, “Ttis now time to undeceive .”” ** Omichund,’ d rafton, in ‘said Mr. Se: jostance, red. ina take in, You are to have nothing.” Omi- chund fell back insensible into the arms of bis ts. He revived; but his mind was irreparably ruined. Mr. Toomps—It was not my purpose to say a word in reference to this informal conversation, but the course which it has taken seems to render it necessary. Ido not wieh to be concluded by the pocition assumed a4 se veral Senators who have addressed the Senate, and whose ee seems to be to make up an opinion in the country, Differing from the epinion which they seek to make up, 1 deem it my a to express my dissent from one or two of their points. I concur that the evidence is very that the weight of an argument on the construction of the treaty is the Senator from Delaware and with his Such bas been my judgment; but I do not think the weight of the argument is with him on the question of reference. There is nothing in this case, absolutely no- thing, whichfexcludes it from any general rule for refer- ring to arbitration international difficulties. ed the pte os or independence of the country—if it was a right whic any hazar¢—1 would not refer it; but it is by no means true that the Nicaragua route i#a matter of that impor- tance to the country which would warrant us in going and taking it by force. guaranteed b; nate bave declined, but which the country can probably get at any we have a the reach If it concern- we could not aiford to surrender at ‘We have the Panama route now treaty. There is another which the Se- convenient. — Besides, continuous territory from here to Pacific ocean, by which we are able to our dominions on the Pacific at pleasure. Tsay, then, there is no principle which excludes this time, still more case from the general rule that in ordinary cases it is fest, and the best and when you ditior on the construction of a treaty, and national existence is not concerned, to refer it to a friendly Power, and, therefore, I differ from the Senator from Delaware. regret that the Senator from Michigan, in the present con- dition of our relations with England, departing from the real controversy on which he has so frequently enlight- ened the Senate and the country, should make charges that England committed frauds fifty years ago in her ac- quisitions in the Fast Indies. propriate—! do no: think the case good. der it well calculated to promote friendly relations, nor dol see any good to result from such a- charge at any time. Although I admit it to be a historical fact, I think that, at this time, and under the present circumstances, sucha charge from a gentleman who has justly such bigh ccnsideration both in this country and in Europe, is bet- ter calculated to produce evil than good. It is mere crim- ination and recrimination. of bad character—I mean with reference to her ac- quisitions of territory—I heartily admit; but I think this a very I entirely “disapprove of the remarks of the Senator from Delaware with reference to the course of our govy- ernment on the subject of arbitration. ernment has not taken the steps which he supposes; if it has taken them, I hope it will retrace them. jection to the treaty has been immovable from the begin- ning. therisk of war, than of ncn-reference. ‘was a bad one—that it ought never to bave been made— that it ough would at any great national polic the purpose of refu I very much Ido aot think the time ap- I do not consi- That she is a government bad ie and bad occasion to say #0. Itrust the go ry ‘My ob- sider it much more worthy of abrogation, at Ico That the treaty e abrogated, I feel a confident belief. I me rather run the risk of war to achieve a by getting rid of it, than do go for jog an arbitration. Mr. Cass—Mr. President, I have great respect for the nator from Georgia, of which T am sure he re, ag well as the Sennte; but I entirely dis- ‘nehies of the English, people and press without de- ct of our own country or examining There is not a ship’ which reaches Europe that does not bring us an ac- from liement, and smong the Engiish people, reproacling ‘The very last arrival conveys the on that our recognition of the government of a is attributed toa determination to acquire that and also Costa Rica, and in fact, I believe, all jeve in the ing our ears and our mouth enone check is struck turning sme humiliation. The i on. nets ged and condemned. I think the acquisition of France and Eng- isive answer to reproaches directed tituting an equal ground of offence , Also, that these matters involved roper subjects to before the Ame- das a cone st us, and as cc cussed in the American Congres Mr. CLayrox—Six years ago the Senate