The New York Herald Newspaper, February 28, 1856, Page 2

QUA RELATIONS WITH ENGLAND, Debate in the Senate on the British Enlistments. F THEE QUESTION, gcT &e., &o., &e. IN SENATE. Monpay, Feb. 25, 1856. THR HRENBH HNIISPMENT QUESTION, Mr. MAsox—I asa leave ‘0 offer a resolation which will he founa, ! think, of general public interest; and when it Saf obabcloe make » few remarks the oo T douvt t the purlic j anc loubdt not a 9lic is made ee ee the rigat is found. f i a inte mace, Girectly or indirectly, within the juristiction of the Unitea States, refrained—and, doubtless, refcained on © consideration—from communicating to the coua- ‘the corresponcence which had passed between the governments on that sunject. He sa‘d, however, teat, at a tuture day, it probably would become impor- tant cr desirable to communicate that icformation. We have « within tae last few days, by a late arrival Fogland, who ot Foreign Brita, availed himself of House of Lords to ject, or lool mpon it ia a very ciferent light from that ia which it mas: be viewed by this country and by cur government. Bir, it has been the usage—and the proper usage, 1 be Reve, of ail admipistrations—to keep our teow ¢vuatry- men informed of great and leading measures or events a’ Jeoting the interest or boner of the country. The public Jodemen: 1s thus mace up ix advance upon safe matorials, farpished for the purpose of genc-al information; and ¢xamining into this subject, I have becoms satistied 3 the time nae now arrived, more especially in view of what bas transpired in Eoglana, giving the British view of this subject, when all the docaments and correspond- eace connected with it should be laid belore the couatry; ard, amongst other reasons, because, if not dons, the e'- feet’ would be to leave our people either uniaformed or misinformed by the character of the information which thes been given on the other site of the Atlantic. I have, therefore, cffered this resolution, asking for the communication of all the correspondence and documents connected with the atvompt of Eayiand to reervit her armias for the Russian war-—aa we believe, im cercgation of the aovereign rights of the country, and fm violation of our police laws. Mr. Jams—Mr. President, I wish to express my hearty concurrence with, avd approval of, the resolu‘ion offered by the bonorab‘e Senator trom Virginia. It is time, sir, st tbe country should be made acquainted with all the facts connected with the pending controversies betwern our government and that of Great Britain. Wo, as yet, are in possession ot the documents reiative to one of the ‘two great questions only, presented with the President’s g@unval message. and waich reate to what is termed the Central American question. It may prove that those which relate to the other questton—that of enlistments im ‘bis couatry for the British service in Russiz—espe- a é¢emand the grave consideration of Congress. 1 do mot design to anticioate what the President may deem Proper to communicate on the subject; but I avail my- ‘set of this opportunity to make two or three state- ments of matters most important to the country, whi:h weem to have passed from notice oven here, and to be altogether unknown in Great Britain. These facts, on due retiection, will serve to fully juevify the course pursued by the American government. the British ceclaration of war agains: Russia bears date ‘Westainster, March 28, 1854. On the 2st of April en- @uing, Mr. Crampton, the British Minister to the Uni:ed Stater, communicatea the fact of this declaration to oer pment. (See Hxecutive Doc., Ist Series, Vol. ty-third Congress, H. Doc. 103.) Me. Crampton a!so presented arother declaration, beating the same date, in which his government ez, for the present, in favor of neutral commerce, some of its ions to belligerent rights, Io making this communication, Mr. Crampton proseeded to express ‘the earnest hope ot his government, thst the government of the United Statee wouid no: suffsr any privateers un- dder Russian colors to be fitted out and equtpped in any Of its ports; and that our government would prevent any of oar citizens trom taking part in any such armawent ot the nation, or in any other procedure in violation of a atzict neutrality. ‘To this, Ms. Marcy, Seeretary of Sate, |, under dete of the same month—April 28; and some other pertinent observations, proceeds to say @ Mr. Crampton, as follows :— ‘The undersigned is directed by the President io sae her ‘Majesty's Minister to this government that the Cunited Stater, the strictest neuiralit7 towards cach and ‘The laws of this country impow severe restrictions ot only upon iis own citizens, bu: upon all per. SER a as vy ti wateers, rooelving comm s- sons, or enlisting men therein for tbe parpoec of taking a part 4m any forelge war. I: is not apprebended that there will be oy ses to violate the laws; bat should the just expecta- tion of ihe President be disappolnted, be will not fail in his duty to use all the power with which he is invested to epiorce obe ddience io them. Considerations of inieres: ana the obli, «ions of duty alike give avsurance that the citizens of the | u'ted Potes will in no way compron: the pegirallty of the country Daruicipating in the contest In which the principal Powers of are now unbappily engaged. ‘The Senate wili now perceive that Mr. Marcy here eures the British government, in the most emphutic a! ee gaat not only that our government will not atlow any privateers jo be fitted out er equipped to any et our ports, but that they will vot allow any men tm be enlisted in the United Siates. 1 may he remark that when Mr. Crampton sppiied to have maval equipment: in ‘favor of Russia prevented, be wpeems to have entiely lost eight of the iact that uch equipments were no more s visiation of the laws of neutcality. than the enlistment of men for the land ser- vice of Great Britain; or, if he did not lose sight of it. he should have borne in mind that his spplisation for the £t to prevent the violation of the laws of neu- tality in favor ot Russia, was au impiicd pledge of honor that neither he nor his!government would! attomp! their violation as against Russia, and in favor of (reat Britain. Mr. Marcy would never have itted him seit to presume that Mr. Crasnpton would te guil’y of the indecency to atk the United States government to maintain Its neutrality against Russia, and to viola'e it am favor of Great Britain. We, theretore, had a perfec: right to look on this application a3 a declaration o honor on the part of the Dctriah government, that they. Teapoet ia atiempt what she might. Amplied pledge of nonor, a @ifierent course was pursued. ‘The Britich Varliament was assembled st an eatly day, om the special call of the Minister. It metom the 12h day of December, 1854, for the special purpose, primi wily, of enabling the Minister to have a law en- aeted for the culisiment of foreiguers into the British service. The bil! wae introduced inte the Bouse of lords on the first day of the session, tnd had its second reading two days afierwaris, aad ‘was pressed with the whole power of tho government through the House in litt.e more than one week. The Dill was introduced by the Dake of Newcsstle, then Mi- mister of War, and was advocated and defended chios!y ‘by bim and the Marquis cfIansdowne. It was esrnestly gproret by others, such as the Harl of Sllenbovough ani Farl of Derby.’ The Minister, it ix true, did not ex- pressly sey, but certainly allowed the House of Lords to suppose, that the foreizn entistments were to be effected secret arrangements with some o! the governments of ‘and uncer this false impression the bill finally passed the House of Jords. All this appears clearly from ‘Abe aperches delivered on both sides of the question, ax ee mega by Hansard. From the House of L mus the fo- onjistment act was iniroduce? into the House of Commons by Lord John Kuussell, and pushed through, by hii efforie aud those of Lord Valmerswn, against the most anxious and earnest resistance, not omiy of their Intical opponents in the Commons, but also by many of friends. It was earnest!y opposed py Lord § anley, ‘Mr. Disraeli, Sir Edward Lytton Bulwer, wad many others, who felt and declared that it would be dis honorable to Vngiand thus to express, indirectly, a conviction of the military incompetency of her own je, and to traverse other countries begelug or stesling mercenaries o fight her battles with Russia. To all this the reply of Jord Jobn Russell was, as woll as that ot Lord Palmerston, we must have the bill, for we eannot carry on the war without it. 1t becomos « etera mecessity; if you pass oot this bill, we shell throw up our commissions, and leave the coantry without « govern- menti n the very crisis of a foreign war, Thos, and on'y thus, they suc2eded in bullying the House of Comnous fato their measure, aud pasted the bill through, agaiast ‘the vetter nt of many, and the sonse of honor of the whole body. Mr, President, in readiag the report of the debate in the House of Commons, tt appears tha’ ‘honorable and grave members entreated Ministers to vay how and where they expected to obtain foreiga troops; that the Ministers were frequently a@monishod that it was against ail principle for the British government to ‘undertake to enter within the limits of « A rolga State, the ‘of raising recraits, withont the cuonsen’ bg uch State; that, should the foraign “tate consent, bt would be # violation of its neutrality, that, i: did not eonrent, then ii¢ nentrality would bo violated and oat> raged by Great Hivitain. Aud ome momber put his objec: tions in the following language. { aw asmished tha against all these remonstrangos the bill passed: — If it was pointed out that some Power, or some foreign ne thon. waa wil’ing (0 allow ila subjects to be en ised by Por making war with eubels tm ncigl® contena © for the py maintain its neutrality, which wes & i by some, then be asseried that jt vas. dangerons priac Iny down. Ii this wore the principle of the wha! en d we cay if Russie were to hire priva’sers from the Vata Sates’ Should they not be toid that any country might ‘1 oa?” its mae and forces without breaking i nourall-y, and fiat we bad onrseives laid down that principle by ® cetiberata act of the British parliament? It wae in tho face of Mr, Marcy’s solemn assurance to | Mr. Crampion, of the 28) oF Apri’, 1904, and to the wd- is intention to waive, | eruits for the British rervice produsea durieg last | summer in New \ork ani Pailaceiphu. | At length it was discovered sithough the | busipers was copduc‘ed by Nir Ui 19 Marchant, the British Governor cf Nova Seotia, yct, in fact, it was ua- der the conduct and sealous personal superintendence of Mr. Cramptoo, tne British Minister at Washiagton. [he President ‘ment amp'e reparation for this ou post hogy neatvat io of the we dishonored his station anc his coun‘ry hed hho omitted to do so, I applaud him myaelt—I believe we ciensinne him; and every American will applaud him for bis couree to put s stop to the business of British en- lustmente in our fand , which is no} dist ishaple in mine from Sea om the nave by Jefferson and to state tw> posi- sh was ot see Foe Tehre thas encisaaichien ova t ones, in the o wi t eon! can 46 clotted with autherity-rie the Senate ot the United States. 1. Lord Clarendon assumes to justify the acts of Mr. Crampton, and in relation to them says he hes done no- hing which shoule give umi to the United States; Bey. toat what be did was satisfactory to Mr. Marcy. 1 take ic for granted, sir, that when we come to see th: swe shall find that thie im; Marcy wiil be totally destitute of founda'ion, being sstistied in having the British recruiting service prosecu‘ed in the United States, be had, as wo nave sen, more than a year before rolemoly notified the British ; overnment that it should not be cone. As to the parti- apation of Mr. 1 the business, it is adrolutely sstopiching that any one should ventaret> utter a word ‘in its jostiSeation, it waa so netortio: at war with the ts of neutrality and natiovel houor, Mr, President, have learned trom numerous original letters from Mr. Campi, eA the British officers ed shee | oe ponded om this subject, to say nothing is offic « 6 ructions to British Consuls and other 4, now om file in the Department of state, that whish proves fally the seandulous activity of Mr. Cramptom in the commis- wion cf those acts by which our rights and our municipa. laws, as a renutrai Power, were so basely outraged. 2. But Lora Clarendon, in bis second spose declares that our laws were nos violated by Mr.Cratpton. It is somewhat astonishing that Lord Clarendon should have ventured on such @ dovlaratios, and it besrmes stilt more +0 when we perceive that he relies for this opinion on a remark made by Judge Kane in the month of Aoril, ata very carly stuge of the proceedings, to the effest goverment ova! mere yo pay the pass voluntary recs from Philacelobia to Halifax. Lord Clarenden 1s very careful to forget to state that, when the cases came on to ba tried in New York and Philadel- phis, in September, vefore Judges Ingersoll and Kans, these honorable Judges charged, in toe most explicit terms, that the acts proved were in violation of law. pd, mmorecvar, thar the people extn tahet the fect of the guilty complicity of Mr. Crampton with them, In order that Lord Clarendon, of any one élse in Groat Bri- tain, may not hereafer have apy exense foucded on ignorance of this matter, | quote the following passage from the opinion cf Judge Kane:— ‘The case Las involve}, in !ts pragres very copriderable political interes!—per interest in that aspect of It than in fs near’ whieh are to be decided by your verdic! among us, probably nouc, who have not felt aggrieved at the tone with which the press’ of foreign coantries, And occasion ally of foreign statesmen of the day, have commented upon what they have been pieased to ca'l the over alsority of the American people to engave in m! controversies in wrich ly had po rightful part. Our people and our gov ernwent have been accused of forgetting she oli neulrality, and pushing ourselvesMor foreign puilons, instead of minding our orn buriness a8 neu- trals, avd Jeaving beliizerents to ight out thair own quarrels. For oue, I contess tbaz I felt anrprised, as this case adv: to learn. that during the very falmmaied against tbe American people hy tue press of Eng- land, there was, onzthe part of caient British functionaries here, a series of arrangements in progress, carefuly diges'ed, and cembining all sorts o people, under almost al! soris of in’ fluences to evade the laws ot the’ United States by which our country scught to enforce its reutra itv—srrangements ma tured, upon @ careful inspection of the dilivrent sections of our statutes ingeniously to violate thelr gplrit and principle with- ou! incwring weir penalty, us en and sent awa; Soldlere frou our neural shores to fight the baities of thoae wh were incontiveatly and no! over courwousiy admoolshiag us to {ull the duties of neutrailty. ‘The hiring er retaining docs Dot_nece'sarily include the pay- ‘ment of money on the part of him who hires or retaias ano- ther, Te may bire or retain a person, with an agreement that he sbail pay wages when the services shall have been perform- ed. ‘The turing or retaining @ servant is no, generally by the ment of money, in the first instasce, but by the promise to pay money whea the services sba'] have been performed: aud So & person way be hired or retained to go beyona the limite of the United States, wih a ceriain intent, though he is onty to receive his pay after he has gone beyond the limits of the Uni- ted States with that intent. Moreover, it is not nuecesary (hat the consideration of the hirtyg shail'be money. To give to « person s railroad ticket that costs four doliars, and boardand lodge him for @ week, is 9s ood & consideration for the contract of hiring, as to pay the woney with which be could buy the railroad lictet aud pay tor his board himself, Jt here be au evgazemeat on the one side to do the particular thing, \o go teyend the limits of tbe United States with the inten! w enlist, and on the olen fide an engagement that, when the act sball Lave) been soar, @ consideration shall be paid to the party performing the services, oF doing the work, the hiring and retainins: are oom ete, Pthe meaning of the law, then, is this—that if auy person shail engage, bire, roiain or eupi0y suaiber peigoc 10 0 o7t | side of the T nited States to do that which he could no: doit be remaiped in the United States, viz: -to ‘axe part in ¢ iorciga if he bires anolber t> ‘go, knowing that j* is bys in‘eut hen he arrives out; if be eugages him to go because ‘such ap intent. offence is complete within the section, Kvery resident of the United Sta‘es hae the vigat to | 88 Ballias, and joere ic oxime 2 a@uy army oe Teas 4 mut it isnot Iswtul for a person to engage snozhe: here to 0 Halifax re. [iis the hiring of the pesson ‘0 atrain of facts of more general onthe quesiena There ave very few to for ie. 20 beyond the Unie Bates, that person butlag the inten vee to enlist when he arrives out, and that intention koowa to the party hiring bim, and that intention deing a portion of the Consideration, because of which Fe hires Bim, Uh: detines the offence. If you believe the witness. the object here was to etleciusie ‘ap enlistment beyond the borders of Lhe United States, and yet pe from the provisione of this secfion; ww do efiestively, et pot seem to Jo. Sir, Ihave but obe more remark to make Jo reference to lerd Clarencon’s view of the law. It is simply th: he had no right to enter into the uertion as to what our municipal law is. With thie the government has n> right to interfere; it is a question tor our own jadrcial authority only. ‘The British geyerni2n! would seem to have supposed that to them wonld be re’erred our muni- cipal law fur construction; ani that. if they eoald bat | succeed in the coneostion ot ingenivuy cevivos for the purpore of evading it, thet was enough. But Lord Ca- | had no right to reernit for at all, whether forbidden He should have looked at quibble abont the mere letter of au sci of Congress. eve been much more honorable end magoani- fhe American government, he knew, had foroid- en such recruiting service by our neutralit nudertake to reeruit, in dicect violation the implied pledge et honor from Mr. C Marcy, was a flagrant breach of honor, and an outrage on | oar sovereignty. 