The New York Herald Newspaper, June 18, 1856, Page 2

2 $n many parts tave begua ¢o fall. The Emporor has Verited the scene of the Ipundations at Lyons, riding on Rorseback along ihe bamks. He distrivuted relief with his own hands, and placed the sum of 100,600 franos in the hands of the Prefect. ‘The most cheering accounts of the crops are now daily Pouetved from every part of Ireland. Every description ef crop exbibits the utmost Muxuriaaee, and the farmers Rave given up all their recent apprehensions, The po- tatees have a mort ficurishing appearance, and it is stated ‘What even tn the heaviest cols the ram bas not inticted may damag: The great Internatoral Exhibition of Agriculture was pened at Paris on ube Ist inst., asd the show was crowd- €¢ throughout the day. ‘There was po alteration ‘p the corn market from pre- ‘Wious rates. ‘The trade reports from the provincial towns for the ‘weok show a tendency to dullness, which has been only yastially checked by the reduction in the bank rate of @meount. The weather and the holidays were some of ‘Whe causes which had interfered with business. Our London Correspondence. Lowpox, June 3, 1856. Belanons Between England and America— Effect Produce Dy the News brought by the America and Hermann— Agitation of the Buropean Money Markets, dc. ‘Me last news from the United Staves, brought by th America, bas create@ quite a sensauon of alarm bere end the funds have declined considerably in consequence. AB the papers have leading articles on the subject. ‘Deis needless for me to say that the American question mow the prominent one, casting all others into the bade. ‘Bae Fimes, in tte money article yesterday, saye:— Motwithstanding the singularly favorabie character of fe Bank returns, the Englieh funds have again been Meavy to-day, many sales having been effected ander the ston’ that even the most carnest wishes of the t and the people to avoid a conflict with America may possibly prove vain agaimpt the apparent determina- of the government at Washington. Do its vity article to-day it says:— ‘Wee confirmation from the United States this morning of fe recognition of the piratical government in Nicaragua gamed the funds to open at a further decline of three- eighths per cent, but a recovery almost immediately teek place, which was in a great degree maintained Wepoughout the day. @onsols for money, which left off on Sasorday at 949, a 945,, were first quoted MA, whence advanced’ until they touched Wi%. A partial reac- fen then took place, and the latest transactions were at 943, a%45,. For the 10th of July the latest price was 28%, a 95. Al other news is uninteresting. The grand cattle show ai Paris bas been opened. The Emperor has gone to Byons to preside at the distribution of aid to the suffer- vews from the late inundations caused by the heavy rains. A ketter from Paris says: — @ommercial alfairs in Paris contmue to be checked by f@e weather, as well as by the high price of provisions. ‘Whe Parisian manufacturers, however, have received fwesh orders, and are busily at work. The accounts trom @ provincial industrial districts are less favorabie. Rouen nd Mulhouse hat Moon hand thy sues and other meeek, they ge lly dispose of in May, for the tair of Beaucaire. Only a iew of the itinerant dealers, who weually attend that fair, have as yet come forward, and fey demand a reduction in Sarers cannot grant. rices, which the manutac- No decision Has yet been adopted oncession of the Transatlantic lines, of bild Company is still likely to become ful contractor. The government has resolved te remedy an abuse, repeatedly complained of by the Eagikh and American captains trading with Havre. Bere are but_nine naval brokers or interpreters licensed $m that port. Their number has not varied since a @onsequently out fot all proportion with the wants of mavigation and the progress of trade. Of these, only four fare authorized to translate the English la perve the English and American vessels é ‘Whe American captains, annoyed at the great loss of time A ¢ difficulties and vexations they were constantly ex- to, lately addressed a petition to the Emperor, who, g their grievances well founded, ordered M. Roucher, Miowter of Public Works and Commerce, to lose no time @ redressing them. By his Majesty’s directions, the mamber of interpreters has already been increased at Marseilles, Bordeaux and Nantes, and a similar measure ‘will shortly put an end to the inconveniences the English pd American eaptains have to suffer from the coalition formed by the Havre brokers. ‘The Emperor of Russia has left Berlin again for St. Petersburg. Tere is a momentary full in the Italian question. Aus- fia bas issued a counter circular to that of Cavour, in which Bool declares that all disorder in Italy is to be at wuted to Piedmont, and that the wise rule of Austria alone saves Italy from anarchy. The relations between the governments of Turin and Vienna are not particularly ftendly. The same may be said of the relations between ‘Wieana and St. Petersburg. The visit of the Czar to Ber- Mm te regarded as a demonstratfon against Austria. OUR DIFFICULTIES WITH ENGLAND. ‘The Probable Effect of Mr. Crampton’s Dis- missal—_The Effect of the Reception of Fa- ther Vijil—Threats to Dismiss Mr. Dallas— ‘The Financial and Manufacturing Aspect of the News. {From the Manchester Examiner, May 31.) Whatever cause may occasion a r between this Bountry and America, Ht would unquestionably be a rather e affair, Ht might fail to injure the interests of the heeter Guardian, but i would not be quite so innocu- ous to the colton spinners and merchants of thus district, who fewekd have to bear the brunt of its disasters, Such a war ‘weuki endanger our commerce in every part of the werld, interrupt the supply of the raw material of our staple industry, and deprive one-half of the searing people which settles the Eastern question, it is vaim to coneval ga ourselves that the danger of hostilities in the W Decoming more and more imminent, * * * * « * * Looking altogether at the aspect of affairs in the West— @t the hoetile tone of the speakers in Congress, aud the ortinacity to pick aq J with England evinced by ‘American officials, we have serious apprehensions (hat Re present year will not close without a rupture with the Btates—beginning with a cessation of friendly relations by Me dismissal of our Minister. : * * * *» « * The next mail may bring the news of the dismissal of our Minister by the States, or of some collizion between English end Americans in Gentral America. The t therefore. @ arrived whe © affairs must be looked at in al © irgravity and consequences, and the people of Eng: ad be prepared to say how far they will go along with Be government and support it ia the new war which ‘Mhreatens them. Frem the London Telegraph, (organ of the democracy) . J 2. ‘Me question is a eimple one, and easy of solution. Is @ worth our while to expeud several millions of money. sacrifice several hundred thousand lives, jeopardize our eemmerce, lose our colonies, impoverish our country, and grind down with almost unbearable taxes, imposts and emactions the hard worked millions of these islands, all fir one object, the retention of a Mr. Crampton, formerly ‘@ geveriacent clerk, as Our Minister at Washington—a Mr. Mauhew, formerly a sporting officer in the G t, eject. ‘ed fer bribery from a seat in larliament, and then a Gevernor of the Bahamas, which post He resigned in con Beqeence of the dissatisfaction caused by his conduct, as @or consul at Philadebphia—a Mr. Barclay, who has held a coug berth during for years as consul at Yew York, and who, during ‘that period, must Inave amassed euough’ money to retire with com mos for the remainder of his days—and lastly, to re Mr. Rowcroft, of whom we know nothing, as our @ensa! at Cincinnati? For the purpose of retaining these feur individuals as our accredited agents in the United Plates, against the express wishes of the Am vernment, shall England go to war with our powerful fwans-Atlantic cousins? Surely the war just terminated By a dicgraceful peace, which we were obliged to accept @aght to be a lesson to curb the overweening pride of our eeuntrymen. As to the performances of our army, the Teast said the better. Our men were brave toa fault, and Waet is ail that can be conceded to the service. As w ee genius of our officers it has been proved to be be mpt. We had not enough military tact w Keep a brigade of horses from starving; aud the ea Gre staff of the British army—engineers, ar fillery, cavalry and inf were unable to devise'a scheme to place under r a squadron§ of dragoons in the field. Civilians could construct a railway fm an enemy's country several miles in length, hut and shelter the bavvies employed, feed their men and p their duties without one single instance engineers did this, because they were practical men, anil Because they were not checked and curbed by plume: and spurred staff nonentities. If the construction of that railway had been left to the army, not one mile of it would be at the present moment fin and, during the ee of that mile sore hundreds of men would lu Bogged at the triangles by our Provost Marshals Se much for the proved military genius of our officers ‘As to our navy, we had old admirals euflering from the gout, living on port wine, and in napired moménts, under @ bivence of the juice of Oporto, raving about “sharp mg thew: utlasses,’’ bearding the Muscovite in his . ghoa.s nds areatening