decided in faver of the treaty of 1860, by a vote of 44 to 10, or more than four to one. country, including the Committee on Foreign Relations, with Mr. King as their chairman, besides Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and other very considerable gentlemen like them, voted for that treaty upon full consideration and discuselon of all {ts bearings. racters for wisdom, and their opinions as statesmen, even againct the opinions and statesmanship of the honorable Senator from Georgia. by,the decision of the public, when that public shall know the high standing and great ability of these geatlemen who approved and sustained that instrument. I would not court a comparison ot the ten who voted against a measure, to supply the necessity of which not one man among them ever did, or ever can, suggest a substitute, and the forty odd who sustained and approved that mea: sure, comprising § most able statesmen and the most distingnished pa- triots that this or any other country ever produced. I,have been too long accustomed to hear oondernpa tions of this treaty from a different class of men, to re- gard them as at all now requiring any defence trom me. But, with regard to a matter more important for us now to consider—the abrogation of the treaty. have it not in our our power, if we choose, to declare Ph n Congress, or in some other way, that Great Britain has yiolated the treaty; and then we may, at our peril, take eee ourselves to refuse to comply with it on our part. ‘The very ablest men at that time in the I will stake their cha- 1 am _ perfectly content to abide among their number some of the Why, eis, we We have it in solemn act of power to abrogate hat would probably lead toa war. Are we ready for it? 1have said, repeatedly, that the British government ated this treaty, and grossly violated it, ‘That is jon now; it has been my opinion ever since the op ion to the Senate—his annual message; but, sir, T If I could see any I would consent to abide uch a course? How hat benefit-can wo gain by as it regards ‘them it is a dead letter. They say’ notyoperate at.af on any emisting interest of I should be“quite wil to declare it null if ld gain ony benefit He will not venture to try that. ¢ British would Jhen, without any ‘They*were, really in more ichanan says of alPof,it,)rat. the de. 5 Suice that, tts true, they ‘espect to the ty,? withdrawn a Siiveiaita all the oon and the Bay Mosquito Wadians, which is ait difficult to comprehend its; for, judging from the It ‘the treaty were abro- gated they would claim all they claim now, and a great deal more. hes were, if we are to credit the despatches of Mr. Chatfield, on the very verge, at the time the treaty was made, of extending their protectorate—nay, they had commenced the extension of it—down to Bocca Del Toro, and even within the limits of New Granada. They withdrew ss goon a3 we com- menced an anxious negotiation on the subject; and if we we were to declare ype treaty abrogated they might, and prebably would, not only renew the claim, but in fact the whole jethmus would be soon in iheir posses sion. That would be the effect of the wise policy recommended by the Senator from Georgia. I have said apein and agriin, and incurred some censure for havin; guid jt, ag itappears from some n¢wspapers, that if could be eatisfied @ decided majority of beth branches of Congress would agree to enforce what is called the Mon roe doctrine in regard to this territory—if they would really determine that Great Britain siiould not remain in possession of this country, I would be vory willing tojoin them. ButI haye said,’ and eay again, that I have no evidence that such a declaration would be maintained. 1 would not myself be willing to maintain the declaration ‘asa general principle, bift only in reference to this part of the American continent; and only in reference to that, ‘as I consider we should be justified in taking such a cours in consequence of their having 80 out- rageeutly broken the treaty Would the distin- ished gentleman from Georgia advocate the Gonroe doctrine, and extend it to Central Ameri- ca, after he had abrogated the treaty? Not he, Then he would give up all the great, all the best passages across the Isthmus, to Great Britain. As tothe Panama route, Great Britain ig not bound to protect it by anything but the very treaty which he would get rid of. The only treaty which makes that neutral, is the treaty with the insignificant State of New Granada; and the neutrality under that treaty extends only as far as the narrow strip embraced in the province of Panama, which Great Britain, were she in possession of the adjoining Central AlDeri¢am Riate of