1 profess, sar, it eeems to me, there can- not pcasibly be anythicg more ¢ isereditable to a groat and powertul in, then this petty ides of Lord Clarendon in assuwing, for his government, ity country court qurbbles as ® ground of de’eace for he, his country, and the world know to be a grwat wrong and outrage against the United States, Mr. Pre- side nt, in tne close, permit me to say that I consider the conduct oi the President of the United States in relation to the quertion to bage teen digaitied, houorable, and pe i and let the result of the controversy ba want it way, no doubt tbat every true American will che: tally sustain him. To the Attorney Ceners! also {s much praise for the bighly hoacrable and judisions course purrued by him 1a this troublesome basiaess. Long he songht to adjust the affsir, without resort to coorcive measures, in a quiet and amicable manner; but finding his efforts of no avail ne was compelled by a fonse of public duty to exert the force of law. Thus, through | hit, the éisturbers of cur peace and the violators of ocr laws wore rebuked, aud their nefarious proceeding brought to an ignominious close, Ho deserves sell of | the country for his vigilance, for his prompt, ensegetic | and efficient action, and for'which be wit receive the thanks of the American people, And uow, sir, my do- cided opinion ts, that we should premptly’ assnins and firm!y maintain the ground of right, acd gubmi{t to no- thing which f@ wrong. The people of the Ualted Staten, as ome wan, will sustain us in thas position. Mr. CassMr, Prosident, | shall not devaia the Senate long; J am not ine condition todo #0. I rise to retors my thanks to the honora’ Jeman from Virginia (iz. Mason) fur the snotion w admitted to d with hin. Itis a n people—not less we archere, than the great body of onr constinents throughout the American reoublie, | agree fully with the honorable Senator from Virginia io the view be has taken of the statement made by Lord Clarencon in the British House of Peera. | go farther than the honorable gentlonan from Virginia, and I sey that | nover saw a statement so unsupported by the Latis—a stavemont army ip the United Scares ur municlpal law or mit. showisg that the spoaker was 80 inattentive to facts, or #0 wenncus in hie narration them.’ I say this realization of my respon- sibility position before this aod the ¢ountry, and 3 think a ‘y. few words will enlsty the Senste that such is th se. The wtatement of Lord Clarendon has gone abroal in log land: it is going abroad in our own country. Hils speech has already been here for some days. itis grog on tho four winds ef heaven, travelling ! and sonth. It hae already produced an improwi2n—s0 impression not in conformity with the real state of fasta. Allow me to read, in a vory (ew words, what Lord Clarea- don has eaid o this subjee:. He saidi— The most mands of the government of the Tait! Stales arrived oaly two daye ago. and | would mt 9 D conductve to the pubite in: wause then as ue momen: What there demands were. roore than any other member o President, know no Two degs Pei government to re That my own wish, and li thi comand has been comp of war-- abould becor on it. Now mthe How it te fully ente The origin of 'b breaking out of the wa from British aling hi ied bee y man on re tish 2 t ning. waned ig @ulia ment, o'it not for | thou from other countries of tae world, | eo Fome of hate appiisations wer $9 trom volldeal moive a be a's } pome on aovo iw! oi a» polition! ine asue, and of | into the conflic's ot | rendtn should have reflected that the Britich goverawent | Of course demanded of the British gvvern- | | | dy the Britich Parhament. Jt was an act cf their owa. | eminent British tunctio | law. Mr. President, wi! ‘the intent to be: Biates. ‘Then, Mr. President, accord! Briieb Secretary of Kor: arore in consequence ot ap; tions made to government frum sbroad, acd the Bri: Ry to the suthorities ot Halifax to know what would of the transactions the Brii-b fah governesn* to the etatement the recruite trom the United ‘A likely story, that the British Cabioe! rbould apply ‘0 the Governcr of Neva Scotia to know whether they might raise recruits there from the United states. it wavs measure of their own. in whicn that funodonary was their agent. Now, sir. a monthatter the war troke out between Rusia on the one part, and England and France ep the other, the British and 1'rene Ministers, in April, 1854, bac a conversation with our Seoreta-y of State. in woich they stated to the American government the course which they meant to pursue cn the subject of privatesring, and of the operation cf the laws rev) neutra's on the nigh seaa dering the war. The documents in relarion to thet matter have been pubtished for sowe time, avd I hold them now in wy hand. In tho conversation to which I allude, Mr. Marcy told the ministers what wore the provisions of the laws ot the United Y'ates on the sab- ject of recrnitirg for the belligerenta: and two days after- ‘wards on the 28th of April, he wrote them a letter, in which wae this paragraph: ‘the under: ja aire: by the Presiden: to state to her Majesty’s Minister to thie covernment that the United States, ‘while clatming the full enjoyment of their rights as a neutral poser, Will observe the siriciest neutrality towards each and all the elgarens. The jown of thi. ents, pamose sorure re strictions on Its own citizens, but wy persons who may be residents within any of the exritorlesof ibe, United States, against equipping privateers, recciving commissions. or enlisting men therein, for the purpose of taking @ part in any toreign war, ‘The representatives of both France and England hada copy of our law. This iotter of Mr. Maroy’s waa writtea nearly one year before the foreign enlistment bil: was passed; so that in all of the subsequent transactions of the British government at home, and ite agents upor that lt cla povematiate @ vidletion of the law for a | Cas border. Bnd its Minister hare, they want Sorware money of | iow on the subject, furnished by our Own government, thelr work, with the perfect knowsecge of our sta.uic anda warping thet our government would enforce 128 in a fow mon'hs after that, a scheme was devised in England -or enlistirg men In fo reign countries, ‘Ibe Foreign Enlistment Dill waa paseod 1¢ was an act to invite men from foreiga countries, It was passed by the British government wih a view to engage thom in the Crimean war; ani whiie unon its paseage was opoered and denounced as an upjusti- flable ucasure, which would necsssarily bring the British government into coptact with neutral na‘ion~ dy the attempt to violate their laws. Bat these repre- sentations were usclese, The law was passed with a view to raire men in foreign countrics for British milivary se: vice. We all know that. 1t1s o historical about which there can be no dispute. Immediately atres that law was passed, what waa the result? What did Lord Clarendon himself say was the result? The instenztions respecting the matter were commumeated to Mr. Cramp- ‘ton, the first fact ot which we have notice in this coun. try, as developed in the trial at Philadelphia, was that on the last of January, 1855. Persons here had seen this law, and having a wish to engage in the British miliary ser- vice, they applied for permission to do #0. ry aneprana, as his cove advanced, | were infurmed by Mr. Crampton that he could not give them an answer, but would ina few days, as he expected instrustions, ehowing conelutively that such instructions were contemplated, not in consequonce of previous appliestion, but