to bring forth the reluctant a mace asm fight And how did we manage that » @ur wooden wails battered down, at long range, emarsund, did not venture o Cronstadt, but sacked x! burnt down some dozen Finnish villages—and = we have the eum total of our naval achievements e had 74,00) gallant sailors ready to fight and not one head te direct our floating armamente. At home we'bungled mt the Admiralty, and on the eve of signing humiliating we bad latinched, when too late, a swarm of gun . The peace concluded, we had a grand bungie called a review, at which we paraded several score! sagly mortar and gunboats, alt nearly gunwale under web the weight of metal on board, and — vth water, with wind and tide not Progressing t the | our. | a day rate of above a mile and a half per made a graid parade whou the steed was stole after the fair, of what we could do on some ure occa gion: and thus terminated our naval triampha. A fitting ‘tnale to the whole affair, and a fair sample of our navai mismanagement, was exhibi(ed in (he steamship allotted to convey our legislative wisdom, which the fires when going ahead. In fact, th wtokers forgot to fire up until the ship came to a full stop | stant suppres NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 18, 1856. wal court martal soon finishet him, while the Lords of the Admiraity are ‘lords’ and great people, and have eseaped with impunity. There is no use concealing the fact, we are not gow in a position to goto war, Our m,utary and naval establish- mens require a remodelling before we can safely cope with another enemy. As the services are at present con- stituted, officered and handled, we have no hope from their prowess when placed in antagonism to a young, brave and powerful nation. Poor Russia! She Was at the best but a heavy enemy. There was no vitality in her. Her armies were slaves, and the knout was the only incentive to action. Her navy was only for show. Her sailors were fresh water salts; a sort of brackish imitation of the nautical tar. And yet we failed to hum- ble Russia, backed as we were by France; and, after the expenditure of geome hundred millions ‘of money, and the saerifice of a gallant ermy by gross mismanagement, we captured half a fortress, and, satisfied ‘with that triumph, we concluded peace, and left the enemy not miens one yard of territory formerly possessed by her, and paid ourselves all the expenses of the war. This should be a sutficient lesson to curb our belligerent propensities. A war with the United States would be a very different kind of affair. In that republic we have a powerful foe— the American flag floats in every sea. Her sailors are sailors. Her ships equajour own in tonnage. There is no cooping up her shfps in a Sebastopol harbor, for the American harbors are numberless, and her steamers and hp are the finest specimens of naval architecture afloat. } was all very well our “talking, big,” and bragging wm the Bumkum style when war with the United States was only an idle rumor. We could then attord to reciprocate a joke with our cousins, who taiked of ** beating ail creation,’’ and rattle on about bombarding the Atlantic cities. That is all, however, very “big talk,” and is much easier said than done. In qhe war of 1814 we never succeeded in fring a broadside into an Atlantic city, and our nearest approach to such an achievement was at New Orleans, the remem- brance of which should crush our bigh flown ideas of bat- tering down American towns. It must, further, not be forgotten that there is notone harbor on the Atlantic coast which could not easily be closed to all approach from the fea, and that as effectually as Sebastopol harbor was ren- dered inaccessible to our flect. And as to any hope from the diversion in our favor of the slaves inthe Southern States, we must not forget that in 1814 the slaves re- mained true to their masters, and we are not aware that ‘the ‘‘darkie”’ element is one whit more enlightened now than it was then. A war with the United States would in fact. be a guerilla war upon the ocean. Her ships would prey upon our commerce, and countless privateers would swarm the ocean path. In fact, during that war, all our commerce would be atanend. Our mills in the north would stop for the raw material ; the cotton of Louisiana would be wanting to feed them. Hundreds of thousands would be thrown out of work. Then, as for our cofonies, the first act of War would be tantamount to a *‘ declara- tion of independence’? for Canada, the West Indies, Au- stralia and the Cape. The Muscovite would agam sniff the tainted atmosphere of blood. Persia with the Russ would then indeed have a fair chance of an invasion of India, and could we then hope that our gallant ally will remain faithful to England in the immensity of her fresh warlike entanglements. The idea is absurd. No one ex- pects it. A War waged upon the great Powers of the earth must necessarily place France in antagonism to England. Then let us see how we would stand—EFngland versus the world, The struggle would be a fearful one, and we tremble to contemplate the contingencies of a ter- mination to it. To expect that our own shores would never experience the horrors of war would be to hope for too much. Half a million French soldiers would, doubtless, not remain inactive, viewing the siniling fields of England only from the Napoleon Column at Boulogne. We must have no war with the United States. That war -is, however, now imminent, unless we recall at ‘once those ot ‘personages whose presence is distaste- ful to the American government. There is nothing humi- lating in our doing this. Allow no Crimean brigade to land in Canada. The ten thousand soldiers would be but as a drop in the bucket to stem the progress of a million American riflemen. The presence of this brigade is irri- tating, and the Cabinet of Washington bint that its land- ing will be considered as a causus belli, We will not now canvass the right of the United States to interfere in this matter. The fact isall that we can discuss, and the ques- tion resolves itself under one head—Is England prepared to go war with the United States for Mr. Crampton and Dis Uaree Consuls? Js she prepared to risk the contingen- cies we have pointed out, and th seck anew the ‘‘bubble reputatioss at the cannhn’s moutht’? [From the London Shipping Gazette, June 2. ‘The intelligence just received from the United States, contirmatory of the report that Mr. President Pierce had recognized the government of General Walker at Nicara- gua, willbe received by all who value the re-establish- ment of a mutual good understanding between this country and the United States, with unfeigned regret. By this act the American President has given strong evidence that his object is not to settle, but to widen the difference at present existing between the two governments, since, if any one act could have been more offensive to this country, and more inopportune than another, it is that to which the President has thought it advisable to commit himself. After having pledged the credit of his govern- ment to oppose the invasion of General Walker, and to Visit with condign punishment any one discovered taking part in or favoring it, and whilst a diplomatic contention is being carried on between the two countries as tw the construction of the Bulwer-Clayton treaty, the President has taken advantage of a period of extreme irritation on the part of both Cabinets, tw acknowlede as ade facto government the body of ad- venturers whom he lat denounced, and has virtually admitted that the Treaty under discussion can be viola- ted with impunity if a tilibustering invasion can be suc- cessfuNy accomplished. What the President's object may be we will not pause to inquire, inasmuch as we do not conceive he will be permitted to attain it by involving the poopie of this country and of the United States in an in- ternecing war, and because we believe that the act to which he has lent himself will do more to open the eyes of bi untrymen to the recklessness of the course which his govern: t has lately pursued in reference to the relations betweea Great Britain and the United States, than any step he has previousiy taken. Whether General Walker's adventure has been so far successful as to have enabled him to establish a de facto govern- ment at Nicaragua, is more than questionable ; but that he has establehed such @ government as the Cabinet of Washington—which has repudiated all his mevements—can be justified in acknowledging a3 a government de jure, is not questionable atall. If that part of the Bulwer-Clayton treaty which binds the two countries not ‘to occupy or colonize any portion of Cen- tral America’? is to be construed strictly, can the person invested with the supreme power in the United States be justified in widening the existing bregch between the go- ‘vernment of Washington and that of Great Britain by re- cognizing the acts of a rebel whom he has all along con- demned, when such acts are tantamount to a direct vio- jation of the very clause of the treaty which he declares should be strictly observed? We cannot but think that the President will be condemned by his own countrymen, not only for endeavoring to advance his personal interest at the expense of the State, but for having in his office pecn guilty of an act which, unless repudiated by the peo- ple themsélves, will most assuredly bring discredit on the fair fame and honor of their country. [From the London Press, (opposition) June 