Costa Riva, as sig would be could bg be free from the treaty of 1850, would, in time of war with us, seize after les thana three days? march. He wishes, therefore, t give up the whole Isthinus to Great Britain, and he evidently thinks it of no importance to us. Tsay, therefore, I can fee nuihing but mivcbief in tho course he, and others who have expressed the same sen- timents long before him, recommend. I will not detain the Senate on this subject, for 1 have, on a former oeva- sion, fully exposed the imbecility of such a policy. But, in regard to arbritration: the honorable ator from Georgia says he would arbritrate the whole controversy. ‘The Secretary of State says he will arbitrate the question of geography, but not any question so plain as that which the Farl of Clarendon proposes to him, whether the word “oceupy”? means what they themselves understood it to mean, as I] have shown, and what every dictionary of the English language says it means. ‘The Senator from Geor- gia says he concurs with all the other members of the Senate, that the American construction is clearly right, but still he would refer it. I concur’ with hima that, as a general rule, I would ra- ther arbitrate than go to war; but not in such a case as this, unless the referees should be eminent and impartial efvilians selected by ourselves. The British ministr; have undertaken to put a construction on an English word which no one dictionary in their own language will ststain. When the proof is overwhelming as to what he meaning of the parties at the time, as itis here, it docs appear to me that it would be an insult to us to ask us to arbitrate before a European prince such a ques- ion as that. I could not have any confidence that they would abide by the award, if made against them, as they refuse to abide by an honest and fair interpretation of the treaty. A government which is capable of so grossly outraging all the rules of interpretition as they have shown themselves to be, in my judgment would not hesie tate, if the award were made against them, to declare that they would not abide by the award on some techni- cal objection or other, and thus throw us back precisely where we were before, still more seriously jeoparding the relations between the two countries. I take leave of the question perfectly sutistied with the wisdom of the poliey cf Mr. Marcy and the President in relation to this subject of reference. Our Lancaster Correspondence. Lancaster, Pa., June 23, 1856. The Pilgrimage to the Meceq of 1856—Sume of the Pilgrins Appearance of the Battle Field, de. Philadelphia was hot on Sunday. The thermometers were taken in and the clerk of the weather seized the occasion to give the Quaker city a dose that would have astonished Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego, even after their experience in the fiery furnace. The glare of the heat was 80 intensified by the marble porticos and the everlasting white shutters which line the strects of the rectangular city, that nothing could approach it in power except the combustion of combined gases in the com- pound blow pipe. To escape annihilation I took my car- pet bag and started for the region where that fine old gentleman, James Buchanan, has for many years been teaching people, by bis personal example, to keep cool, All the speakers in the late Convention at Philadelphia told us that Pennsylvania is to be the grand bat- the field during the Presidential campaign, and I looked at the country with peculiar interest as I came along ina fast train. Nature was smiling in wheat fields, langhing ight in clover patches, and wearing a serene aspect in the green pastures by the side of still waters, and it was difficult to realize that the ground will be strewn th the dead, wounded and missing politicians on the firet Tuesday after the first Monday of November next. The locomotive by which we were whirled along whistled all the way, and secmed ambitious of acquiring the title of atpolitical engine, but whether it blowing for Bu- chanan or shrieking for freedom and Fremont, it was im- possible to tell. It brought us safely to Lancaster, how- ever, Which is now the Mecca of the (still alive and kick- ing) prophet of democracy. Lancaster seen more strange faces since the Cincin- nati Convention than in years before. More Govern- ors and members of Congress and honorables, more politicians, big and little, have visited it within a few days than would have come here in as many years if the “favorite son”? of Pennsylvania had not been put on the Presidential course by the political jockies. The co- hesionists who have an eye tothe public plunder which will jingle out of Uncle Sem’s