to moe: them when made; snd three or four days atter—namely, Feb;uary 24, 1856—Mr. Crampton writes a note, sayiag tbat he could give the information. He had then, as he said, received infurmation from home. All this. and in- deed ai the whole proceedings, contracict the asser- tion of Lord Ciarendon, that this business of recruiung was sdovted in England because applicd for here, Lora Clazendon’s statement is, that on the breaking ont of the war applications were made to join the British army in tbe East; and then he says:— In consequence of them, instructions wore sent to the Gover- nor of Nova Scotia, to consider whe persons from the Uni ved Slates, aesirous of enlisting inthe British service, could be rece:ved at Balifax. Dees one honorable Senator believe such a thing? Is there a man within the sound of my voice, Senator or spectator, who bebeves that the British government, with our law before them, eight months after the communics. tion ot Mr. Marcy, wrote to the Governor of Nova Scotia to ascertsin whether they could reseive recruits from the United States’ ‘The instructions which were given the Gevernor of Nova Scotia were sent, as he says, to Mr. Crampton, but the whole measare was devised by the Brivlsh governmeut. It was the scheme of the govern- rent from the begining to the end. The scheme oorions- ly was to get men in our country to ‘evade,’ as Mr. ‘ramopton said—for that is the word testified to, by the witnesses who swore as to his statements—to evade the operation of our Jaws. i hold in my hend the report f ¢ Hertz trial at Philadelphia, which contains the state- ment of the D'strict Attorney ot Judge Kane—state- ments condensed from the trial. The District Attorney on his opening says:— Ihave said that the wer in tbe Crimes wan conducted by the British, Freneh and ocner nations, as allies, agains. the singie Pewer of Russia. f have said that’ the consequence been disastrous t the bi of the times indisated ‘he Soa More bumiliating fate, ihe Enghsh army haying met the most serious losses, the goverument of Great Britain, in direct violation of her duty ‘owardeus, and with o of misleading most residents of the United States who did not fully in mane the nature of es reba Fie S Cy purpose of partially regaining we position and stan’ Is Eithe absence of tke Gearcis'of the advanced military expe rience of (he age, they bad lost. ‘A plan for this purpose was adopted and attempted to be cartied out by his Excellency John F. Cramp‘on, the Minister Plenipotentiary of ber Majnsty, assisted by several agents of Britih govern t, Within the territ and jarladiction of I think you will be satisfied that Mr. ith the knowJedge and approbdation of T will not detain you, Mr, President, with the rinu‘e details which are scatteres through the trial, and wi can leave co dcubt on the mind of any man who ~~ it. | way remark, however, that Mr, Crampton i: n here on tria’, Weare trying no man. We are cealing not with strictly leval, but with moral facts. We are finding ont tu affecting the weilare snd character of the uation Tt fe not a trial before o court as to the guilt or innocence of an individual; but { is a moral trial, to ascertain what were tne general facts which took place, what were the motives, and what was the conduct of the firitich government and of its agents. dudge Kane, deloxe whom this case was tried, in sum- ring ap to the jury, says, a8 to the pretences ol tne British government: Our people apd our government have been accused of for ing the oblintions cf nenirality, and pushing ourrolves iets of foreign nations, instesa of iin’) trals, and leaving belligerents to +. .t . Yor one, I eontess that } felt sur- prised, as this «ase advanced, to learn that, during the very time Lat Deep secusations were fwlminsted against the ameri- can people by the press of Engiand, there was, on the part is naries here, & series of nrrangen.en's in progress, carefully digested, and com ining all surts of people, ad ‘ll ports of influences, to evade the laws of the tates, by which our country sought te enforve its non 'y—arrangements mavired upon & varetul inspection of the dierent sections of our statute ingentously to vio ate tbe spirit and principle without incurring their penalty. ‘This, str, ia true, Get men, at all events, waa the rpirit ot the order, but take care not to be caught by the laws of the United States; and this caution runs trough the wholo matter and founded upon the ‘acts subrai Notwithstanding this, what do we find to be the assertion of 1 Cinrendon! He states that “These in- structions were made known to Mr. Crampton, and he was told that, however cosir us her Majorty’s government were to obtain recratts, they were still more anxious that there should be no violation or infringement of the mum- cipal law of the United Rtates,”” There is not a man who hears that deelaration but wiil put his own construction on it. ‘Lhe plata Kagliah of i ts, ‘e want the men in tne United States; go, and raise them, but take care to avoid their law if youcan.”” Why siz, one of the witnesses who testiieo on that trial says that Mc. Crampton, in syonk- ing with him, wsed the expression that “The Ame. -an Inw was very lax; do not expoee yourself to it; you can evade it, avd the British government will support you in #o dcing.’’ Lord Clarendon observos, ‘Shortly after- wards an agent ed an agency office, and, upon com- plaint being made, Mr. Cramp:on desired taat it might be wade bnown that the British government ¢id not re- crul, or raise soldiers in the United States, and he made known his instrustions to Mr. Mars rho then exp ‘essed hinw el! satisiied.”’ Now, I aver asa fact that there tn no toundation for (his statement. I +‘and here on my responsibilty, and say there is no foundation for the statensont that Mr. Marcy ever expressed any content or ratisinction at the course of the British government, No ruch paper can be found; no sueh paper was issuod. Would it not be & most astouishing deciaration afver the letter he bad written, and which I heve quoted, an‘ af- ter the ioformation which he had given to the Pritish Minister when there proceedings beesme mattors of notorioty through the e-nntry, to express hineoif Mtusfied? Amd yet tha is one of the misstatements which has gone to the world; and J now when the papers called for by this resoln in, you wid dnd notbing !m them to justiy the max wen! ofsuct fact by the British government, The ob. of Laré Clarevda’s § ont is cloar, ‘tis to pro ‘ques ily impression um the peop's. We all know thet our frend, John Ball, is a iy credutous sort of erimal, lie swallows reagiy and digests easily, and this statement of ford Clarendon has tl-ealy prodmood ite isopression upon him fay add, hos oot been with- out Hect in our own country, His lordwhip further ob- serves:— The passage of pe ns wishing {9 yo into Canada to enite was paid; and J udar p wid duwa the rule toni, to pay the mee pas 6 & Fo 4, and then ealist theta, ‘s no viewtion of interna‘ional ls a. What is the object of that statement? Clary to satisfy the British poopie te bho, Whole course this business, ieir 6 nad kept within oar law, for that Jadga Kage had decided that it was no viclation o frow here aad eniiee them in Privish te S make what be have been @ ree Kane says, and ther iatueseny ot Lord Clarendon. Judge Kane anid The aot of Consreea is in he words mas- terial to the question Aatyt rt of c.roumns'anc that’ etthte the territory of the United Btarce, bire or oy ganien 1 #0 bevond the Hraite of the Crived <4 eter Untod in the service of a fore M bait be ea a tight roled : be xa witloh y Tie rie6' vata, dia onry | Jusige Kawe ts clear, of ihe po-sene in those >ilte of “he timate ot ihe tistied pinten, with or entered in the service of a foreign D po meer ranice peeeer Ten ‘will observe that the principle Jaid down by ‘that they bave m> right to bire pao to enliss them in tse Brituxh avmi- ‘ane laid down the principie that the pay ple bere winn mops. Jucg | Ment of wapeportation brings tbem within the Jaw. | Judge Kane may, o1 ome preparatory investigetion uf this matter, Lave “You must orivg 9 face bowe to the pervon; just show that ia we Halifax or elsewhere with these peer, be went with hat view.” No doubt you must; intention must be hewn; but tte general principle fic, beyond all coub*, that to hire a man ia the United States to go 1 Hen ax ith o view to en-ist, ia @ palpable violation of our lew, thie tact ie » pslpad'e contra: iction to the sssertion mace ty Lord C \, and at this moment believed by pine-tentds of \be British Thero'ss uot the aligh - e@ioundaticn for it. Our law is as plain as words eaa moke it. Our courts have interpreted