2.) Lord Elgin, in a guarded specch, submitted to the Lords on Tuesday some considerations on th of our rela tions with America d not have been in better hands. Lord Elgin is one of the few gr His Canadian administration is ation on a solid basis. It will b y results, tration of Lord Daihow: we see the difference be tween solid and showy qualities of government. There exists on record no example of such progress in every element of prosperity as Canada has exhibited un- der Lord Elgin’s rule. His experience of the character of the United States’ government and people £ additional weight to his opinions. iting question and the Cen de touched on both the rect tral American question. The points originally in dispute were of the most trifling nature, They are in tuemselves ‘so subtle as almost to elude apprehension. They more resembic the refinements of xchoolmen than the differences of practical politicians. On reading the correspondence, our wonder is moyed at the ingenuity which could evolve Serious difficulty from such insignificant elements of dis turbance. Lord Elgin pointed out that on each of the questions our government has adopted a linc the very that which true policy should haye dictated, The utive of the United States has great difficulty in enting its adventurous and turbulent po pulation frown engaging in unlawfal enterprises. It ts this aggressive spirit which endangers the tranquillity of neighboring countries, and exposes them to attack. ‘The neutrality laws of the States are fecble to repress it but they are the only check which can be imposed ,on it, and maiifestly it is the interest of England to seiae every oppor tunity of impressing on the American government the im portance of strictly enforcing those laws. We ought ra- ther to urge that they should be made more stringent, than that they should be in any way relaxed. The oppo- i pted by Lord Clarendon. He argues for t latitude in the interpretation of the neutrality He picks out their weak points, and insists that advantage may be taken of them. Because they are lax. they may be totally evaded. In his last despatch, of tI S0us of April, he is careful w stow huw much wore loose are the ‘neutrality laws of the States than those of this country. Recruiting is forbidden within the American territory, but he contends that American citizens, when once clear of that territory, are at liberty to enter the service of any foreign Power they please, This is an eva sion of the spirit of neutrality which a m r of England ought never to have sanctioned. Lord Clarendon i¢ playing into the hands of the extreme democratic party. The motion which has ls been submitted to the Legislature for abolishing the neutrality laws altogether, might be best supported by arguments from Lord Clarendon’s despate! With re gard to Central America, again, it was t country to uphold the independence of the can States, The Bulwer-Clayton treaty had been conclud ed for that express purpose, It was our part to give a IMeral, not a restrictive interpretation to that treaty, that e whole region, being free from the influence of any one great Power, should be open as a highway of transit to he commerce of the whole world. In comparison with be attainment of this great object the right we claimod to @ protectorate of part of the Mosquito Territory, or w he possession of some small islands on the Honduras Bec t, was extremely insignificant. Such rights were to maintain them we have suilured the e us of preserving inviolate the indepe of the-whole region of the Isthmus. There is g! force in the American argument, that in respect to fature acquisitions the probability of advantage, if ouly from prox imity of position, was all on the side of America. It was worth some concession on our part to induce the United States government tojoin us in guaranteeing the inde- pendence of Central America; aud, having obtamed tt by treaty, it ought never to have been lost sight of by js country. By,Lord Clarendon’s policy a pretext has deen afforded to the American government for departing from the principle. While we hold a few insignificant . events are tending to the annexaten of Central America to the United States territory. While grasping at madow we are losing the substance. Had a yood un derstanding between the two governments, they would have cordially coucurred in measnres for th om of Walker's buccaneering. enterpri our Admiralty forgot the necessity of gupbowts until the | that Lord Clar ber ‘war was over: the engineer of the steamer of war was, | we do not Gud that he bas taken any steps to arrest it, immolated for his misconduct, and dismissed | The correspondence of the agent of Costa Rica thrown ow, onda ! some light on secret proceedings of our Foreign oltieg, eee — On the part of that State Lord Clarendon was applied to for assistance against Walcer. When told that a force of 800 men had been raise! to resist chim, he exclaimed, “That was a right step,” and w: ied on bo halt of Costa Rica for arms, he obligingly told the agent that he might have 2,000 muskets from the War Department, at the price of 23s. each for the inferlor sort, or 56s, 8d. each for the line pattern. Lord Clarendon’s approval and sympathy went no further, Whether the agent, acttng on the caveat em tor principle, inquired else- where and found the same article could be furnished cheaper, or whether Costa Rica would not furnish funds for 80 extensive a purchase, is not material. The arms ‘were not supplied, and General Walker has not to face muskets of British manufacture. The incident should not be Jost sight of, as it indicates the kind of action which Lord Clarendon thinks becoming the Foreign Minister of England. He allows it to be seen that he is adverse to this paltry enterprise of Walker, but ho fears to take any decided measure for its suppression, or for vindicating the vital principle of the Bulwer-Clayton treaty. Should the reported intelligenco of the recognition of Walker's government by the United States cabinet prove correct, this country will have to make up its mind to abandon altogether that important princi of the independence of the Central American States firmly secured by a treaty only six years old, or engage ina war with America to maintain it. [From the London Times, June 2.) The administration of General Pierce has taken another step in that downward course to which it has resolutely addicted itself ever since tts entrance upon official duties. ‘As if the questions in dispute between England and the United States were not sufficiently embroiled already, the President has just decided ona measure, the eifect of which must necessarily be to complicate relations already grievous) cuangies and embitter feelings on both sides of the Atlantic already necdlexsly and wantonly trritated. As the matter seems not to be perfectly understood, we will in a very few words state to our readers #0 much as may be necessary to enable them to appreciate the full significance of the untoward circumstance which has just occurred at Washington. About six months ago a band of adventurers from the United States, under the command of a named Walker, invaded the republic of Nicaragua, with no claim or pretext that we are aware of, merely relying on the power of the sword and the ea of might to right. Success crowned their et ; they overthrew the existing government, by what acts of biood and treachery it is not now necessary to state, and installed themselves, for a time at least, in the positions of sovereigns of Nica- rm . But the neighboring States of Costa Rica and Guatemala became alarmed, and commenced an attack upon the American invaders, the success of ‘eorege ac: cording to the last accounts, had declared in their favor and against the piratical occupiers of the country. Walker and bis followers have appealed to force, and force seems on the point of deciding against them. The Clayton-Bulwer treaty binds the American and English governments alike not to occupy any portion of Central America, and this doctrine has been applied by America with the most unrelenting precision to our proceed- ings. It was therefore impossible for the United States to take apy direct share in Walker’s invasion without @ most flagrant breach of existing treaties—nay they are bound by every principle of international law to prevent, by all means in their power, the send- ing of any support to those of their citizens who are dixgracing the American name by deeds of blood and rapine worthy of the most condiga punishment. More than this, they have been recently insisting, not only on the strictest observance of their neutrality laws, but on a respect for their sovereign rights, which obliges every nation in its conduct towards another to cons not merely what is legal, but what may be agreeable and eptable. No nation ever had bound itself by its own conduct and declarations to more scrupulous and even punctilious reverence for the rights and feelings of others. The course of the American government, therefore, would seem to Have been exceedingly plain—to haye lett Walker and his followers to undergo the fate they so richly merited, and to take credit to themselves for the rigor with which they observed that neutrality and respected that treaty, which they accuse us of violating and disre- garding. Unfortunately, however, the elections are at hand. There is a class of voters whom nothing would so much conciliate as identifying the government of the