pockets to the tune of $300,600,000 during the next four years, come down here to shake hands with Mr. Buchanan, and promise him their warmest support during the canvass. Some of them who have now a finger in the pie desire to keep it there; those ve not heen served are smacking their lips in an- ticipation of the feast of spoils. The original Buchar men are on hand to assert their peculiar claims, backed up by credentials more or less convincing a3 to their le- gitin: The Pierce men come to apologize for ever having thought of him for a second torm, and all swear terrible caths of fealty to Buck and Breck. Fenjamin F, Haliet, of Boston, United States District Attorney for Massachusetts, chairman of the Committee on Resciutions at the Cincinnati Convention, was here a day or two to make matters smooth fur the Boston cfilee holders, assuring Mr. Buchanan that when they had fulfilled what they considered their obligations to Mr. Pierce they went in for him (Buchanan) with a hearty nd intend to support him with greater zeal ever did any other candidate. Anson Lier , of New York, was here with a couple of fricnes’ and alile of his papers. He presents a big bill for settlement, having written several long winded lead- ers in javor of Buchanan from the start, and as his friends testificd that those teaders Lad a tremendous influence upon mankind in general, this claim will probably be al- lowed in full if Buck should happen to be elected, A California delegation has been here, consisting of overnor Bigler, Gencral Rust and. a Mr. Hill, to induce “James Buchanan’? to puta little vitality into the supple- mentary plank of the Cincinnati platform on the subject of a road to the Pacific. They assured him that Fremont is unpopular in Colijornia, and that if they can only use a litle Pacific Railread thunder they can carry the State clean for the democratic tic he South is giving in Its adhesion, Hon. F. W. Pick. ene, of South Carolina, and Hons. T. C. Lyon tand W. M. ( Tennessee, dined with Old Buck to-day at 1, with due ceremony, and did not fail to impress upon his mind the devotion of the Palmetto State and the fellow citizens of Jackson to his canse, It must have been highly gratifying to the old gentleman to meet representatives of the nullifiers and of the State whoee iron chieftain nullified the nullifiers, fraternizing together and pledging their support to the common cause. What pledges he was obliged to give in return I know not. He probably pointed to the Cincimati platform, and reiterated the ceiitiment of his speech to the committeo— that he is no longer James Buchanan, and henceforth will speak no word, but let the platform speak for him. ‘That is certainly a very convenient way to stave off alk those who would demand new pledges and engage him in in- terminable discussions upon his future policy. The old veteran is looking well, but is bored by visit- ers, and at times wishes himself back to England, where he was only, at considerable intervals, obligeg to attend Lord Mayor’s dinners, and participate in “mutual admira- tion’? speeches with John Bull. In the meantime, the ex- citement gives an impetus to business in Lancaster. The politicians who come here must perce the hotels, and the rich farmers in the neighborhood harness up the best ‘wagon and come to town much more frequently than be- fore. It is becoming fashionable to dine at McMichael’s Hotel, now that there is occasionally a chance of meeting ing “Old Buck’? and a brace of Congress men at the table. ‘Buchanan has some ardent supporters among his fel- low townsmen. One of them, who had worn out his coat and brecches in the good cause, harangued a crowd in front of the principal tavern this evening until, in his en- thusiasm, he fell down upon the sidewalk. After gather- ing himself up he begged three cents of a bystander, and betook himself to the next corner grocery to finish his discourse upon democracy. Our Magara Falls Correspondenee. Niagara Faris, June 23, 1856. Arrivals of Strangerts—The Kansas Committee to Bit in New York, de., de, de. ‘This resort of the gay and fashionable world is just be- ginning to fill up—one hundred and twenty-five arrivals yesterday. 1 find that the people who come now are not inclined to stay more than a day or 80, ag a thin house does not give much life or music to one travelling for pleasure. I gaw among the arrivals yesterday &. P. Hanecom, familiarly known as “ Spike,’? who is en route from De- troit—where the Kansas Commission have been in seasion for the last week—to Boston, where he is to subpeena six or eight witnesses to appear and testify at New York, where the Commission is to sit on Wednesday next. They will then finish up their report, and be at Washington by ‘Wednesday week. He denies the intimation that the Committee came home because the $10,000 was all spent, and says they came home because they had got through in Kansas. ‘Spike’? is looking fine, and moans to do yeoman service in the Old Bay State for Fremont. I find no other distinguished arrivals on the books, if we except some few Cincinnati delegates who have been West recruiting after their arduous duties in the Queen Oy. of the West, and have turned up heregoing home. ve came near having a gad incident to record to-day. As a lady was coming from the tower, in stepping down to the rock, coming out, she slipped and fell. She seemed to recover herself, but was slipping again, and stillnearer the water, when a gentleman from Boston reached for- wara and saved her. A foot more, and she would hay reached the current and gone over. There were pale faces among the ladies for afew moments. It seems that deriving such an income as they are from the Island and Tower, there should be more security afforded in passing to and from the Tower than there is now. They are about to build a new bridge above where the one now is, and more substantial than the present wooden structure. Arrival at New Orleans of the Untted States Minister to Guatemala, REPORTED EXPEDITION FROM GUATEMALA AGAINST ‘WALKER. [From the New Orleans Delta, June 17. Hon. John 1. Morling, United States Minister for Guate- mala, arrived in this city.a day or two since. He ig.at the St. Charles Hotel, and, we regret to add, very ill. Mr. Morling is on a visit to his friends in Nashville, but will first proceed to Washington to report to the govern- ment concerning his mission. He reports that on the 23d. of May, when he left, the government of Guatemala had ordered its army of two thousand men to invade Nica- ragua, for the purpose of making war upon Walker. This would seem to give additional substance and jmportance to the rumors alluded to in our last Nicaragua correspond- ence, of the 5th inst., to the effect that Guatemala, San Salyador and Honduras were combining against Walker. But as Mr. Morling left Guatemala on the 23d, it is very possible that, inthe time intervening between that date and the date of our correspondence, those governments, having heard of the discomfiture and despondency of the Costa Rigas, bad re-coppidered the question, Our Havana Correspondcuce, Havana, June 19, 1856. Coal Supply for the Spanish Squadron at Vera Crus—News Soom Nicaragua—Waliver Gaining Strength—Markels, d Coal has been sent to our war steamers at Vera Cruz, to enable them to take position—if to fight orto run aWay—as disereiion may dictate, Thave seen a note which came up from Nicaragna by the Susquehanna, which’ shows that Walker is gaining strength, and that he will not be alone er have to con- tend against all the States of Central Ainerica; he is out of the woods. Files as usual, Exchange—New York, 944 to 10, and firm; Vondon, 114 to 2, dull, but the feeling miteh Weiter than dt the close of ast Freights very dull; nothing done in the two past days, Theatrical and Musical. Nmx1o’s Garpex.—The comic pantomime entitled 3M, Dechalunean,”” one of the Ravels’ best. pieces, is to be performed this evening, in connection with the sparkling ballet styled ‘Fiora and Zephyr,” in which the popular Wie Robert executes a number of clegant dances. Young Hengler, the wonderful tignt rope performer, is also in the programme of entertainments. His agtonishing feate~ seem almost miraculous. + Berton’s Tiatny:.—Manager Fleming appears deter- mined to secure the good will of the playgo ng public by- the presentation of old and highly popular pieces, with: casts that are able to do the authors justice. ‘To-night wes are offered the five act comedy of “The Honey Moon,” ins which Mrs. Fleming, Miss Fauny Dean, Moses. Pryor,” Holland, Fuller, the manager and other favorite artists ap+ pear. ‘Beulah Spa, or, the Two B'hoys ” follows. Proapway Vaxieties.—The Wood and Mareh juveniles: will enact the celebrated drama called the ‘Six Degreez- 1 Crime,” for the last time this evening, consequently’ hose who contemplate taking their families to see this moral play must not forget to avail themselves of proba- bly the last opportunity they will have of so doing. The moral tendency of this piece canuot prove otherwise than beneficial to the yduthful intellect. Erie Hatt.—A grand mixcellancous entertainment is to be given this evening, on the sion of the compli- mentary benefit generously tendered Mme. Keller by several distingnished artists of this city. The programme gts of various of M. Keller’s greatest living illustra- tions Or tableaus of renowned Scriptural, historical allegorical paintings, unique magical experiments by Sig. Adonis, singing and ‘music by Mme. Lovarny, Miss Duck- worth, Herr Stepel, &c. Woop’s Mixstrers.—Atl who desire to enjoy a novel and very amusing performance, should see George in the “Mischievous Monkey with that Blessed Baby.’? The piece is to be withdrawn after this week. Dessevporr GarLery.—The “Martyrdom of Huss,” and other fine paintings in this gallery, are particularly worthy the attention of ali having a taste for the ne arts. An Appeal of the fi ae of Richmond, ihe TO THE FANATICS, MADMEN AND WILD POLITICIANS OF ALL PARTIES. At a meeting of the ministers of the Gospel, in the city of Richmond, convened on the 19th instant, after public notice, the Rev. T. V 3 the chair, and the Rey. George Woodbridge appointed Secretary. ‘A The Rev. Dr. Smith, of Randolph Macon, being present was invited to as-ist in their deliberations. ‘The meeting was opened with prayer by the Roy. Mr. Woodbridge. * The following address was then presented, and, after mature deliberation, was unanimously adopted T. V. MOORE, Chairman, Gxo. Wooprrmcr, Secretary. BRETHREN AND FetLow Ciiizexs—Tho undersigned, min- isters of the Gospel, of different Christian denominations, in the city of Richmond, do not think that we shall tran- gcend our proper sphere in addressing to you, respect. fully and earnestly, a few conservative remarks on the prexent alarming Crieis in our national affairs. Our clerical profession, though it has restrained us from taking an active part in political matters, has not quenched the ardor of our patriotism. We cherish, as our invaluable birthright, the liberty, civil and religious, secared for us by the toil, valor and blood of our fathers. We are fer- yently attached to our national institutions, planned by the wisdom, and consolidated by the conservative spirit, of revolutionary patriots, We love our country—our whole country—our country with all its faults. We look upon the citizens of every State of the Union as our brethren. Of ‘all the people on the face of the earth, they have the greatest cause to be thankfvl and contented. The sun does pot shine upen a nation so free, so favored, 80 prosperous, as ours. We deem it our solemn duty, as patriots and Chri=tians, to contribute in every lawful method to the perpetuation of blessings so pumerous, 60 various and £0 rich. t . We have seen, with painful solicitude, the agitations which haye marred the peace and threatened the stability of our Union. sectional jealousies and bitterness have, to a great degree, usurped the place of patriotism. and brotherly love, Citizens of the same country, descendant of the same race, inheritors of the same priccless privi- Jeges, guardians of the same beneficent institutions, are set in deadly hostility inst each other, The spirit of violence, showing itself in misrepresentation and abuse, ._ in the licentiousness of the tongue, and of the press, iz personal assaults, in insubordination, and in armed resis- tance to the lawful authority, ie rife and spreading in the country. The flames of civil war re kindling in our bor- a ‘As American citizens we are humbled, andas Christians we are deeply mortiiied and grieved atthi + state of things. We have seen that, in various parts of the country mectings are called, conventions are held, speeches are delivered, resolutions are adopted, and all,” or nearly all, are designed to agitate, inflame, excite the worst passions of the human heart, and add fuel to flume that threatens to consume the noble fabric of our government. We have read no necount 3 assembled for the pat- riotic and Christian purpose of ing the popular ex- citement, awaking the conservative spicit of the people and invoking the blessing of the Most High on our rulers and on our nation. We believe that God reigns in righteousness over the nations of the earth. His gracious and controlling provi- dence has been eminently displayed in the history of our beloved country. Our Revolutionary fathers ac- knowledged the sovercignty of God; relied on His sustain- ing power, and sought, by fasting, humiliation and prayer, to deprecate His wrath and to secure His guidance and pro- tection in the unequal struggle in which they were en- gaged. Nor did they appeal to him in vain. By many wonderful interpositions He gave them the victory, and enabled them to establish a government which has beers the admiration of the world and the hope of republican li- - berty. From the auspicious dawn of our republic to this bour he has been the guide, defence and benefactor of our nation, The perpetuity of eur natiunal institutions, and the prosperity of our country depend on His blessing; and we humbly trust that He, who watched over our national infancy and nourished us to vigorous manhood, will not now forsake us. We arc sure Ho will not, if byourma- | tional iniquities we do not foffeit his fayor and proyoke His wrath, ‘We regard the law of God as the foundation of all hu- man law, binding by its precepts all men, of every sphere and calling in life, and the standard by which all human actions should be judged; and we, therefore, earnestly deprecate all exasperating personalities, all asperity and intemperance of language, all resorts to hare force for redress, as contrary to the teaching of God’s word, and as derogatory to that elevated civilization of which that word is the origin, the rule and the safeguard. ¥ In view of these considerations, it seems good to us to address a few words of exhortation to our fellow citizens. In the present circumstances, it is the obvious and imper- ative duty of all to cherish a. patriotic, candid, kind and ” forbearing spirit. Let us sedulously avoid every word and deed which can tend to increase the public excitement and irritation. Let us give no countenance to lawless vio- lence, whether in low or high places. Let us seek by every practicable method to strengthen and brighten the. bond of fraternal union, which should embrace every citi- zen of our favored States and Territories. And, above all, let Christians fervently pray to the Father of Light for his blessing on our rulers—that they may be wise, firm, oon- ciliating and patriotic; and for our people~-that they may be peaceable, prosperous and happy. _ We are called indi- vidually to self-examination, the confession of our sins, penitence, and a reformation of our lives; and by these methods, far more readily than by fierce discuss! we avert the dangers which are impending over our belOved land. And now we entreat you, by every consideration of patriotism and picty—by the memory of our fathere— by the blood which purchased our liberties—by the illus- trious deeds of Bunker Hill and Yorktown—by the his- tory of the past—by the millions, living and unborn, whose welfare depends on the preservation of our Union —and, especially, by our religious prosperity, 80 greatly increased under our excellent goverment, to “follow the things which make for peace.” In conclusion, we earnestly request our fellow citizens to unite with us on Sunday preceding the fourth day of; July next, in prayer, secret, social and public, to the God of nations, that he would mercifully restrain the angry passions of men, inspire our rulers with a moderate aud pacific spirit, disperse the clouds overhanging our favored republic, restore the harmony which once existed among. the States of this Union, and enable us to transmit to our: posterity, in their entireness, the inestimable privilogess which we haye re@eived from our ancestors. J, B. JE T. H. JONES, x B. towers, J. D, BLACKWELL, i RROWS, S ‘ R. FORD, 1D. HOG Hi. WATKINS 7. V. MOOR! J. B. TAYLOR, 1. P. LEDOUX, —PEITIGREW, C,H. READ, J. K. POWERS, GEO. WOOBRIDGE, , E. P. WILSON, ri H. & KEPPLER, J. H. BOYD, H. B. NEWMAN, + W.H. STARR, J. PETERKIN. —————_ MELANcHOBY ACCIDENT IN Boston Harsor.— ovR Mex Drowyep.—A boat containing seven men from ast Boston was upset op Sunday afternoon in the harbor, ear Apple Island, and four of the number were drown- cd, The bodies of John Forbes Thomas McCann, and John Goode, were recovered. The fourth, a native of Gormany, has not yet been found, The boat’s crew were mostly blacksmiths and machinists, and worked in fst Boston. It is thought that a “cat squall’ struck the oat, and it is miraculous that no more were lost. In ad- dition to the above we give further particulars, Joha Forjes was twenty-nine years of age, and leaves a wife, buMho children, although the woman {s on the ye confinement, Thomas McCann was aged about thirty, and leaves a wife and one child. John Goode, twenty- cight yoars, leaves a wife and three children. The fourth, whose body was not recovered until this morning, was foune Scotchman named Robert Mclntire, aged eighteen. a a no relatives in this country.—Bosion to june 23, From Kansas. By the steamer Jas. H. Lucas, just down from St. Jo- seph, says the St. Louis Democrat of the 2ist inst., wo learn that affairs in Kansas are assu®@ing a milder aspect. Rumors of violence have almost entirely ceased to ba heard. The parties of armed men that ran riot inthe Territory, committing depredations on the one hand, and defending themselves on the other, are being disbanded by the energetic action of Col, Sumner, or clye skulk ig Temote parts of the country.