it, and our juries have deciued it according to its plain words, Ailow mo —_ once again what Lord C.readon said on the gub- ject:— ‘The of persons wishing to go into Canada to ealis! po gg ee no vi of iniernations! aw.” es In addi-ion, let me add another extract from Judgy Kane addressed to the jury, and let tbat be placed m juxtapesition with Lord Ciareudon’s declaration :— Judge Kaxe—The meaning of the law, then, ia retain, or right to go to Ha ifax, but it in bot Jawfal for a person ‘Baiitex tor that pur Tt ta the evond ‘the United Bistes, that parson ‘And to cngege men here, in order to enlist in Halltax, way precisely the plan of the British government, the superintesdency of which was intrusted to their Minister here, and to the Lieutenant Governor of Nova Scotia; and for which large sums of money were advanced and expended. Mr. President, I observe that some of our own vpewspspers speaks of an spolegy having been made British government, and 1 opserve that the most re of all reckless journals—the Loncon Jincs—in an article just received, siates that there have been apologies euough mace by gland to satisfy tem European monarchie: Bir, standing bere in my toes Tsay thst no apology hb. ever been made. Lord Clarendon, in the speecn ovio-# me, does not say a alBgie word about spoiogy ia tha atement of his cwnease. The British government, as I derstand, from time to time, when the subject bas been alluded to, bas eaid to ua: ‘‘ Your law was not vio- Jated, and we will not believe that our officers ever vio- lated it.”’ That is the nearest that they came to an apo- legy, which, it is said, would setis'y ten European king- doms, lrepeat, no apology has mace, and none has been tenacred; but from the beginning to the eni— and it has be-n repested im this very speecn of Lord Cia- rendon—we have been told that our laws have not been violated, and they have justified Mr. Crampton. Lord Clarendon, in this speech, obeorvea :—~ With the conduct of Mr. Crampion we are perfestly satis for 1am convineed that neither intentionally nor wnintentior accidentally, did he violate anylaw of the Unised If such a thing for an apology would have natisfied ten Enreptan monarchies, all that I have to ssy i+, they are very eatily satinfied; and I trust it will be contemptuons- dy rejected, as an atonement by an American republic. 1 repeat, that there has been a violation of our laws, ana in addition, there has been o gross insult in jus:ifying the whole course of the Britisn agents here, both diplo- matic and other important agents on the frontier. No man can run his eye over the report of the trial without seeing that in the British order possessions, as well 48 in the United States, this scheme was carried on with view to insme therecruiuing. Lord Ciar«ndon, I suppoee, by wey of showing the merits of Mr. Crampton, says that atter an sgency office had been opened, and complaint made, he cesited it might be made public—how or by whon, 18 not raié—that the British government did not raise soldiers in the United States. Now, sir, this ch: in the recrurting tactics is very easily accounted fer, with- out pressing into service any extraordinary good will. It {a tally explained by the District Attorney ot Pennsylva- nia, who says, after stating the operation, that Arrests having been wade in all parts of the United States of persous engaged in this business, the representatives of her Majesiy in thi couniry became somewhat slarmed as to the result’ Mr. Crampton then made arrapgements with Mr. stro- del axd one Dr, buess, who met him at Halifax, and devised ans ar to theinanner in which the recruiting was t»ereatver to led a the Umitea Statov; and on the Is of May, or hen plan of violating the national sovereignty of the United Starew, and ct ovading our laws enforcing nevirality. @ # » 3 Giving to these agenis at the same time a caution, that should they be ureuce in evading the laws aad eluding the au thorities of the United states, they could hope tor no protec: tion ft e British government—thai is, the British govern- ment was wiling to accept the advaniage of the successful! criminal conduet of thelr Miniser and his recroiing agents, but refure to defend or assist those agents. i! they should bevo unfortunate as to be <etected. * @ * ‘the ruse then ad*pled ‘wus to tend men to Canada and Halitax, under the pretency ct engeging them on the rat'road, and when there to enlist them iu them ‘s1my. “For the, purpose o! carrying out this object Tegulsr written instroctions were given by Mr Crampton to Mr. Strobel, who with Dr Rucssand othcr oflicers, started in compary with Mr. Crampton to the United States. ‘And this deep planned scheme to evade our laws ix a subject of congratulation with » British cabine’ mini-- ter, and reems to be a matter for which the Bertish re presentative is entitled to high eredit. It is difficult to characterise it, aed yet koep within the limits of proper cecorum. Weil, sir, finally, the wnole p'an was aban- dczed. Why? No credit to its authors, but because i: was a failure. J understand that the whole numoer o men raired in the United States, and perhaps in Canada also, cid not exceed three bundred, avd they cost an im: mente sum of money, Whe.e did the money come from’ ‘This book before me feils you. Here are Mr. Crampton’s notes, and bere are the notes of the Governor of Nova Scotia, and bere are the whole of the facts stated. They show you that money care, by thousands and tiousands of pounds, to enlist men here in the very face cf our law, ard knowing its provi siovs. Mr. President, I shall not detain the Sonate lorger. I wished these facts to go out, im order to conuteract the eflect resulting from che spesch of Lord Clarendon, snd J desire to make one additional observa- ticn. Taidhoce, and I believed when this matter be- xp, that at last we had arrived at « point when every ‘American paper would be in favor of i sowncounny. | said come days since, that there was a species of idioxyn ctasy with us, which prevented us joining togetner pnanmously when we got inte difficntty with a foreign Power, One of our most intelligent pabic journals, which I vil! not name, has seriously proposed—what It has proposed that this matter should go ta an arbi- trator, and that the arbitrator should estimate in money, in dollars, how much our dignity was injured by this rchewe to violate our laws and our newtal duties. ‘Tha! is American patriotism! Such a sentiment, how- ever, will be reprobated by the American people. | trust that the resolution will be adopted withoat opposition Mr, Yorex--I observe in the rt which we have of Lord Olarexdon’s remarks, two alleya ions, concerning which J desire tousk trom the chuizman of the Uommittov on Foreign Rolatiopa such information a8 he may be able to afford. It is alleged by Lord Clarendon that, at some stage of tho recruitment, which i: is acknowledged was being condueted in this country, Mc. Crampton bad wid before the Secretary of State the plan of procedure cont mplated, and it had recoived the sanction of the Se eretary. T believe such is substantially the statement. It is also alleged that @ proporal to submit to arbitration the contreverted «uestions arising under the Ciayton Bulwer treaty has been twice tendered to this govern- ment, My purpose isto mauire it there facts exiet as tated and understood upon the other side of the water Mr. Masoy--Mr, [resident, I do not profes to be conversant with the whole correspondence which has passed between the two governments ou the suiject ipvolyed in the questions put by the Senrtor from Flori‘a; but, so far as 1 am informed— and [ think { am correctly informed as to those points—I am not aware that any offer has been made by the British government to this government to refer to the ar- ditrament of some friendly Power the questions of dider. ence which haye arisen upon the construction of the Cleyton-Bulwer treaty. I observed, ax cid that honorable tor, that the fact was not only very distinctly stated the epeech of the Karl of Ciarendom, but it was stated by him tbat the offer had been made, had not beon ac- cepted, and that the same offer had been renewed. Now, it may not be improbad'e that, in some of the conferences which took place between Mr. Buchanan and tho Britiad Minister§on the rubject of this tronty, when it was found, as is silegod, that the main differonce ox fisted upon the interpretation of the treaty, tne suggestion may have been made upon the part of tho British Minister that, under efrour - stances, perhaps toe casiest solution would be to reter + to the arbitrament of a friendly Power, to which @ r may have been given that, in the presen: state of Hurope, there was no Power in a condition, in tho probable opis icn of the Ameriean government, to ect as arbitrator. If anything passed, it was of that character. if any direct offer hes been made, or renewed properly as euch. I am ignorant of the fact, and have no reason to believe it. In rep, to the other question, whether it wag true that instructions given by the Frit- ish government to their Minister, or other officers in this country, in relation to enlistments within our ter- sitories, were communicated to the Hecrutary of State, ond that ho was aatisiied with them, my impressions are vhere:—I am very certain that the instractions givon by the British government to Jts Minister or to any of tts ‘fiers, were not communicated to the Secretary of State, snd, of ourse, he could be neither satiniiod nar dissntis! fied with them. I mean by ‘tho isstraetions,”’ of eourse all the instructions which were gives, for slort of that it would not be exactly tree to say that “the instructions” had been shown, if ® part were shown, anda part not shown. 