United Stat with an enterprise such as that of Walker and his associate: Between these two views the government of General Pierce bas for some time balanced, but at last has taken and acted upon a resolution. The President has sent down to the Senate a message, in which he broadly professes the doctrine of recognizing a government de facto, what- ever its origin, and thus has no difficulty in concluding that the government of Walker is entitled to this recogni- tion, Consequently, though there is now residing in Washington a certain Mr. Marcoleta, representative of the late government of Nicaragua, who protests loudly against the proceeding, the President has received the ambassa- dor sent by Walker, and thus recognised his government as one with which the United States may enter into alliance, and one in whose service her citizens may enrol themselves without any violation of neutrality. The effect of such a step will, of course, be to send to the assistance of Walker and his associ- ates hundreds of wunquict spirits from every part of the Union, and to involve the United States vir- tually, though not ostensibly,tin war with Costa Rica and Guatemala. The pretences on which this step has been taken are extremely flimsy and transpa- rent. Walker's government is for the moment in pos- session of power, and may therefore be called, by a straining of language, a government de facto; but it is in imminent peril of being overthrown from day to day by the combination of neighboring States, who are waging against it a war of extermination; and it occupies such a position that no impartial government, willing to hold the scales evenly between it and the government it has sup- planted, have dreamt of recognizing its existence as an independent State. It {8 only commencing the strug- gle which must be successfully terminated before it has a Tight to claim foreign recognition. But oight the United States to be impartial in this manner? The governs. § of Walker is founded by their own citizens in deflance of the laws of their country,,and in contempt of the treaties by which that country is bound. Such men have no right to any favor—no, not yen t ion, from a government which understands its honor and its duty, and the Union would only be making a suitable reparation for the crimes of her citizens did she employ her forces to suppress the banditti who have taken possession of a friendly and unoffending State. The recognition of such a power is a melancholy proot of the state of political morality which could counsel such a step, and the impotence of considerations of right and jus- tice to restrain the government of the great transatlantic republic from the most dangerous and unjustifiable courses. At the same time the real nature of this pro- ceeding must not be misunderstood. It is an alarming manifestation of the ideas that actuate the American government, and leads to most disagreeable anticipation ‘as to the porsibility of an amicable solution of any dis- pute with men who scem to r ize no other law than their wishes and their passions. But it is no case of war, it is not even necessarily a ground of diplomatic com: plaint. The Clayton Bulwer treaty has not been in term: violated, and it may probably be expedient in the preocut critical state of the relations between the two countries rather to pass this matter by in silence than to incur the risk of introducing fresh difficulties intoa discus- sion already sufficiently perilous, or give an excuse to those who are now only too ready to seek an occasion of quarrel. If war docome, we must meet it as we may. Let us, at any rate, have the satisfaction of reflecting that this greatest of human calamities has not been precip tated by an undue sensitiveness or any avoidabie inter- ference on our part. [From the London Herald, June 3.] Whatever may be the result of the existing complication with America—and for very substantial reasons we do not yet believe it will assume the shape of an armed collision —the government of President Pierce seem to hat suc- ceeded in sinking every vestige of reputation they pos- sessed with the well disposed and rational people of the States, while they haye exhibited themselves to this country as pursuing a line of conduct at once arrogant and discreditable. We have written so frequently and so fully upon the two questions at present unsettled between the two governments, and more especially upon that which refers to Central America, that we need not, we are sure, go over the ground anew. Everybody at all in- terested in passing events knows that the American gov- erament accuses the government of this country of viola- ting the provisions of the convention of 1850, commonly called the Bulwer-Clayton treaty, because we are not pre pared to surrender our legitimate possessions in the Bay of Honduras, and the protectorate of a line of coast running to the southward, along the eastern seaboard of Central America, and known as the Moeqnito Territory. We have analyzed this treaty, and have printed its prin- cipal provisions. The whole questions turns upon their prospective or retrospective interpretation, the British government maintaining the former, a3 obvious on the face of the document, and the mamiseet intention Kee f conveyed; the Pierce Cabinet insisting om the latter wit surprising effrontery, consdering that their statements have been addressed to at least rational men in both countries. Finding the Cabinet ef Washington as little amenable to reason as they seem to be to the dictates of honesty and fair dealing, Lord Clarendon agreed, after most voluminous and protitiess correspondence, to r the matter to the arbitration of a third power. Th: offer, although the fact is not officially announced, has ‘boon decined An arbitration would. not suit General Pierce and his colleagues, for their mind is made up on the question, so far as they are concerned. They see the probability of the annexation of the whole of Central America before long. A solemn treaty may be all very well for a government that it binds, but it has no power to bind such a govern ment as that which at present rules in Washington. The elections, moreover, are fast approaching, and the result to by Pierce and his colle ‘with most natu ral anxiety—a war cry is wanting, and with a certwin class of voters the cry of a war with England—aWove a war in eupport of the ** Monroe” doctrine—would exert, ft is hoped and believed, a magic influence We do not think the word discreditable is too strong a term to apply to the recent conduct of the Pierce adminis tration. It is now evident that while they were endeavor ing, by the force of caeuistry and impudence, to pres upon ws their interpretation of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty—while they demanded the most severe precision. in the application of the — non-occu pation doctrine to Central Amériéa, even to the extent of surrendering territory never contem- plated by the treaty—they were actually affording to Walker and his followers everything short of open ea courngement, and extending to his enterprive everything short of open recognition. But that is notall. Walker eveceeded in Nicaragua, and rose to power on the ruins of the native government, as any pirate or freebooter might do in a small and defenceless State, The neighboring re- publics of Costa Rica and Guatemala have taken up arms on behalf of the entire region menaced by vhese marad- dere, and Walker is getting the worst of it. Now is the time for Pierce and his colleagues to reveal themselves; They recognize officially the government t de facto wad de jure— receive Padre Vijil as the accredited organ of the new government; while M. Marcoleta, the representative of the late government of Nicaragua, is allowed to go about bie business, if he hag any, and to protest in the streets of ‘Washington against euch strange behaviour on the part of an exact and scrupulous government like that of the United Statee, We do not think the history of modern States pragents an instance of grosser or more indefensible conduct on the part of public men ‘The PresiQent has recently delivered a message—in that messag® the course he has pursued in this mater is openly and urfblushingly vindicated, Ae thuss— ‘We do not inquire into the causes which may ave led tom change of government. To UA it is indiirent whether a snc wind Sele bg Vee gd My oeeign bMigry salam not; whether insurrection has overthrown the existing goverar ment, and another been established in ts place, 8 10. pre-existing forms, or in a manner adopted for the a by whom we may find in actual possession of power. Had Walker been unsuccessful he would have been proclaimed a filibuster by the very men who now recog- hise his government. He has so far succeeded in Nicara- gua, and itis believed he will overrun the entire of Central America, and then further recognition, and then annexa- tion, and a fig for the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. Already the adventurers of the South appreciate the intimation convey- ed to all whom it may concern by this recent act of the Pierce cabinet. A vessel, the other day, sailed from New Or- leans for Nicaragua, with men and arms “openly,” we are told, “ in broad daylight, after put lic advestisement, and with the sanction of the authorities.” And other vessels in other ports have been * laid on for Nicaragua.” And to further this enterprise, to enable the American govern- ment to carry out its design—to give the States the com- mand of the entire of Central America, from the confines of Mexico to the railway of Panama—to effect that, which it is the clear and acknowledged pepe of the treaty of 1850 to prevent, we are to turn out of our ions in that part of the world, and place the control of the com- merce of both hemispheres in the hands of the United States. We think not; and go do the American people, if the truth were known; and therefore we do not believe that Gen. Pierce’s cabinet will venture on such grounds to risk hostilities with England. [From the London Post, (semi-official), June 3.) It is little more than two months since we first called the attention of our readers to the proceedings of Walker in Central America. Since time events have pro- [seat rapidly. He has in the interval provoked the oxtility of Costa Rica, as well as that of several ether States. He has fought and Jost more than one battle. He was very recently, and perhaps still i#, im @ position of the greatest danger, preparing to defend himself within his own territory against overwhelming numbers; and we now learn} by the Jast arrival from the United States, that, notwithstanding the critical situation which he occu- , be has virtually been recognized by President rce as the head of the Nicaraguan government. ‘The President of the United States has attempted to vay this step on the ground that the government which ‘alker had established in Nicaragua, was and is the go- vernment de facto of that country, and recognized by its inhabitants as euch. In his message to the Senate, in which he explains the views of the Cabinet upon this point, he further says:— ‘We do not inquire into the causes which may have led to 4 of government. To us itis indifferent whether a suc- SE ee iol etuice has overibrows the existing hers pation bas pean and anotber been established in is place, soconding to exiatin, manner for {bose whom we actual possession of power. All these matters are left to the people and the public authorities of countries respectively. ‘To this dootrine, considered in the abstract, we have no objection to offer.’ It simply, in elfect, asserts the right of every nation to choose its own form of government and {ts own rulers—a principle which we ourselves have long recognised, both in theory and in practice. But the cir- cumstances connected with the recognition of Walker are, in several points of view, 80 remarkable, that they cannot Fail to attract the attention, if they do not eventually provoke ‘the intervention, of European States. ‘The object of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty was simply to preserve the independence of the Central American republics; and, as we lately showed, the Cabinet of Washington contends that, in accordance with the terms of that treaty, we are bound to abandon all our privileges and territories in that quarter of the world, with the excepfipn of that portion of Belize which was ceded to us by Spain in 1786. While this question is being debated by means of diplomatic notes and interviews, Walker appears upon the scene, an venturer, who, it seems, had previously attempted rious other occupations, and failed by turns in all. Filibus- terism remained asa last resource, and he resolved to try that. He collected a score or two of followers, as needy and desperate as himself, at San Francisco and pre- red to transport them'to Nicaragua. The authorities, jowever, interfered—whether with the knowledge of Pre- sident Pierce and his colfagues, we are not aware—and the expedition was put off; but only for a short time. We know that Walker did ‘sail from San Francisco; that he has since subverted the goverment of Nicaragua; and that hundreds, if not thousands, of Ame- rican citizens have joined his standard; and we know that, at least in some instances, these latter have quitted the ports of the United States with the full knowledge of the authorities. We know, moreover, that at this very time the Cabinet of President Pierce reprobited in strong terms the proceedings of Walker, while their subordinates took no effective steps to check them. The dishonesty of the American government in this business was loo apparent to escape remark. We could not but believe, under the circumstances, that it secretly connived at the invasion of Nicaragua byfeitizens of the United States, if it did not openly encourage it, But although the expedition of Walker proved, in the first instance, eminently suceessful, President Pierce still hesitated to recognize the government established by that adventurer; and we would wish to draw particular attention to this fact. by the American President, which we have quoted above, he was bound to acknowledge the new rulers of Nicara- gua as soon as they were accepted by the people of that country. Why has this recognition been delayed till now? Walker has been virtually ruler of Nicaragua for many months, Why was he not acknowledged when his footing was, or seemed, secure—and why is he recog- nised at this perticular time, when he is surrounded with difficulties and dangers? We believe that both these ques- tions admit of a yery simple reply. The immediate recognition of Walker by President Pierce must have identified the latter as_an abettor of the filibustering spirit of the Western democrats, and he shrunk, therefore, from an act which must have led tu unpleasant explanations with foreign Powers. It was ne- cessary to temporise and to wait the progress of events. But recent circumstances rendered further delay dan- gerous, ifinot impracticable. It was, and still is, extreme ly doubtful whether Walker can hold his ground. He ha: Deen roughly handled in two engagements with the Co: Ricans. He has been compelled toretreat in consequence, und to act entirely on the defensive, while, from Guate- mala and. Honduras, a considerable force was advancing, by the latest accounts, to co-operate with his ene- mies. The fortune of war has turned against him, and unless he can speedily retrieve himself he is lost. It is at this critical moment that General Pierce rushes forward to the rescue. The attempt must be made to save Walk er, atall hazards. Without fresh aid he will perish, ig- nominiously, perhaps, as Lopez did in Cuba. Recognition by the United States Can alone bring him that aid, and it is resolved accordingly to recognise him. Who can doubt that the effect of this step will be to send him hosts of re- cruits from every quarter of the Union? Who can doubt that it was precisely with this object that the step was e Be taken? Whether or not it bas been taken too late, we haye yet to learn; but there canno be two opinions as to, the motives that have impelled the American government to action at the pre- sent time. That its sympathies have all along been with the freebooters and outlaws who have filled Central America with anarchy and bloodshed, is now abundantly clear. If this were not the case, why—in the name of common sense—interfere to avert the fate which was seemingly awaiting them, and which they so richly merited? We trust, meanwhile, that the government of Costa Rica, and its allies, will not be deterred by the attitude of President Pierce from*following up the advantages they have already won. If they proceed with the same spirit and deter- mination which they have hitherto exhibited, they may prevent Walker receiving fresh reinforcements from the States, and thus effectually defeat the aggressive policy of the Cabinct of Washington. [From the London Post, (semi-official,) June 3.] Theoretically, in our diplomatic intercourse with Ameri- ca, we are transacting business with an Executive govern. ment; practically, we are dealing with a complication of mobs; ostensibly, we are arguing great questions of in. ternational Jaw with graye and instructed statesmen—in truth, we are struggling through vexatious squabbles with @ most heterogeneous population, the result of contribu. tions from all the races of the earth, assorted and subdivided fn the most extraordinary and manner. This cir- cumstance tends to render the management of their rela- tions with countries and governments of countries—the result of long laboring progressive civilization—ex. tremely difficult to the statesmen of America as well as to those of Europe, and makes the maintenance of pe & matter of hazard and uncertainty in proportio ‘America becomes, either by her own deliberate policy or by the pressure of events, more intimately interested and involyed in European arrangements. We wish that the Politicians on this side of the Atlantic would well consider this before they assume a decided attitude, or commit themselves to a course from which there is no return in regard of the questions now at issue between the govern- ment of this country and the many-head peoples that con- stitute the federation of American States. We address ourselves especially to Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton and Mr. Baillie, and to the latter the more particularly of the two. Both propose to make use, as far as in them lies, of the somewhat hazardous and uncertain - sition of our relations with the United States, asa lever for displacing the existing administration. It ig evident, from the terms of the motions, especially of Mr. Baillie, and from the tone of the observations to which utterance has been given, whenever the subject has been alluded to, that such is the purpose, and thi is conceived that the pending difficultios “wish tho Un) Stutes, which can only be solved without war by tl most patient and eagacious conduct on the part of the statesmen placed at the head of affairs in this kingdom, offer a legitimate occasion for @ party set-to between the Ministers who would be, and the Ministers who are, in the Parliamentary arena, The unceasing sifting and final settlement of dis- puted questions of policy, by the process of Parlia- mentary debating, has great and absolute advantag: when ihe questions involve mainly matters of inter- hal Jegislation, but it may be doubted whether when the subjects thrown on the floor are purely relative to exte nal relations with foreign countries, the perpetual d sion that goes on, both by catechising and by the adva ment of formal propositions, pending the treatment of the matters in dispute by the Executive, does not do a double mischief—firstly, by hampering in a very undesirable manner the action of our own government, and, secondly, by giving to foreign Powers very erroneous notions, as well of the feelings and opinions whieh exist in this country at large as of the motives which induce the move of the day on the part of the opponents of the statesmen in office at the moment. No doubt a large proportion of the population of the United States fancy that, in the event of a war with England, they would be secure of the support of Mr. Bailie and his friends, just as the late Emperor of Russia imagined that he bad in Mr. Cobden and the Peace Congress a potent ally, who could tie the hands of the English gov- ernment with chains of iron, and hand them over to him an easy prey; and they would in all probability be just as much astonished as he was to find the breath of actual war dispersing at a moment these party squabbles and struggles for supremacy, and uniting at the least, 0 long as the nation bas war without, all political sections in unity and peace at home, It was not go, it is true, in the days of Fox, but there is @ better and more patriotic spirit in the hearts of the men of the present day, which was fully and truly exhibited in the war that we have just concluded, and which would not we are convinced, jeeg active or less influemtial whenever oocasion shall Again call for ite display. It is with these views that we now endeavor to direct the attention of the House of Commons, and of the peo- ple whom it represents, to the inevitable tendency and probable influences of the motion with which we aro threatened upon the quertions arising out of our present unsatisfactory relations with the United States, and engage them to reflect whether th fay of giving such @ population as that of America reason to imagine that, in +an open quarrel, they wauld have tho actual support of a. large and powerful party in Engiand itself, may not on- courage them to pursue the unwise and ‘unreasonable course upon which they have embarked to a point at which avoidance of war shall be impossible. And what is this population of the United States? We ask those to consider who are stirring in this matter— what is its nature, and what are its characteristics? We have been accustomed to hear much lately of the diffusion of intelligence and education in the United States. Itis true there is a great deal of both within a certain area, but it is also true that beyond the confines of this area, and permeating to some extent the people within it there floats a large population, vagabond in habits, led in location and uncertain in occupation and position, arm- ed and turbulent, by whom war, with whomscever waged, er on whatever pretence, is looked upon as a thing to be prayed for, as offering a means of advancement and as presenting a road to gain. To these, such discussions as it is now proposed to initiate in the House of Commons are as the lighted beacon on the mountain top, and speeches which we may expect to hear will go through the districts inhabited by this restless population aa the Fiery Crees did in ancient.days through the Highland clans, and with a not much inferior effect. Le pocmrpass§ wo, this population is able to bring a very considera| le, if not @ preponderating, pressure to bear upon political parties, now on the eve of the elections, and in the thick of the struggle for ascendancy grasping in all directions at > upport, : ‘We deprecate, therefore, a party struggle at home on this subject, not from any doubt as to the result as it may affect the position of the Cabinet in Parliament— there can be no question about that since the debate and decision upon -but because we believe that the 8] hes-which must be made will tend to aggravate the difficulties of the governments of both the United States and Great Britain—a rupture between whom would be a great and long felt calamity to all the world. — Looking at war from a point of view purely military, we have no rea- ton to avoid or to fear it. “Our provision for it is unpreee- dented in extent and complete tn organization; our re- sources are unstrained, and we have been just long enough at war to give us aptitude for the conduct of its operations; but as Christians and well wishers to social progress, we deprecate {ts outbreak and pray for its avoidance. m the London Express, June 3.] ‘The aspect of the latest news from the United States is undeniably ugly. Still we will not believe that the go- vernments in London and Washington can be so insane ag to risk a war the results of which must be so tremendous, onsuch miserable grounds of quarrel as they are de- Dating about. If there is a war it will be a mere bucca- neering war. The United States have no standing army; they cannot invade England; the immense extent of the republic’s territory, and the thinness of the population enable it to laugh an invasion to scorn, But, on the other hapd, the coasts ef KFngland and the United States are equally destitute of fortitications, and open to predatory incursions; and both nations have hordes of unarmed merchant ships in every sea, that would be an easy prey to vessels of war. The only way in which either State could harm the other, would be by shelling and Durning seaport towns, by sinking and capturing mer- chant vessels. Fights’ there mn be between single men-of-war, or small squadrons, but there would no battles like the Nile or Trafalgar—for the simple rea- son that the United States have not a large enough fleet. While the war lasted, therefore, the efforts of the belliger- ents would be almost exclusively confined to predatory and destructive operations against private property—a course of action calculated to lower the combatants to the Jevel of the moss-troopers or buccaneers of former cen- turies. The loss on both sides would be enormous. The mere paralysis of productive industry induced by the ces- gation of commercial intercourse would spread bankruptcy and beggary through every district of England and the United States, All this waste and misery to be incurred on flimsy points of honor, about which a brace of Irish fire-eaters of the olden time would have hesitated to ex- change shots! With regard to the enlistment question, the United States have suffered no detriment from the operations of the English government. The Cabinet of St. James has again and again declared that it had no intention to injure or affront the government at Washing- ton, and that it is sorry that it should innocently have given oceasion for umbrage. As to the American Isth- mus, both governments are loud in their protestations of their determination not to acquire any new territory there; and in truth such acquisition by either would be gaining a loss. The pecuniary interest of both countries in the questions at issuc would be-outrageously over-esti- mated ata,penny sterling. England, we know, has no desire to, act uncourteously towards America; and Ameri- ca, we hope.and believe, no.desiredo.act uncourteous- ly tawards England. ‘Fhe whole controveray between the two governments arises from their reluctance to express the same ideas in the same words and phrases. If they go-to.war it will be on either side simply with a yew to impose its own verbal formule on the the other. What an.awful responsibility the statemen must incur who pre- cipitate two States so capable of inflicting injury on each other into war on such miserable pretexts! How the despots of the world will laugh to see the two most free and enlightened nations of the age cutting each other's throats and destroying each other’s property for such pitiful no-reasons! Such, they will exclaim in scornful triumph, are the fruits of free institutions; these are the consequences of allowing people to govern themselves. We address these consideratians alike to Englishmen and Americans; for we cannot regard any war between England and America—and that is our great objection to one—in any other light than asa civil war. We know ‘that any English government that, by unjust or even dis- courteous conduct towards America, shall render war in- evitable, will be driven with disgrace from power. On fermer occasions, we do not deny that English govern- ments haye been too apt to treat Americans with a super- cilious affectation of superiority. We admit that some of Lord Palmerston’s antecedents warrant suspicions on the part of the Americans that he has still some of this Old World leaven about him. But we have every reason to believe that his colleagues are superior to all such silly and antiquated prejudices; and we know that Jordship is not the man to allow any personal feeling (or principle) to interfere with his tenure of office. We say that on the whole the conduct of the existing English government throughout this disagreeable controversy, if not always remarkable for prudence, has always been fair and courteous. The difficulties regarding Central America they offer to refer to arbitration; they disclaim on intention to act in -con- travention of the laws of the United States in the un- lucky enlistment affair; and as for Mr. Crampton and the Consuls, the language used by Lord Clarendon is in ef- fect, ‘‘We cannot punish men who have served us faith- fully to the best of their abilities, unless they are proved to have violated the laws of the United States; the wit- nesses adduced in support of the charge that they have done so, are utterly unworthy of credit upon oath. Do you (the American government) prove by trustworthy ‘Witnesses that they have misconducted themselves, and we will withdraw them, but otherwise we cannot do that consistently with our own honor.” This, we main- tain, is all straightforward; and for the reasons assigned above we believe that the English Ministers speak and act in this matter with perfect sincerity. As for the Americans, we concur in the view taken of their feelings by our New York correspondent, whose letter we publish to-day. This gentleman, we may remark in passing, is intus et in cute an American, proud of his coun- try, having implicit faith in the infallibility of his coun- trymen; and he declares that the whole difficulty on their side is owing to the unscrupulous tacties adopted by the party leaders now in power, with an eye to the impend- ing Presidential election. He tells us—and we him—that if the English Ministers keep their ter . abstain from any acts or words that may give a handle to the reckless agitators of the White House till after the elections in November, there will be no danger of war. We, too, would give this advice to our rulers, and we believe it will be acted upon. But, at the same time, we would appeal to the rational and truly patriotic portion of the American people—and the language which we have ever held, in perfect and cor- dial sincerity, with regard to the American people, enti- tles us to do So—to aid us actively in the preservation of the peace. They can do 80, for they are the majority, aud in the United States the majority is all-powerful. They need to do £0, for the last step of President Pierce demonstrates that as little confidence ¢an be placed in his prudence as in his principles. When Walker appeared to be carrying all before him in Nicaragua, President Pierce refused to recognise him; now that Walker appears to be tottering on the verge of destruction, President Piere receives his envoy. The man who can thus act in defiance of every dictate of prudence and com- mon sense may at any moment adopt measures that render war inevitable. We assure eur American friends that this conviction is already becoming operative here in England. Next maii will convey to them intelli- gence of fluctuations in our money market—fluctuations attributable solely to the aspect of our relations with America. And we can tell them more, that the great ‘American merchants here, and the manufacturers with whom they deal, are already talking seriously of restrict- ing their Operations within such limits as may expose them to the least possible risk in the event of a war breaking out. Fully one-half of the evils that actual war could inflict on the two countries are about to he incurred in a state of peace, from the mere unsatisfactory aspect of our relations with the United States. We call upon the true patriots in North America to assist us in putting a stop to this ruinoue state of affaire. Our sole object in these remarks is to impress both on Englishmen and Americans the ridiculous and criminal light in which the two countries would present them- gelyes to the world by going to war for the paltry objects that are now agitated between their governments, When we shall have succeeded in this—when the voice of both nations has compelled their rulers to discuss their dif- ferences rationally—we are prepared to enter upon tHat controversy, At present a word misapprehended might have a prejudicial effect, and therefore we abstain. For the same reason we have avoided the vulgar bragga‘!ocio in which gome of our cotemporaries have been please:| to indulge about te iight of England, We are, perhaps, more fully aware oi the real strength of our country than these braggarts, but we know that, with a high spirited and energetic td like the Americans, to talk of such matters at such a crisis is wantonly to add fuel to flame. [From the London Times, June 3.) ‘The yet more recent intelligence which we have re- ceived from the United States leaves us little reason to doubt that the government of General Pierce will not stop short in the career on which it has embarked, but will follow up the reception ef the Minister of General Walker by the dismissal of the Minister of Queen Victoria. It is vain any longer to delude ourselves with the hope that wiser and more moderate courwsels will prevail with a government which has: thrown off all pretence of ad- herence to the rulea that regulate the intercourse of nations and feels no degradation in allying the interest of the great nation with whose destinies it is intrusted to men exercising a trade'which a few years ago any san- guine speculator on human progress would have pro- nounced to be an roniam and an impossibility, The same electioneering necessitios which make the representative of a band of lawles free- booters a fit guest and companion for the chief magistrate of a Christian and educated republic have decreed that, in spite of our earnest wish to atone for the offence we have unintentionally given, and our abstinence from anything which could by any possibility aggravate the dispute, we must undergo the indignity of seving our Minister dtsmissed from the diplomatic circle at Washington for offences supported by testimony om which we should never dream of convicting the basest of mankind. The Presidential election must be carried, at whatever price, and it is deemed by the present ministry better to plunge their government into apy amount of diegrace and their country to eny degre of danger than to loxe @ “union with-criminals, & single vote which may be gained by insolence (o allies ci At this critical time nothing is more melancholy thax the attitude of the American press; atleast, ofthat portion of itwhich we have seen. It is either afraid to g out at all, or, in order to catch the first breath of popu: lar favor, involves itself in tho most flagrant an glaring contradiction ‘Thus we are told in the same ticle in the New York Hexap that Walker’s cause desperate and certain to succeed, and in two successiva articles that England cares nothing for Centra) that she will be glad to be rid of it, that she has sold the, Mosquitos to Walker, and is chaffering with Hondu for price of Ruatan; and true to aggression and violence, she is to fight to for these very possessions. One moment we ha\ of war, the next a es blamed, and then praised; cessful statesman, now as a feeble and cowardly intriguer, We seek in vain for something on which to anchor ou faith, something animated by a higher principle th ofthe most momentary and grovelling expediency, we seek in vain. Still, even the dismissal of Mr. Crampton and ‘he no means imply a war, or are even neceasary pres tudes to that Te ee We may be at peace wit Ame! though without any diplomatic re ves, and, perhaps, at the point at which matters have the absence of an Am! wr may in some degree minish the spprebantie of danger. When ome party xing @ quarrel upon the other, the points of contact they have the more likely is the de of the more pacific party to be attained. The lesa see of each other the less likely will the embers oft dering discontent bo to be fanned into a flame. sides, with us-time is of the very essence of) case. As war is threatened for electioneering object if the rupture is adjourned till the elections over, we¥are comparatively safe. The American pa| pers anticipate that, after a meeting which was ta ‘ake place on the 2d of June for the purpose of namin candidate for the Presidency, the fever in the blood the Washington Cabinet would begin to subside. At an rate, when the Presidential election is over, we may sonably conclude that the urgent necessity which ie for a quarrel with England will be over 09, and then incumbents of office will turn their attention to filling pew: rewarding friends and punishi enemies, leave us, if they have left us at peace so Jong, in undige turbed possession of the blessing of which they now seen 80 anxious to deprive us. Everything, therefore, come! dines to inculcate upon our government a ¢ had almost said a temporizing’ policy, which may angry passions time to cool, selflsh objects time to be alized, and popular good sense time to decile on feat of the dispute. p ‘@ can assert our own dignity without peevisia| haste; nay, all the better Meshes ca otek tee driven to ‘show an irritable or quarrelsome spirit We must endure no insult, but we must not be eager or anxious in endeavoring to discoves offence, even where it may perhaps be intendeds| It well becomes us, as the elder, and certainly not the less powerful State, to be slow to’ believe that any gov- ernment can deliberately intend to seek a quarrel ugg} and, even if satisfied that this is the case, to leave them: ‘up to the very last moment the most ample opportunity of reconsideration and retreat from a position hastily and} unadvisedly taken up. The consciousness that we are equal to any encounter that may be forced upon us mayt well teach us patience and long-suffering. Stil it mu be confessed, though recent events in the United Stateg| do not menace us with immediate war, and though w strong effort on behalf of their country made by tl classes which take little interest in ordinary’ politic may perhaps still arrest the course of the Govern ment, that each new account we receive shows morg) and more clearly the predominance of a spirit fatal to relations of permanent good will and amity be tween the United States and any Government faithful to those principles and traditions of which Eng- land may not unreasonably boast to be the representa tive. ‘e have to do with men who habitually subordi~: nate foreign to domestic politics, and who have now final= ly deserted the safe and honorable course of trusting tg) internal growth and developement to secure their groate ness, and have embarked on the endless and restless cae reer of territorial conquest and annexation. If we be sq fortunate as to get over the present danger, we cann therefore, hope for a long respite. Some new nation ma: be found weak, disunited, and tempting—some new com- bination of parties which can only be secured by raising | anew the war cry against England, until at last, in som unhappy moment, the pretence so often re wil turn into grave earnest, and both nations will be con-| demned to weep in tears of blood—the one that she hag advanced go far; the other that without dishonor sig could recede no further. [From the London Times, (City article) June 3.] ‘The gold brought by the steamers Hermann and Ame~ rica from New York to-day is £175,000. The commere cial advices on this occasion state that the political opements at Washington had produced a decided panic ixg| the stock market, although the mercantile classes gene= rally were indisposed to believe in any hostile resulted The fact that the democratic nomination for the nord Presidential term was to take 6 to-day; the 2d of June, at Cincinnati, rendered it probable, however, thag a less violent course would soon be adopted, as after that, dato President Pierce and his rivals will have less in. ducement to pander to the popular passions. Mean. while, the nature of the arguments used to justify tha Tecoghition of Walker is clearly seen. In professing to take legal proceedings against Walker’ agents and followers at New York, the government ha@ already denounced him as a pirate, and since that time! nothing has occurred except his defeat in the war waged) by the Costa Ricans in defence of their independencey| hd which has resulted in his being threatened with ex- ermination. It is, moreover, observed that the pleasm® resident Pierce—that the ‘government of Walker een accepted by the people of the country, and that the United States recognize, without question as to their ource or organization, all governments that may be ab! © establish themselyes—are known by all the world e incorrect. So far from the government of Wi aving been accepted by the people, he could only main. ain himself by hooting General Corral, the head of be Nicaraguan army, and by th with inllar Hae every citizen who should bo y word or writing to have encow the resistance to his band. It is also rio tae only means of supplying himself with funds bas beem by’ levying contributions on all the inhabitants, foreign as well as native. In relation to the readiness of tha United States to recognise all established governmenta without reference to their origin, it is pointed out that the, republic of Liberia, which had been recognized for years by all the leading governments of Europe, has vainly sought the same advantage from the Cabinet at Washing~ ton, the reason for the refusal being that its people be+ Jong toa colored race. These advices likewise recall ate’ tention to the circumstance that the speakers in the Lee gislature at Washington who have been mest anxious to excite sympathy for Walker are Colonel Jefferson"Davis (the Secretary of War,) and Mr. Quitman, the twa rongest advocates of American repudiation The en+ tfusiasm on the subject at New Orleans, whencaandred of armed yolunteers were rapidly embarking, = at tha same time avowedly to be attributed toa desife for whe extension of slavery. [From the London Herald, (City Article) June lee The tone of the news received ye terday from the ed States of America has not been looked upon as being satisfactory, and has again given some degree of encong ragement to those partics who usually seize upon any une toward intelligence to bring down prices. The market therefore, for public securities has been particularly sens pom and at the close of business prices bad a heavy, tendency. The chief topic of conversation in the city has naturally been im connection with the American question, as ou dispute with the United States is now called; and while on all sides we hear strong deprecations against any with our friends on the cther side of the Atlantic, yet & hope is loudly and openly expressed that no truckling ox the part of our Ministers will be resorted to. Wo believe that public discussions on the subject at this stage of the question will tend to mischief; but, at the same time, i i @ matter of deep regret that the conduct of our is in the hands of a set of men capableof carrying: them Wo Gf successful issue at a momentous time like the present. {Paris (June 3) Correspondence of London Times. ] ‘The question to which all others are for the moment} subordinate is that of the United States. Its affirmed om ‘ood authority that the state of the relations between the Tnion and the English government cannotbemuch worse $ and that, such as they are, we may expeot'from one day: to aygother to hear it announced officially that they ar@ broked off altogether, and that our Minister has been dis« missed. We also have a disagrecable affair to settle witht tho Mexican government. The French government, if 1 has not officially offered its friendly services towards an ara rangement, has, at all events, expressed ite willingness to da so; but I am not aware that our government has yot come to any decision on the matter. Under such circumstances it is not surprising that tha question of Italy should have become of secondary, importance, and, indeed, it is to this fact that people ate tribute the more modilied tq observable among thosg who are supposed to convey the public the sentimomg of Lord Palmerston. (From the London Times, June 4.7 We have received fresh intelligence from: the United, States as to the progress of ministerial opinion and reso-«| ution with reference to this country, and are sorry to find that the prospects of a sottloment of the dispute seem more remote than ever. We fear that the lettor notifying to this government the dismissal of Mr. Cramp ton may be every day expected in England. This event,. which, seen through the mist of the future, was calcu~, lated to inspire the most gloomy apprehensions, seems to have lost a little of its magnitude as it comes nearer, ande to be, after all, a not unendurable evil. Considering, low much we have already borne—how we have apo. logised and re-apologised—liow we have offered to refor! our case to arbitration, and submitted to see that arbitra tion refused—how we have argued, expostulated, and re- monstrated, and all to no purpose, and we may well allows this incident to pass over with the rest. We have, at any rate, in this case the melancholy satistic~ tion that we are able to make a complete reprisal, and that a fortnight after Mr. Crampton has” ceased to represent us at Washington, Mr. Dallas will no tonger pth. sage J unetions as representative of the United States atthe Court J St. James. There will, however, be this remarkable dif- JSerence vetween the two cases, that Mr. Dallas has deen treal« ‘ed with all respect, while Mr. Crampton will be ordered la leave the territory (f the Union after having endured. mara than probably any British vepresentative in any fore Court dui the present century has bem called upon 16 sulmit to, Not only has Mr. Crampton been subjected te! a virtual trial in the persons of Mesers. Herts Stro~ bel, whose veracity he has publicly and solemmly dis~ puted, apparently not without very Suffieient reasom, but anew method of annoyance has been discovered, by which it is sought not merely to give a color to bis dismissal, but to fix an indelible staim on a hithors to epotiess character, and to send our Minister backs to England not only dismissed, but degraded. Mr. Crampton has advisedly stated in his letters to Lord Clar~ endon that Mr, Clayton, Mr. Marcy and Mr. Cass have se~ verally admitted to him that Ruatan is an undoubtect British possession, with which America has not the slightest claim to interfere. This statement is met wi denials more or less earnest from the different ‘per~ sons implicated by it. But, besides these, evidence) is now produced that Mr. Crampton has bimaelf ad-| mitted the falsehood of his own statements. ewer our Minister may be able to make to these ac \. tions we do not know. In the meantime it seems very: dificult to believe that a man of experience and ability! ebould make deliberately and advigedly offeta statgingy p i