1 am aware that at one period a part of the correspondence between the Pritish government an: ttm Minister wae sent to the Department of State which were contained expressions of this character:— “You 870 to take care that the laws of the United Staten ave pot vielated.’’ Now, whether the secrotary was sa- viefed with that or not, i do not know. J should think rt probable, however, that if they imported to be all the instructions, and ‘to have coversd the whole yround of acticn. he would have been satirfied. 1 have reason to bolieve there ¥ax no expression either of satisfaction or dissotisfaction. T believe thet is an anawer to the quos- tions of the Senator. Mr, Cratresvrn—Mx, t, I with only to say a wore. on this matter, rosaton on, thi public wane cf thin country, 1 think, #* that the Detish gow- e@pment had made atonemest, 6o fir as atonement could be made, by acknowledging her errer on the aub- ject of stewpting to mako enlistments within sxe aten ano I think the gonerat improrsion, ther, ia t u this acknowledgmont the subject m! teen givon over to oblivion. 1 think, sic. 1 athe general impression, so faras my conve fiony bave exiendod; and this was certainly my impr ng that the Be ernment, whon a| dissatiefrction of the United States at the ote made at enlistments or engagements for in this ecuntry, ct ones issued orders te ber Vpited & a eplisinient a Biates, vithio to hist, was pots violation cf the lew—i* was an error, i baa i but ff, as soon as syprised thet 1 PIHeDt co con-ideret fence at it, "Great Britain immediately stop; crviting, ad raid: ‘Sooner than give dinsacie’action, I ‘will eupprees even in Canada, Nova Scotia, of anye#here ele in my colopi:] dominions, all recruiting est sbitan- ARs SS 00 that eevee shall be not valy no more or’ ut DO more Oo; fe eru‘tht pe Ay Pe ig yee ca this subject, T gatticalacty she's fad ® ner can I pa to the dosu- blie papers in which this fact has been an- nouneec; but if that be the state of the case, if the fo- structions were in the first place that care should be taken tbat the Jaws of the United States be not violated, and if under a misinterpretation of our laws in England er bere, there has been a violation committed of them, and if that wrong hes been atoned for by this public ae. koowledgment, and the repetition of that wrong com- pletely revented, and this surt of an apology made ia the ice of the whele world for this jar 3 or indignity, or whatever e’se you may choose te call st, I ark what else can we demand; The recall of thetr ie? Would or American patrioti«m? than the Pritish € the vation. Let us not, with » small on the British Mivisver here; eberacter that must be stoned for more seriout! me of God, let us make the principal in this cave Beible—let us make the Brit governmen: reaponsi- ) Why, sir, be ween if one comuits ao offence ageinst anvtber, and make an honorabie acknow- leegwent of the error, and ssys the offense sball no more be given, what gentleman would be jus‘itied by the highest cial law, in demanding soything further’ Aui hetween two great nutions, ot itely more diguity than private gentlemen, what more can wo Be! think itis the highest satisfaction for such au mjury as tha: which we bave received. Sir, we are a great nation now, srd entitied vo have ® great deal of pride. Bat let it show iteelt afier the form of the majos'y of this great cowptry, and not in the litte pursuit of individuals as victims for vational wrongs. We need not be afraid that all the world do not know ani acknoy- ledge our dignity. Let us not as though we considered it necessary to be eternally putting forward preten:! lest the world should forget that this in the great repub.ic. I have no fear that anybody will ever forget:st, or can forget it. All the world knows it. To the dott m cf their bearts they know it; and if { rere to say they atood somewhat im respectful awe of 1, 1 think J sbonld not be saying too wuch; I hope I should not. But I think we may be satistied, where no indignity was in'ended to be offered. In such a case, where no wiltul wrong been offered to us, an apology or a‘one- went, such a: British government has made, if I un- derstand the case rightly, might be considered as a plete reparation. Sir, Iam not learned on these subjects, and do not profess to be; but, {t seems to me, we inight have loft the British Mimster alone in peace here, afcer his government had made us an acknowledgmen:. Why, there is much danger, sir. if we are gatheriog ap littie offences as we go along in our intercourre with nations, ard hoarding them up. and bringing them to bear when they are wost rensitivcly felt, and in a critical position we should be considered by the world rather as # quar- relseme nation, seeking for occasion of quarrel, than es a people cf consci-us power, knowing how’ really to maintain our high ¢ignity. 1 think there is no man here who, it the real ity or honor cf his country is at stake, ovgbt to stand back from apy extremity, even of honorable warfare it necessary. But I would respect my diguiry too bighly to be making it a eubject of dis- cussion, and seeking to make victims of subordinates actiwg Under instructions from their superiors, after the home government. as I understand has been done here, bas made atonement and acknowledgment for the offence. That, actording to my sense of honor of my country And’ ita laws, redresses every wrong and heals cvery indignity; and, much as I regret to differ from my beporable friend trem Michigan, so much more capable of advbirg than I am, yet I do ciffer with bim when he says, he trusts that tnis government has demanded the recall of Mr. Cram Sir, when that bas been done, what then?--how do we stand? Is our honor any the brighter for this’ Does our charac‘er as great ration, and not only asa grest nation but os # great republic, stand avy bighor? Is it out of such little things as that, such small and obscure sources, that the dignity cf this country ana its chyracter are to flow? Ob ! no, sir, not at all, It is, thaok God, upona broader and loftier baris, and we shall better consult it by over- looking little things then by heaping them up as cvuses of national quarrel sna national c.nflict. J should, therefore, have been better satisfied to know that when this stonement was made by the British government, our government hed rsid:—“ We accept it with the same frankness with which it has been offered. We accept it, and no more complaint shali be heard of this offence, such as it was in its origin. Now, that you have made this acknowledgment, the complaint shal yars into obivion. We desire © to maintain our rights, and to 1epulse every atteropt that can be justly considered by aay ae as an invasion of them. All we have desired has done; we are satisfied, and have no more to say about it.” It seems to me tha, eitherfas a pation or a3 an indrvidaal, that woukl have been tbe ‘mest proper course to pursue. I regret exceedingly that it has teen followed up by avy such cemand ss that which is supposed to have been made, or which my honorable triend from Michigan thinks ought to be made. What else shail we demand? Is the gentleman’s mea. sure of fatisfaction and of honor filled by the recall of Mr. Crampton’? Haye we nothing more to demand on this subject? Will we promise a {.!i acquittance of it when that is dore? oud it not be as well—would it not be megnanimous—to give that acquitiance now at once? What additional consideration does the withdrawal of this minister furnish any reason for the acquittance which we are to give, or what sort of ipterpational conridcration is it on which we must acknowle¢ge ourselves satisfied? I do not know. sir, where this thing will stap—upon an acknowledgment be- ing made and the error o7 the offence declared to be un- iutentioval. That is tne ecd of {t—the natural and honorable end of it, and ought tobe the national end. Such is my judgment on this question. rASON: ir. Muasox—Mr, President, when I offerea the resolution calling for this information, I con- tented myself (as I thought it became me tv do) with siating to the Senate only the impressions which entertained, that, as we had no information upon the subject, except that which was derived from British sources, the public mind prssibly might be misled, and that justice would not be done, in the judgment of our countrymen, on the questions at issue between the two gcvernments, Irefrained from going into the merits of the question at all; bat, air, my jucgment, that it was Cosirable that we should have full and authentic infor- maiicn, not only of what has passed between the two governments, but of the action of the executive upov it, bas beon fully confirmed by the remarks that have jast faLen frcm the honoratle Senator from Kentucky. If one as well informed asthe honorable Senator fa inoald be yet uncer the impression that (rest Britaia has mado epy stonemest to this country, far more such atonement as this eountry should receive for the slleged indignity ‘and insn't put upon the country if it be true that she, in derogation of the s.vercign rights of our people and of car police lays, bas scught, directly or indirestly, to re- ernit her armies within our limite—it mazes menifest bow important it ia that the whole correspondence shoul! see tke light. Tray to that honorable Senator that, so far as fam informed, when the facts are promulged, a8 they will be by the publication of thts corresp maence, he“ wil tnd” that atcnement—none—has beon offeres by the Brivish government to this, whatever may have been said acrors the water, or by any portion ot the Ame- ricon fress, to the contrary notwithstanding. I think more, tir; J think, when the correspondence comes under the eye of that honorable Senator, he will find that in the rewarks which he hes made, either as to the rata- sur¢s which the government haveelready ado ied, or as to tho-e which it may hereatter adopt in vindication of the pvaticnel honor as connected with this subject, he will find that he has made his leap before he came to the stile. Sir. I think it will be found, when the pr, are laid before the country, that, in the whole condact of this affair on the pari of our governraent, there has been concilistion—en ire conciliation. ‘Tnere has becn no purpose or desire to intame the public mind at home or abroad, but there has been a fixed aod settled pur- pore to maintain the national honor at home, and to vee that it is mainteined in our foreign intereourse; and 1 think the honorable Senstor will fimd that the government, in vindicating the natioval honor, is in pursuit of no msigniticant game; but that the measures which bave been prejected #o far, snd any others which may follow, 1 think that honorable Senater wiil agree, are the measures appropriate to the occasion and a by it. [do not mean now to go further into this matter; 1 do sot mean to go into the merits of the contrcversy. They will be Gisclosed when the docu- ments are before us; und I think we shalithen have the entire concurrence of that honorable Senator, both as to the way in which that correspondence has been conduct- ed, and the demands that are made ander it. Mr. Haws.v—I do not desire, Mr. President, to inter- pese ang objestion to the passage of the resotution. It may be best and it may be wisest that all the enowiedye which our government ma; seas should be aubanitted to the Sonate and the public. My purpose in rising 19 simply to propound a question to the an of the Commitice on Foreign Relations and the distinguished Senator from Michigan, or «ither of them. if they shal! be able to give me the information tor which I neck. The honorable Senator from Bs tied says, as | wuder- stand him, that no atonement whatever ou the part of he British governmert has been made—! think that wad the languege just used; but i desire to ask whether Mr. Buchanan ¢id not, ina note to Lord Clarendon, on the receipt of his explanation, express himself satisfied with what Lord Clarendon bad ssid? J have heard that sug- gested. is there any foundation for tuch a report? To my knowledge such a suggestion has been made. For the purpose of being well informed in the matter, 1 dosire to now whether such was the fact or not. Mr. Masoy—With reference to that J will say only this. I will Sirstfrepeat that Iam not familiar with the whole corrospondence that has passel boween our Minister and the british Minteter on this subject; but I can very well understand that, in the delays that ensnod in conducting ® correspondence—not immediately, but mediately—because the carrespondence is neoesia- rily eorducted between the Secretary of Stat) here ard the American Mimister at London, and mediately through hin with the Britieh Minister—that in the de- lays which ensued in concusting such a correspondenne, with the irreguiarity of the mails, [can very well under: stand that Sr. Buchanan, not fn posewslon of all the facts from howe, may, in reply to some note or in con- versation, have ao expressed himself; but I am not spe- cially informed about it. Mr. Tovcey—Mr. President, f hope the Senate will not be drawn into a debate upon a correspondence which is not before us. The whole correspondence between the two governments upon this subject is locked up smong the secrets of the Executive wnt, end I havo been somewhat surprised that any opinion should ve intimated by any honorable Senator npon that correrpordenee, or upon the conduct of the go- verpment which is evinced by that correspondence Sir, we do not know that the executive will com- municate thot correspondence to ihe Senate or to the House. It rests with the executive whether it shall be laid before us or not. It is vot for the Sonate or for the Hone to say whether tbe correspondences shail be drawn forth from the Executive Department, and Iajd im postesmon of ft; courre of our government, Bri'ish governmen:. I know that we have » disslosore from the Eat] of Clarendom id Perliswent, giving the British version; and I em surpriveé, thet on bonorable Senator should into any misspprebeosion on the disskceure of the British side of the in cider that we may form » just ‘upon ite meri and upen the course which ment has Tam in favor of the sole © is before ublic| He has made certain statements which, I apprebeat aI calculated to mislead the public mind in coun’ ard in this, Toe antido e is the publicatioa of the cor respendence tha: is called for, and I hope that, debate in advance, the an idote will be applied Lh iciocbingepe al President, I have not designed ( use o most measured steps in relation to it~ leaping. It is because it seems to me that othe! tien en bave been playing a little at that game that ave interpored a w rd on subject, I have supp: that the Britin government made the askno wledgment and ator ements which I have indicated; and my remark Dave been based on that syypoeitons GD perge seems to suppose that | bave leaped in the , and 78) in answering thy Bucnanw ha’ he himeelf, | tind, 18 extremely question which is put to him, whether ur. not acknowedg-o himselt satvafied with the offered by the B:itish government. supposes that such sn acknowledgment may have bee)| made; but our cistingushed oiplomat acted too hastily he made a leap in tne dart; he was mus‘aren im ac kuowiledgivg it. sir, I have not introduced this sub ject, nor have I anticipated what will ap) on the com, municat cio of the correspondence for which ths reso.u) tion cails. noreble fiends who first spoke on the subject—the ho norable gentleman trom Virginis (Mr. Meson) who ia a the head of the Committce ov Foreign Relations, and th: honorable Senator from Michigan (Mr. Cass.) ‘Uhe gen tleman says we bad better wuit. J think so; I think { would bave been better it we had waited; but when othe otlemen do not wait, and when other gentlemen stat: ete here inside and outride ot the correspondenes, wha am I todo? Does not the honorable goutiemaa know~ if the object be to mform the public miad—chat thou. sands will read what their names shall attract tnem t in © newspaper, who will never read this corres] Yes, tir, I know it; and if there be any error in thc statement, it is a proper time to dizenss it when iti first presented. It has pecn said that vo atonement o| apy Fort bas ever been made, My impression is to th contrary, andJ do not stand aleve. { understand tha the British giyerumens, as soon as she discovered th: Gissatiafaction in the Unived States, in order to avoid th porsivility of future offence, ordered the suppression o| all further enlistments in Caneda or Nova Seotia. That it teems to we, might. to persons disposed to be ap peased, be somewhat of an atonement. To persons i dispore?. it might not. It does not come direstly—it i only addressed to all the worla; but for wha: do we war redress but that we may show it to all the world? Tha iva If we have acknowledged satisfaction, as the gen) tleman intimates, and as I understand his auswer pick that is a fact worthy to be known when we ar: leaping here in this matter—lespivg, as it were, into: war with Engiand. Let us that matter well My constituents are not people to turn buck froma jas eause to vindicate the rights or the honor of their coun try, but they want a cause. They want to fight as free wen ought fo igbt—with a motive and ‘ora known eause and with that intelligence wbich characterizes them iy ail their action, when thero are it interests a. stake. I believe, of all the poople in the worid we make least calculation about war, and ear Jeast about its conquences; but it smely become us, as Senators. to consider with a litle pradeno these matters, and not by rach to creat andue exeitement, much less to create misapprehenalor inthe country. It wos for theso reasoos, and unde these impressions only, that I troubled the Senate with smpgie word on this subject. . BuTLER—Mr. Preeident, I do not intend to tronbly the Senate with more then s very few remarks. I an ‘very wnxions 10 form an intelligent judgment on thiseud ject; but I confess that [am n.t capable of forming telligent judgment unless I have disclosed to me infor mation which the honorable Senator from Mictugan ms; dave bac—un ese I huve that information whioh } knov will be disclosed by the repert cf the Committee on eign Relations, cf which my honorable friend fron Virgmnia is the head. But, sir, when we undertak) to pronounce a judgment upon the statements o Lord Ciarendop, or to adopt a conclusion in rete rence to what may be disclured by the publicatior of the correspondence between the two govern ments, we plunge in the dark, aud may do in justice to ouiselves. I agree thoroughly witn whet ba n said by my honorable friend from Connections, tha’ this way of anticipating, by premature discussion, ls no the proper method of proceeding. I would not say on: word in reference to my lionorable friend fcom Michigan for be bas been engaged in diplomacy, andI have n doubt he is very well informed on this matter; and I yea ture to ure a word of caution tor the very reason that re marks made by h'm, gong out urder the sanction of hi pare, have had a d-cided infuence on the interests ¢ this country. | do not know whether those measures tha have been incicated and described with such graphi er are to Jead to a war; I do not think teat they will %, 88 my honorable friend trom Kentusky intimates, i the issue is war, I am not one of those who would plung: into it hastily and rashly, making (as it hes bea sai: by the newspapers and by the opinion of the world the elements of war, the cheapest elements in th worlé—biood and life. 1 am disprsed to paus before embarking our yourg men into # contes when we have no shi.s, guns or . 1 do not se that we sre likely to approach such an issue; but if tha be the izeue, or it it be not the issue—let it be eithe: woay—we are discuesiug the issue before the world, an: advertising our adversary that, perha, are divide: among ourselves. Now, sir, how do Finc@ thes Lor Clarencon has said what has been attributed to him’ B; what authority am I informed upon the subject? Mr. Masos—The London Times. Mr. Burusr—Well, sir, I saw a statement from anothe London newspaper, called tne N or Morning Adver tiser, giving another view of the subject, and stating tha Sir Henry Bulwer was about to interfero, by hts media tion, to make an entire compromise. Is that true? Mr. Masox—t will merely say that I ovtaine my irformation from the Enghsh newspaper call ed the london Times, reporting at large th debate in the House of lords, which tooe plas| on the Sist day of January, the first day of the preser, session cf Parliament. 1° presume the report {s correc! Mr. Borgn-—I do not ray that it Is not #0; it may be a T have not said that it may not bese. T am guarded j that respect, but I say 1t should come to us throngh th ordinary process. Every tribunal, proposing vo adminis ter judgment, re yes some process by which th joégment shall be bused on the truth. Every court cj jus ice bas witnesses under responsible sanctions. think that such matters as this should eome to this bod. through the constitutional precess; they Khould be cor monicated in the mode proposed by iny honorable trlen trem Virginia. Now, sir, 1 must say one thingin re ; ference to him. I did not bear all the questions pra pounced by the honorabie Senator from Maine, and other: but after the temper which was excited ‘by one wh bas borve arms and gained lanres, (referring Mr. Cass), the fact is, we know it is very difficut 1 ielrain fiom speaking; it {¢ a kind of mesmerism whic cannot bo rosie. (Laughter) And I must be permi:, ted to eny, that my honorable frlerd from Virginia, wit | | all his retention of purpose, (andho is renaarkablo for it, \ has suffered his fire to be drawn.* q Mr. Ciss,—1 find in the papers England, a statement of a speech of Lord Clareniion, th) | British Secretary cf State for Foroign Affairs, and a lea: ieg member ef the English Cabinet. Now, as I unde: stand tbe case, there is no more douct that thy speech was delivered than that such a place Rowe exist né I suppose no Senator will ask ‘hd some one should come and swear that he heard” delivered! I take it to be Lord Clarendon’s H Lord Claroxdon, in that speoch, without promulgatin|| | the correspondenco—korping it’ locked up im the | of our country and ¢ chives—suppressea from the wor.d—gives his view ¢ the case. May [ not, as an American senator, exami: the facté stated by Lord Clarendon? He sags that Judg)| | Kane has decided that you may engage meu here to go t\| | Halliax for the parp2sé of recruiting without violatin | | our Jaw. Isay that is not 40, J want no corresponc | ence about that; but we are told that am apology ¢) atonement bas beon made. Lord Clarendon does profese. He says that Mr. Crampton, from the tothe end, was right. Have 1 no right to examine that) What more do I want? If Lord Clarendon should spre: the correspondence before the world, we could form o: own ccnclutions on it; but thut is his own statemen and we sie examining it here, and it is just as con petent for us to examine it here ae for him make {t there, with a view to failuence the pu Nc ind in England. Toat it hes bad such an i finenoe there ix no doubt, for the best of all ree sonr—that ft has {nfiuonoed many sn able mind ai steong intellect in our own ecvuntry. Not a sing’ particle of proof does Lord C.arendon give. The woo)! matter stands on bis own statement, It fs @ fair eudjed for examination, and that is the reason why I have ferred to It. ‘Mr. Resx—Mr. Presiéent, 1 think @ war between Fn; land and this country is too grave a matter to be pred cated on a newspaper or on a speech. I agroe wit every word that has falen from my honorable friend fro1 Copnectient (Mr. Toucey.) We shoulé wait and havea tho facts before us before wo make up our judgment € attempt to Sniluence the prdtic mind. This matter is { the hands of tue executive governments of the two cour tries; and if Jord Ciarendon has chosen to makes spece in Variiament while the subject was in the coure of negotiation, it wae in bad taste. I think ft is bad example to be followed here, I inmgine thé is no cne in the Senate Chamber who woul | put up with an ineult from Great Britein, or wh would not go to war, at whatever havard, in a just east end with Bropee provocation; but, at the same cme, ie woll enougir, ae itveems to me, in entering on the pre Inwinary steps that may lead to so grave am issue as war Wetween the United States ond Kugland, that » shculd proceed with great caution. It iv trae that tb tone of the Lnglish pross fs very irritating; perhaps th dobates in Pariiament are equally so, Not the least o Jeusivo of tho rowarka they make i+, that the Unite States, although they are talking @ great desl abo war, are net in earnest; and henee they precica’ & greet den of that boasting which «one of tt weak points in the national character of the Pay | lish people, and ia which we should gain nothin) by imitaing them. They bf that we are not | earnest; that we are approaching # Presidcatial ea: