The New York Herald Newspaper, February 21, 1856, Page 1

THE NEW YORK | Sommerer ERALD. WHOLE NO. 7115. CANADA'S MAILS. THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS. TMPORTANT BUSSEAN DESPATCHES, Interesting Speeches in the British Par- — liament. &o., &o., &e. THE PFACE QUESTION. Derpatches—Acceptance cugepcans Russian the Austrian Propositions—Views of the French Press. DESPATCH OF COUNT DE NESSELRODE Spare Bince his return toSt. Pet TO PRINCE PRAKOPY, PETERSBURG, Jan. 5, 1856. tersburg, the Kuvoy of Austria has hastened to communicate to me the despatch ad- Grensed to him by Count Bil, dated Dec. 18, and a copy of which I have the honor to subjoin. ‘this communication Count ame time a document cuntaii a accoraing to the Cabiset of the fact of the tance b; Reere Wiss yaine ot prelimtanrien of some principles which, Vienna, wo ire by the belligerent In Esterhuzy has banded mo at the indication of ‘and once signed, might be followed by an armis- , ie nd definitive negotiations. ubmit bene: ddsamenty to. our august master the Em- submit peror. ‘His Imperial Majesty has with the sincere canky to which keeps Europe und mourning. He hesitates T have not failed to been pleased to examine them eqviably solve the question and covers it with arms, the less to lend the hand to the efforts by which the Emperor of Austria seeks to prove his attachment to the work of peace, from the fast that, yery recently, consulting © nly the interests of his peopte his sentiments of humanity, he did not hesitate to 8) Lear uraged like the negotiations might be resumed uy; 1 had been formulated in the confer- Four Points as ences of Vienna, his Mojost Aution which ke believed calculated to anticipate the pacific desires of Europe. Cabinet of Vienna by signs that the m the basis of the the Emperor adopted a reso- ive a clear solu- tion to that one of the Four Points which caused the rupture of the conferences of Vienna, the Imperial Cabinet comp! By this resolution eted the guarantees necossary 0 s durable and effective (sericuse) peace, and compiete- Jy assured Europe against the return of the existing de- plorable complications, He then hoped that the Cabinet of Vienna, to which he hastened to communicate this resolntion, would use it to sim the liminary tha delat lon sess le 6 Emp Da this with t; how questions intendod to preceie ‘Tnis hope baa not been com- eror, our august mater, has ever, he wishes to give a new roof of his pacific intentions by entering into the path Which the Austrian Cabinet open to a reconciliation. t has believed it its duty to After baving maturely weighed the communications which have been maie to it, and after having sought to harmonize them with the necensities of the situation of the moment, the Imperial Cabinet hastens to make known ita determination to ernment. We your Fxcollency, while invit- ing you to bring it without delay to the knowledge ot the the Court ot Vienna to ian Sill tomvince laalt at the considerations which wo are Bbput to develope are inspired by the sincere desire to afoid the rocks upon which the last conferences split. ‘Wo have nothing more at heart than to see our observa- tions received in the and aired end. concurrence with us to bri timent cf equity which distated about the de- Before entering into the examication of the details of ‘the document of the Cabins neral observations to make; tents of the Fifth Point. elves it of Vienna, we have two ge- the one re’ates to the con- In reading it, we asked our- if a principle co vaguely conceived, and which opens the door to @ negotiation altogether new, if even a complete agreement was made upon the Four Points, the of, could be reali: e mnie 5 stat animates him, that they wil ized? M. le Minister of Foreign itis true, ‘anticipated this apprehension, in ting in his despatch ‘that ha will not delay to expresa to the Courts of Paris and London the confi lence which i not use the righ: of present- ‘ing special conditions but in a European interest, aud in such establishment of peace.’” ‘& manner as not to offer serious obstacles to the re- assurances, however, ere themselves not precise ca en So ‘hose in which Europe is Cestroy ourobjectiona in circumstances 80 ve now placed. ‘The uncertainty which the reserve in question inspires cannot have but a vexatious influence in deprivin; a! accepted and si the 1g the prelimin: of the character of 8. It is, ees the well understood intereat of peace thet we insist upon the striking out of the fifth clause, and this so much rore that the European inter- ent, which it seems to have & questicn airesdy thorny, to the decision not of the parties enj contest only, but to that of Ditrator of existing transactions. in view, beincie # complicates and belo y its natura in the actual Ruropean congress, sole ar- ‘The Cabinet of Vienns will doubtless know how to i tae these considera- tions, and give them effect in the allies. ‘The second general object! document of the trary to {he original idea w: 6 interest of peace with ‘ion which the ensemble of the Austrian Cabinet presents is tha'—con- hich was dominant in the pro- gramme of the Four Points, and which was toestablish the political system of the Kas + upon the basis of « perfect pang between the two frontier Powers—the principles town by the Austrian Cabinet demand material gus- rantees from Russia only, and require none of the Ottoman wbligations which fall upon future complications will, o ive in view, be created? ve to thi Is it not to be feared, in thus multipiying the one of the parties, germs of ontrary to the end which we This isa question which we 1 meditation of the Cabinet of Vien- Be and to its long experience in Kasternaffsirs. Neverthel 5 Our determinati examining successively the trian éccument. ‘The first article does not excite ree any objection, silting en ep cm the delligerent partie poly woil can be effected een nas a ou tant ritorial concession Rectification of the Frontier,” ap} the less justified from the fact hands a territory and a which, by their poosition and im; in raising the the predominating ides of the presented to us, we neither with to ak @ reserve, nor toevade the discussion of details. fons are taken. We record them here, in Large objections against locument which has besn rejadice it nor be- different articles of the Aus- in its four first imperi: but the Cabinet the fifth paragray . While ad- bie to the existing situation 6 that the evacuation of ied by the allies upon the Russian yy means of an exchange of ter- ith Russia, we cannot accept the mode in which this exchange. The impor- demanded, under ths title of to be s0 much at Russia, hes in its conqnered fortress in Turkey, tance, are calcula- ted to serve as the subjects of exchange. Consequently we have entirel, and have substitut suppressed the ten for it ano! aragraph in quéstion, er, feonceived in the sense indicated above. At the same time, a final agree- ment upon this subject might be reserved to the plenipo- tent: The les entrusted with the definitive negotiation. le, relating to the Danube, has not oe- articl earioned gy ki The Imperial Cabinet is ready to concur in velopemen| enunciated. in fact, the second article ts of the principles therein only reproduces in substance the Ee Isid down tn sdvance by the Imperial , ond which your Excellency was char; to the Austrian government. municate 1 to com- We adoptit, and os that the convention agreed to, to this effect ‘Ddetween the by Powers. As used but two variations. jussia and the Porto, be previously approved of to the rest, wa have iatro- The one has no other end to render the reading (redaction) clearer, in order toevoid ali misunderr'snding. The other add is buta ‘word which relates more expecially to the means of sur- veillanee which are indi«pensable upon the eastern coasts of the Biack Sea, in order . which we have, up to the p to prevent the slave trade, resent time, suoseeded in re- As to the fourth point, the Emperor only aspires to raise his’ voice in common with the other European Powers in favor of his co-re'igionists, and to join in the - daliberations which take place to assure to the Christian subjects of the Sultan their religious and political rights, , my Prince, is our mode of viewing the Austrian » document. ‘The ensemble of the considerations which we have de- ~veloped will, 1 doubt not, cor reply, far acs amounting sincere essay to enter into Neves ia open to the re-establishment of pea muvey the conviction that our tow refusal, isa frank and the path which A tris be. ‘ar- ther, we are pleased to think that ifour pacific disposi- tions are shared by tho allies, the variations which we have introduced into the ideas emitted by the Cabinet of Vienna will essentially contrioute to convert its pre- (gid Bag esl into practical preliminaries ot a #e- rious efficactor JUS PERCE Whatever may happen, the Imperial Cabinet, after daving thus conscientiously fulfilled its part in the im- mense task which belongs to the Powers engaged in the sontest, will not havo to, recoil upon itsel: the responsi- Dility of the ntogrity imparts. Boro RUSSIAN READING, 1, In exchange for the etrong places and territo- ries ttn by the allied armies, Russia consents to restore to the O\toman Porte, the strong places and territories occupied by bag in * . Accepted. 8. Coneequently there wil neither be erected nor military mart ‘senals upon the shores of the Black Sea, ‘The two coasting powers mutually ergage to keap ‘ap only the number of vou- gels of afixed force neces- aary to the service and pro. tection of the coast. 4. Accepted. 6, Struck out, Grave consequences which would result from the failure of the work of y forehand, with all the energy which the coni as to reseive, &c. It a it be- jousness of AUSERIAN READING. In exchange for the strong places and territories occu- bow by the allied armios, Russia consents to a rectif- cation of sta frontiers, dc. Cons equentl; milits a ated nor pi For the service of their Coasts the bolligorent Pow- ers reserve their right, which belongs to them, to produce in 8 European ‘in Yereat some apecial conti- tions besides tho four guar- wnteen, MORNING EDITION—THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1856. ‘ BUESIAN ACCEPTANCE OF THE AUSTBIAN PEO- POSALS. The following translation ef the c'reular issued by the Russian government to its diplomatic ta, in which it announces the acceptance of the Aus! Pro- posals:— Sr. Permrsscrc, Jan. 19, 1856, Public opinion in Europe has been strongly excited by the intelligence that propositions of peace, concerted be- tween the Allied Powers and Austria beer trensmit- ted to St. Petersburg, through the intervention of the Cabinet of Vienna. the Imperiai Cabinet, on its side, had made a e path of oonelliation, by pointing out, in a despatch bearing date the 11h (23d) of December, published in all the fore’ journals, the sacrifices which it was prepared to , With a v.ew to the resto- ration of peace. This twofold preetting ptaicy the existence on either side of a desire to profit by the compulsory cersation imposed by the rigor of the season on the military ope- raticns, in orcer to respond to the unanimous wishes which were everywhere manifested in favor of a apeedy ence. ¥ In the Cespatch cited above the imperial government had taken for besis the four points of guarantee admitted by the conferences at Vienna, and had proposed with re- 'd to the third point—which had alone Jed to the rup- fire of the conferences—a solution which ciffered rather 1m form than ia substance from the one put forward at that epoch by the allied Powers. The propositions transmitted Seay. by the Austrian government speak of the same fandamentai proposition — that is to cay, the neutralization of the Black Sea by a direct treaty between Russia and the Porte, to regulate by common agreement the number of ships of war which cent Powers reserves the right of main- taining for the security of its coasts. They on'y differ a] iswem ye from those contained in the despateti of the lith (28d) cf December, by the proposal for rectifying the fron'ier between Moldavia and Bessarobis in ex- change tor the places on the Rustian territory in the ac- tue] occupation of the enemy. This is not the place to fnqvire if these propositions unfte the conditions necersary for insuring the repose of the EFaet and the security of Europe, rather than those of the Russian government. It is eufficient here to esta- blish the point, that at Jast an agreement has been actu- ally arrived at on many of the funaamental ‘bases for ence, , Due regerd being had to this agreement, to the wishes manifested by the whole of Europe, and to the existence of @ coalition, the terdency of which was every duy to as+use larger proportions, and considering the sacrifices which a protraction of the war imposes upon Russia, the imperial government has deemed it ita duty not to delay, by accessory ¢iscussions, a work the success of which would respond to its heartfelt wishes. It has, in consequence, just given ita adhevion to the propositions transmitted by the Austrian government as & project of preliminaries for negotiations for peace. By the energy of its attitude in the face of a formida- ble coalition, Kussla has given a measure of the sacrifices which she is prepared to make to defend her honor and dignity; by this act of moderation the imperial govern- went gives at the same times new proof of its siucere desire to arrest the effusion of blood, to conclude a strug- gle so grevious to civilization and humanity, and to re- store to Russia and to Kurope the blessings of peace. It has a right to expect that the opinion of all civilized nations will appreciate the act. {From the Paris Debate, February 1.] In the actual situation this article merita a certain tention, for it is the only decument which throws light on the motives which determined the Emperor Alexan- cer to accept the ultimatum of the allied cabinets. The Berlin despatch, which we published cight days ago, at- tributes this cetermination to the acle desire of ceding to the representations of friendly Powers, and by no means to the copsideration of any interest which Russia might haye in the termination of the war. In the article in question we find nothing which re- sembles this exclusive pretence; it is conceived in ideas and sectiments more true, just, and in conformity with that situation, in which two years of war have placed Russia and Europe. The achesion given by the Russian government to the Austrian propositions 1 explained by two motives; the first, that the Runian government has wished to give in to the desires manifested by ail Europe; the second, that it anticipated a. coalition which threat- ered to useume the greatest proportions, and desired to preserve Russia from the secrifices which a contiouation of the war would have imposed on her. Jn the same de- gree that the language attriouted to the Russian gevernment by the Berlin despatch appeared sin- gular, that of the St. Petersburg journal appears natural and proper, for it reaponda to the senti- ments and wants which to-day are those of Eu- rope Jn former days there were wars of thirty years; to-day, after a contest of two-years, vidors and vanquished experience the same lassitude and impa- tience; for pence had become a moral meee all he nee having become @ material want. This spirit of conciliati‘n, wisdom, moderation and humanity is new to the policy ot Europe; it is the fruit of modern civiliza- tion, and we are happy’ to find its expression in the arti- cle of the Rustian journal. The sentiments of Europe, as those of Russia, are ¢xpressed in simp'e but dignified Iavguege. In reading the article onecannot stifle a re- flection that if this conciliatmg spirit had dominated from the commencement in the councits of Russia, the war which is about terminating would probably never have commenced. However, we recogniso this language, though tardy, with # sincere joy, for we perceive ano- ther chance for the happy irsue of the negotiations which are about to open. ‘rom the Paris Siecle, Feb. 1.) Kussia, by her language, reveals prcfound lassitude—a profound dircouragement. She has evidently had enough of war, and reqnires peace. Is it not, therefore, the oc- cation to demand concessions from her in the name of the nations and liberties of Europe? It ts not only in the Fast that she has trampled on treaties, Is it too much to extract from the postac:iptum of the Austrian proposal all that can be obtained without being accused of wishing to sot fire to Europe? Has Russia, who talks of the opi- nion of civilized nations, thought of that opinion when she ordered the massacres of Praga and Warsawi— when she ordered the unhappy affair at Sinope?—when she encoursged, in 1853, agitation in Greece? Has she ever hesitated to set Europe in flames? To talk of mode- ration when beaten is both well and prudent; but what has been the moderation of Russia before these evente? ‘What was the language of Prince Menachikoff at Consian- tinople? and that of Prince Gortschakoff at the first con- ferences of Vienna? Then there was little question ofthe opinion of civilized nations. IMPORTANT SPEECHES IN PARLIAMENT. Whe Queen’s Specch—=The War—The Pcuce Propositions=The Central American Ques- tion. ‘The House of Lords took a recess immediately after heating the Queen’s speech, on the 3st jof January. Their Lordships re-assembled at five o’clock P. M., when the address to the Throne, in reply,was moved by the Earl of Gosford (as already announced by telegraph), and se- conded by the Farl of Abingdon. ‘Their observations were replied to by the following:— SPEECH OF THE EARL OF DERBY. My Lords, the noble Earl who has Just sat dowh con- cluded the observatiors which he offered to the House by expreesing bis hope that on this cccasion, under cir- cumstances so important and go critical, there would be no (rary vbie afew ch given to the eremy of this coun- try by any idea that the ties of party can by posuiblity revail over that unanimity which I concur with him to be essential at this time; and I can assure the noble Farl that on my part, and onthe part of those of’my riends with whom I have the honor and satisfaction to act, there ia no desire in our vote this evening to inter- fere with that lamey ny to which he has refarred, or to povent the answer to the speech from the Crown from eing carried by the unanimous sanction of your Lard- abips. (Hear, hear.) My Lorés, I go along with the dress in enswer to that which, in constitutional phrase, I must call ‘her Mayesty’a most gracious speech; but, havjog said so, I must be permit to deal with at epegch as it is, and not as it is not—(a laugh) — it as the apeech of the Ministers, and the speech of our gracious sovereign; and I because I feel that inmy comments on that speech I may make use of some expression and apply some terms that would hardly be complimentary or even fitting if they were addreseed to the sovereign. (Hear, hear.) Weare not accustomed to look in documents of this kind for or- naments of style, or for any grea: elegance of diction or language: and Jong experience has induced us te be per- feetty satisfied with the plain and inteliigibie Eoglish of the first Minister of the crown in conveying his inten- tions to the House. (Hear, hear.) But I must venture to say that of all the documents of this kind that ever came under my obrerva:ion Inever met wich one that could "0 IR eee to the graces of diction, or even to the intelligible conveyance of imformation the House. (Lavghter.) Of course, I am ignorant by. whom the ragraphs relating to the war may have been framed; ut if they were the suggestion of my noble friend ‘opporite, to whore department they principally belong, it must have been at the close cf one of those exhaust- pos tener) to which he as weil as I am unfortunately subjec!—(sJaugh)—or under the influence not more ex- hilarating of that mesgre diet which is their necessary accompaniment. (A laugh.) The speech is redolent ot water grucl. (Great laughter.) It reminds me of nothing mors than those documents which in eur ear! achool ¢ays we were accustomed to prepare, and whic! went by the name of “themes,” in the composition of which the object was to accomplish the asilotved task, and fill up the six-and-thirty lines of writing, taking epecisl care not to exceed tho allotted limit, but within that limit to dilute, with the largest possible amouat of feeble and upmeaning lan; the smallest modicum of sense, (Lavgbter.) We re not saccastomed to nee, neither do we desire that the speech from the throne should imitate the longwindedness and Giffusivenees of our traneatian‘ic brethren. (H hear.) Ido not ¢esire—far from it—that the Que: yprech should be a copy of the President’s mesrage; but we certainly bave been accustomed on tor- mer occasions to ace, though not at so grent length, yet the main interests and the main subjects of the day, connected with the weil belog of the country, glanced st and treated of in the speech from tha throne—(hear, hear)—some notice taken of our foreign relations—some menticn made ot the taternal affairs of the country, of its commerce snd finsnor—some indicn- tions that we have such ® thing as an empire in Insia, and some ecmmunication as to the condition and pects of thar empire. (Henr.) We bareaiso been ores sionally reminded iv the speech from the throne that we have colonial posseysinns, and thes the peopls of thin enontry are not altogether indifferent ns to what haccanos Sf those possessions, (Hear, hear.) Ido not ray that Her Mojosty’s government chould give us # broad rawmé of ali that has been done an¢ all that they are about to do, but that the great and leading festures appertain- ing to the administration of this great empire ougat to be brought, to a certain extent, under the review of Par- Mament in'the speech from the throne, and that some incications at least should be given of ihe principal measures which it is intended by the government to submit for the consideration of Pariiameat. Hear, hear.) Now, in the speech thls day delivered ‘om the throne we commence with a paragraph #o bare £0 bald, so meagre, that I am at once warranted ia draw- ing that cistinction which I have already done between the speech of the sovereign and the speech of the minis- ter, We have s bare announcement in the first para- graph that ‘‘sinow the close of the last sewsion of Parlia- ment tke arms of the allies have achieved a aignai and important success; that Sebastopol, the great stronghold of Russia in the Black Sea, has yielded to the perseva: constancy, and to the daring bravery of the allies tor :«8.’ One ct the noble jords, who either moved or seconded the edéress, has spoken of the glowing encomiums which ‘were passed by her Mejeaty’s government on the gallan- try and bravery of the troops; butailI can ray is, that never was praire 60 faint for achievements so (dear ped never was & reception so ungracious given to en- durance, to unparalleled bravery, and to sufferings al but Repeees, or to exertions that have achieved results which it was almostimpogsible to hope any amount of gal- lantry or endurance cculd have accom, . (Cheers.) I remember seeing it related of an cfficer that, in report- ing to his immediate superior the result of » great victo- ry, he couched his despatch in these short ang empnatic terms:—‘‘Str—Her Majesty's squadron under “my com- mand have burnt, sunk and captured the enemy’s ships ee f pe (A laugh.) was the most modest and emphatic way of reciting the result of a great ac- fica; but that commander was speaking of bis own deeds, xd not of the achievements of others. He was only claiming for himeei! that meed of e which the ene:gy sud gallantry of bimseif and of his comrades deserved. The present, however, is an cecasion on which the sove- reign, in the prerence of her arsembled Parliament, ought to perform—and would have performed, hai she been ieft to the premptings of her owf heart—the plearing task of declaring her gratitude—her uv bounded gratitude for the exertions, apa her syropathy with the sufferings of those brave men to whom this vovptry is indebteé for the success which bas been achieved. My lords, if ker Mejesty had fol- lcwed the dictates of her own Jadgmont, I think I know what would have been the tone in which she would ha addressed y Her Majesty would have expressed deep sense of gratitude to t.at Almighty disposer of al events withont whom arms can do nothing—(hear, hear) —and would have asked you to join in the expression of a nation’s gratitude towards those bra’ en who, under that mighty Providence, hsve been enabied to achieve so important a success. But we are told in the speech from the throne that, “Since the close of the last session of Parliament, & topo, the great strovghold of Russia in the Blaek Sea, bas yieided to tbe persevering constancy end to the caring bravery of the allied furces;”’ and we are now arked to thank her Majesty for giving us this in- formation—information which, for the last three months, bas been noterious ail over the world. (A laugh.) Within that time information of that fac’ far as visa fact— because tnhagaily ‘isnot a fact—(Iaugnter)—might'be de- rived from the columns of any newspaper. Unhappily it ia net a fast. “Sebastopol, the great stronghola of Rossia m the Biack Sea,” bas not yielded to your valor and to your daring, whatever that valor and daring may have been. Iv is true that, by unparalleied achievements, you have succeeded in forcing ® portion of that stronghold. You have obtained possession of the southern side of Se- bastopol. You bave destroyed the fleet of Ruseia—or, at least, she has destroyed them herself, and has saved you the trouble. (‘Hear,” aud a laugh.) You have blown up, or you are blowing up, those splendid docks which were miracles of art, of perseverance and of skill, but ‘the great stronghold of Rusia” still holds you at defiance, In front of that strenghold up» the northern ccast, beleaguered rather than belt ering, lie your armies at this moment, while your ta are floating at a respectful distance from that stronghold which you declare bas yielded to the persevering con- stancy end to the daring bravery of the allied forces, Although, therefore, 1am ready to congratulate her Majesty, as we are invited to do, upon the suc- cess which bas been attalned, I must. yet say that the firet paragraph of the apeech conteJan an erroneous nd that the great stronghold of Russia has vot yielded to the caring aud valor of your troops, how- ever great that daring and valor may have been. (Hear, hear) My lords, I rejoice to loarn that tho naval and military preparations for the ensuing year have occupied the seriovs attention of her Mejesty’s government. must ecntese thet, whatever hope of peace I may have entertained, or may entertain, ay the resul6of the ne- gotiations, Ihave not cerived eny great encouragement to look for & ratisfactory issue from the Iai which has been beld by my noble friend who opened the debate, aud by the noble earl who seconded theaddrers, Both those noble lords expressed considerable écoubs as to tho issue of the negotiations which are now in progrees; and I concur with them that, while we should welcome, and cordially welcome, in’ the interest ot Europe, any peace which would effectually attain those objects for which we criginally went to war, it will be a permanent Ciegrace to thia country if we accept any peace which thovld fell short cf the full accomp:ishment of those objects. (Cheers.) I rejoice that, twhile we are not de clinirg cverturer of peace, we are making effective pre- paraticns for war (Hear, hear); and, although [fear that the noble Karl bas, to @ certain degree, overrated the state of exhaustion and difficulty and distress of our great foe, yet I believe he has not cverrated the smount —the formicable amount—of the preparations which we are waking, and which my nob‘e friend was somewbat reluctant to see altcgether wasted, and not applied in the new campaign ot 1866; and I am sure that he bas not overated the stediast, stubborn or erance which this ccuntry will always display for the attainment of any object which it feels to be just and necessary to atiain. (Cbeora.) I cannot blame her sfojesty’s govern- ment for bavirg consented to enter into negotiavons although I may entertain considerable doubt with regard to the quarter from which these negotiations pro- ceed (Hear, hear); and I must say, though I do rotsdoubt ‘that the famer of the’ paragraph be- fore us has accurately described the course of events, yet the language used if that paragraph is by no means satisfactory tomy mind. Weare told that “the Emperor of Austria lately offered to myself and my sugust ally the Fmperor of the French, to employ his offices with the Emperor cf Russia, with a view to endeavor to bring about an amicable adjustment of the matters at issue be- tween the contending Powers.” I doubt not that this is # correct staten ent of the facts, and that the Emperor of Austria has appried to the Emperor of the French and to her Mejesty for their sanction to these negotiations wilh the Emperor of Rursia, in order to the attainmentet peace; but I confess that it would to me have bornga more gratifyizg eppeeratce if the government had been «nabled to state that the Emperor ot Austria dad applied for the sanction of the Emperor of Russia to employ hig cd offices with the sovereigns of France and 5 land ‘or, from the language of the : nd I doubt not that ‘arigicage was well consilered—the impression in Burope, and I fear it is a correct imy that, after all, weare virtually applicants to Ru ‘or peace, and that Russia is not the applicant, (‘‘No, 50,” from the ministerial beucher, Noble Lords opposite tay “No, n9.?? atatement e is this, that Austria has applied for your employ her good offices with Russia towards obtaining the assent ot Russia to certain conditions, in hich you have signified your concurrence. Now, if in that case you are not the party seeking for peace—you baving given your assent to the conditfons and apply- ‘ng for the concurrence of Russia—and if Russia is not the party preserving the right to grant those conditions or to refuse them, I confess I do not understand what is the force ot language. (Hear, hear.) Toere are, in the speech from the throne, two very remarkable omissions. tthe noble Ferl who seconded tne address has, to a eer- tain extent, cupplied one of them. He hes done justice to the merits and to the services and to the position of one of our allies—the most cisinterested, the most energetic—(Cheers,)—and the most deserving cf our support and consideration—I mean the King o* Sar- ania. (“Hear’? and cheers.) But strange it is that, throughout the whole course of the speech, not only ix the existence of the King of Sarcinia gether ignored, not belt are the services he bas rendered to the cause totally obiiterated from any mention, but— what fs scmething more extraordinary still—from first to iast in this speech there does mot occur the siightest allasion to the name or the existence ot Turkey. (tear, hear.) Why, I thought Turkey was the prinefpal in thia war! (‘“Bear,”’ anda laugh.) 1 thought you were at war in cefence of the integriiy of Turkey. ‘I'thought it was because Turkey boldly and gailantly throw herself into the breach, and refused te assent to the, degrading conciticns which Runesia sought to impore a; her, that ‘we came forward as allies to her assistance; but now, for- sooth, propositions ot peace are made to France and Eng- Jand; they are accepted by France and Engiand; and having aseented to those conditions, we are—cor- tainly in corjurction with our sllies, as we find at the core of the paragraph—procecding to discuss them as the foundation of ® general treaty. I must say, that this entire shenee with regard to both Turkey and Sardinia is little consistent with tke comity of nations, and the relationship ia which thore countries stand to France and Eng- lane. [meee The name ot Kazs will be remom ered to the immortal honor of its defenders; and let me that ita name aiso confers no alight degree of honor credit on the conqueror of those men, who, in the generous terms of capitulation which he granted, showed that he knew how to appresiate an enemy’s valor and fortitude, even when unavailiag. fn) hear.) Fortu- rate, indeed, was it for the mon of Kara that they bad to deal with a , and not with a Coronini. (Heer, hear.» Fertanate was it for the brave Poles ard Hungarinas who formed part of that uncaunted garriecn that. the chivalrous it of their high minced eoxnusror esfleres thom to go Tree, without incurring those. «i ni dangers to which, as o! than mere priseners cf woe, they might have expored. Weil was itior thim shat be was not one of those who would seek to strain the law of nations for the purpore at once of insulting an ally ard tram; on the mis. fortunes of anéxile, Yet; my Lords, if on the con- quercr of Kars, and sti more on its heroic cefend- ere, the neme of that fortress reflects im, hale renown, I murt ray, with deep regret, that is is equally s name of eternal reproach and abame to those, be they who they way by whom this devoted band_wns lof: without eupyort and without relief, and this important town allowed to fal! unsucccred, and even unavenged. (Hear, her.) My Lords, I know not to what influence we may “seribe tris fatal Cisaster, Bat I have hearda rumor ‘ebich I wili mention, in order that the govern: Tent gory. if posridle, meet it with the promptost, ful- Jest aya moet explicit Cenia). 1 have hoard it whispered abeoad tha while my noble friend (Lord Ellenbvough) vite earnestly pressing upon the War Minister the neces: +1 y of defenctog Turkey nn her Asiatic frontier, warning him, from hirtory and txamp'e, thet that was the quar- ter from which Constantinople had most canse for appre. hension. sna reminding hrm that in the fatal yearn 1828 418° the diteytrous treaty of Adrisnople was hardly lees attrtbacabs to the adyruce of tho Kussian troops upon the European side of Turkey than to the suc- cerses of Parkiewitch and Mouraieff at Kars avd Erzeroum. While my noble friend was these corsiderations upon the attention of the governm: ut, it ia sileged, though I can hardly crodit it, that {his important strategical post was and abandoned to us fate Lecause of some miserable jealousy between the two great allies—some paltry fear that we should be suspecte4 of secktrg, under cover of an expedition to the coast of Asta, lo premote, not the conjoint mntereats of Turkey and the allies, but cur cwn isolated and exclusive interests, If | remem er arigh:, the nobdie Jord at the head of the foreign depart- ment Isid ft down that these were the objscts of the war —to secure sametnaDy: the integrity and independence of the Turkish empire, to imelude that empire as a compo- nent part of the great European system, and to teke am- ple and decisive measures to curb the ‘uojust amoition and to repress the territorial aggressfons of Russia, These the noble lord the Secretary tor Foreign Affaira in- timated to be ‘-the objects of the war.” With these effze: tually secured by the terms of a treaty, I profess that [ eball be satisfied; with less than these, securely obtained, neither J, nor, as I thik, the country will ever be con- tented. ‘(App'ause.) One of the noble lords who have already spoken used the words “resumption of hostill- ties,” snd I ficd that Her Majesty « in @ simiar tone. The parag:sph in the royal spec Ip conducting those regotiations I shall be careful not to lose fight of the o-jects for which the war was undertaken; and { eball deem it right in no degree to relax my naval and military pleparatins unl a satisfactory treaty ot peace shall have enecneluded, Tcoptess that the alteration of a few letters would have made tbe rentence much more satisfactory tome, For “preparations” I should have much preferred the word “operations.” (Hear, hear.) I do sincerely hope that it in not intended to grant an indefini‘e and uncertain sus- pension of hostilities, and to waste in negotiations, which mey be protracted fora long time, the eerly months of thet season now fast spproashing for which we bave made such great preparaticns. (Lond ories of “Hear!””) Thope, above all, that there will be no srmutice by se Be careful hcw you consent to any armiatice whatever. (Hear, hear.) ‘An armistice of whatever kindcan be of rervico only to Russia. Your loreships will excuse me if I pass over very slighty that very important commercial tueary “vf triendship, commerce and navigation” which We ure informed hos been conciuced wich the republic of Chili (a langh.) upon which much st:ers has been laid, ard which will no aoubt in due time receive all the con sideration which ifs importance deserves, But, my lords, while her Majesty is ergoged in this geographical tour trem south to north, and thenee to the republic of Chili, it woud have been satisfactory to know what im- pression has been produced upon her Majesty’ events in the erst and the west. I should h the points of the ocmpass mentioned; and it does, I con- fers, strike me as singular that no notice is taken of any ofour foreign relaticns in other countries, aithough thoee relations are not in every case ofa very satisiactory character. I shoutd like to Rave known what is going on at Teheran and at Washington. (Hear, hear.) 1 should have thought that as our relations with the former court, more expecially at the present moment, are of some importance, reference might have been made to the ruptnre which taken place, and which, I under stand, is of such a character that our Ambassador has withdrawn, Then, eguin, what are our relations with the Cabinet cf Washington, were it is reported that the retirement of our Mivister is demanded? (Hear, boar.) I chouid have thought that these two circumstances were ct Fufficient impertence to merit, at allevents, a parsing notice in the apeech; and that it her Majesty Lad not been exabled to inform us, ason former occa- tions, that our relations with other Powers were upon a friexdly and smicable fooiing—at least we might have been led to imagine what carger, cr security tromdanger, existed of any rupture of our amicable relations with Versia and America. Her Majesty’s government, however, have not thought it expedient to open {his subject at all, and I am therefore very unwilling to deal with it; but, 80 far ae I can ccliect as to our pple with the ourt of Teheran, it appears to be of so slight and trivial a char- acter that, unless it is an indication of altered feeling on the part of the Persian government, prompted by sym- aby with Russia, I could almost have forgiven noble lords oppcrite for not baving introéuced any allusion to it, But the case is for different as regards the United States. There is no county in the world with which we are bour such ties ofc ose and intimate relationship none w hur commercial relations, exelusive ef the tie mon languoge and lawe, aré 60 vast erd ip sut—none with which a war would be se nutvs)) svicidat as with*he United States. (Hear.) 1 Co no: suppose that all the langues which wa see used by the American press, and which would be wholly un- worthy of the dignity of a great country, is adopted by the American goverrment; but if that governmen: have mede the representations which they are 1eported to bave wade, then I think our relations with America are most threatening, not to say most alarming. With regard to what is called the Claytun-Bulwer treaty, relating to Central America, so fer asIam able to judge, [ ujee with her Majetty’s goverrment in the explapationn they have given; ror, locking to that treaiy and to thecir- cumstances which preceded it, can I couseive that a dif- ferent ccnetruction can be put upon it from that put upon it by ber Majesty’: government, (Hear, hear.) A diepute concerning the interpretation of a treaty ts not, however, one which ought to excite great alarm as to the constquerces, It forms ® most fitting subject for reference to the arbitration of a friendly Power, aud I trust there can be no apprehension of the rapture of fiienély relations on account. lear, hear.) I wish I could speak as confident); th regard to the other question of dispute, ause, although I think every amende and every spology have teen made her Majesty’s " goverament, I capnot conceal from myeelf the fact that the government ofthe United States have, in the first place, just aod reasonable cause of compiaint. ce rd ‘When th» Fo- reign Folirtment bill was under discussion, one objection to that measure was that we should, inall probability, involve ourselves in constant aisputes with those Powers vrBowe subjects, without thelr eomeurrence, we were g to endist; and, say what you please, asmay te the language of the bili, it ‘Bindiepatatte to m mind that in carrying out the provisions of tuat Foreigl Enlistment bill, if you did not upon the letter, you have proceeded in opposition to 1 spirit of the mu: vicipal law of the United States. (Hear, bear.) I deep regret that the government should have been betray into euch an error, and do not wonder that at a period of great popular excitement it shou!d bavearoured angry feeling and @ rense of izsult or the part of perheps the most sueceptible nation in the world. At the same time I will entertain—I wen’t say confidence, but h pr, founded onthe sound common senee of that (ies) and intelligent community, that when the first feelings of indignation erd of any Dave passed he Se aomtage the cause for wich sgirat are striving to inflame the public mind shall bave ceased to exist—ihey will calmly and delibe- yately consider the unintentional character of the offence in the first place given, and that fall and ample apology which 1 understand ber Mejesty’s government has made to the offended dignity ot the United States, and which I think any great nation, truly conscious of its own strength, woula accept asa sufficient reparation for the wrong done. (Hear, hear.) I therefore venture to en- tertain the hope that in that quarter more friendly re- lations will exist, though at the same time J must say, that I think her Mojesty’s government would have act wisely with a view to soothe any angry feeling, ard to pave the way te more friendly relations, if they had inserted in her Majesty’s speech a conciliatory para- greph applying to the people of that great country, in- stead of passing over the subject in a contemp'uous aa though it were unworthy a moment’s considera. . My lords, upen the latter portion of the speech I am not cispored to offer any leng’ remarks. ‘‘fhere ave many subjects connected with internal improve- ment” whieh her Ms jesty recommends to our attentive consideration. Now, I think we might have been in formed at rather greater length what those subjects were, SPEECH OF THE EARL OF CLARENDON. My noble friend has addressed several inquiries to her Majesty’s government with reterence to her Majesty’s speech, and 1 with to take an early opportunity of re- plying to them, an¢ will commence with the last topic to which he has referred—I mean the state of our rela- tions with the United States of erica. I may state my entire concurrence in the v. which my noble frierd oe Las taken with respset to the settle- ment of one of the points in dispute between the two governmentr, In my opinion there can. bo. no deub: as to the common senre view of the obligations of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, and yet it is upon the imterpretaticn of that treaty that a difference of opi- pion bas arisen. In such @ case eorrespondence is use- ese, and I lost no time in offering to refer the whole questicn to the arbitration of amy third Power, both sides sgreeing to be bound by the decision. That offer has not yet teen accepted; it has been renowed, and I hore that, upon furtber eongideratien, the go- vernment of the United Stutes will agree to it. Wath respect to the other point to which my noble friend has alluded—I mean recruiting in the United States—I wust say that Ido not think that it would be conveniont fer her Majesty, in her specch from the throne, to enter mé- nutely into such matters of differmnce, ner do I think that such @ course would be likely to lead to a friendly solution. £neh & subject could not have been alluded to without the government being prepared to lay upon your lord- thips’ table the corres] which has token place on the subject, and as that corres; oe is etill in ipa’ table in its present progress, to isy it cn your ‘ate could bave ledto no satisfactory conclusion. The t recent demands cf the government of the United tates arrived only two days agp, andit would not have heen corductve to the public aterest te predace them st she present moment. The origin of the point now ia Ompute is llows:—On the breaking out of the vor numer applications from foreigners, and aso frem British subjects in the United States, wre made to the Uritish government for per- mistion to join the army in the Kest. Some of the applications were wade irom political motives, some on account of a political interest in the issue, acd others from other causes ; in consequexee of them icatru tiens were sent to the Gcvernor of Nova Scotia to consi der whether persons from the United States demrous of eclisting in the British service, could be received at Hall- fox. These instructions were made known to Mr. Cramp- ton, ond he was told that however desirous he jesty's government were to obtain recruits. they wer it more snxious thet there should be no violation or infringement of the ‘unitipal law of the United States. Sarees atter- wards aD agent opened an agency oflice, and upon con- paint being met, Mr. Cranpen. éesired that it might ce made public that the British government did not re- ornit er saise aoldiers in the United Stetes, and he made Sewn Nee iwxtructions to Mr. Marcy, who then ee 4 imslf satisfied. ‘The age of persons wishin to go imto Voaneds to Pini was paid, and Judge Kene inid down the rule that to pay the pas- sege Of men to a foreign port and then enlist them in bo Viola\ion of international law. Thore perros whore phsenge to Can ‘as paid wentae volunteers, and, upon erriving there, they were nos bound to enter into the | British rervies, and, in print of fact, & large anmber of them pro‘errea undertaking work in Cauada, A oorreay Pondence of a not very amicable character has taken eee between the two governments, but the transactions which it refers are byecne transactions, and from the Commencement the Briti-h greenest have disclaimed allintenticn of infringing fn any way the law of the United States. Tray, then, that any difference of opinion which may exist bas reference to open ns; and I cannot believe the two rations, having been together, as the noble Karl has observed, by such unity of interesis, that such # question aa this is not capable of amicabie solution, (Hear.) With the con- . Crampton we are perfectly satisfied, for Fam ecnvinced that neitrer intentionally, nor unintentionally, per accidently, did he violate any law of the Unitec States. I, therefore, do hope that the question will be brought to a eatisfactory solution; but I co not think that that resuit would have been moted by any allusion to it in ibe Queen’s tory, indeed, shoud I be if our tri cf the Atientic were to think that the absence cf any al: lusion to them was treating than with auything like contempt or disrerpect. (Hear, hear.) It is bardig, my Lords, necessary for me to say that I deplore, in common with the noble Furl, the magnitude of the loss which we bave sustained by the fall of Kars. J do not mean to sa; that the French press may not have broached the idea that, the war were to bs carrial tnto Asia, Minor, 4 would be & ‘waste of Frenchblood and French treasure for English pur- poses; but I must give the most unquslifird denial to the supposition that such is the opinion of the French Excperor or of the Frerch government. (Hear, heer.) With respect to the negotiations for peace, T am sure that your Lordships will feel that it would he indiscreet in me on the present occasion to give to your Lordships more information upon the subject than I should be strictly justified in doing ; and Itbink, as the gracious speech of her Msjosty has indicated the course which has been pursued, that I need harcly sé¢ that her ty’ government, fully relying on the support of Fariisment and the people of this couritry, had intended and were prepared to carry on the war with much greater meavs than toey have hitherto posresred. Her Mojesty’s government never was disin clined to listen to cvertores of peace and they were all along apxivuus to bring the war to a vatisfactory conclu- sion. It certalply was not for England and France to wake ovy overtnres to Rursia; and I think we san un- derstand, anc, I had almost raid. can respect the motive which incuced Russia not to make overtures to us; but Austria was in & position to oe her good offices, and the time that she cbose tor doing it was sn excellent one, when the approach of winter rendered the cessation of bostilities necessary. But it was no mediation which Avstria offered. She simply offered to ascertain and make known at St. Petersburg the terms upon which the allies would consent to peace; aud I must do the Austrian gevernment the justice to asy that frcm the first they admitted tho necessity that those verma should be clear and precise, in order to do away as much as possible with the chave+ of misapprehension, anc, by svoiding tho-e misunderstendings and complica- tions which arose last year, to brirg the negotiations t> a successful issue, It was impossible for her Majesty's &: vernment, according to their sense of duty, to refuse these goes Bleag. (Hear.) However confident they might bave been fhat another campaign would have in- creased the miliary fame of England, and might have led to a treaty of » difierent and more comprebensive chat- acter, yet such anticipations would have been wholly unjustifiable if they bad induced us to prolong the war when a prorpect appeared of attaining the objects for which tbat war was undertaken; and, notwi'hs‘anding the spirit which now animstes this country, I believe thet the ecol judgment and right reason of the people of England wili epprove the course which we have taken. (Hear.) ‘The criginal proporal of Austria was to com- municate thore terms to Ruseia on her own responsibility; but we taw that it would be useless for Acatria to serd thoee terms to St. Petersburg without the sanction of the allies; aud bere let me say that there was no dis- respect intended either to Sardinia or to Turkey by omit- tirg them ficm the Queen’s speech. We are deeply sex- sible of the courage which Sardinia has evinced, and of the mapner in which she embarked in the contest, andin which rhe has carried out her engagements; but we thevght tbat {t was simply necessary for her Majesty to declaie that, in concert with ber allies, she had consent. ed to accept tke good offices of Austris with the Emperor of Ruse Avstiia however, became a party to the terme in question; she made borself responsible for them, and rhe entered mio engagements to break off her diplo- matic relations with Russia ff they wero rejected, and atterwards to concert #ith the allies ar to the means of coercing Russia, ‘Those terms were sent by the Austrian. Mnaster to St. Petersburg; be was toark for a categorical Sntwer—yesorno. He was simply the beurer of ade- patch; he was forbidden to discuss its contents, and he war, on-Do account, to admit any modifications or coun- ter propositions whatever. The answer of Russia was trenrmitted direct to Vienna, It was not in the form required by Austria, but contained some bn important modifications, and the Austrian thereupon ed the Russian Mipister at Vienna that, unless a ical answer were received within a stated Paricay the Austrian Minister with the whole of the mission a St. Petersburg would leave that city, and passports would berenttotle Russisn Lgation at Vienna, That was commumicated by Prince Gortschskeff to his gtvernment, uptn which on seceptance, pure, and simple, was sen’ hy telegiaph to Vienna. The derpatches containing it errived at Vienua on the 24th instant. The substance of it was communisated to her Moje ty’s government the day belore yesterday, and the plan which is proposed to ke acopted is this—that the terms which have been secepted by Rursia shall be agrecd to by the repre- sentatives of tke allies at Vienna; that the re- presentatives shall then sigo a short protocol, agreeing that the prelimiasries chall be signed at Paris; that en armistice shall be en‘ered upon, und that the provisions of the treaty shal! then be determixed. A!- ‘though I shall not entor further at presentiutothe terms or ¢mation of the ermistice, and think that it would not be right to ciscusn it at this time, yet 1 must take the op- ertunity of esying that I entively agree with the noble Fad opporite that it should be of the shortest possible duration. (Hear, hear.) have now saformet your lord ~ ships of the present state of affairs, and I will not deny that great doult and anaiety are entertained as to the result. It is impossible to deny that dcubt is felt as to the sin- cerity with which Russia may have accepted the condi- ticns. The very readiness which she has shown in them has increased that , and the manner in whic! the proceeded last year, after having purely oad simp! veaenhec poi area has still farther ad toit. Wecan cnly hope tl useia is sincere; for m own part, I believe that she is. I think that Ruseis res & peace, and I think that the Emperor of Russia haa shown great moral courage in at once accepting terms which he has reason to believe are displeasing to the war party in Ruseia. (Hear, hear.) I bope, he will continue to exhibit the same moral courage, and that he will, without any attempt at evasion, abide by the letter and apirit of these terms. Should he do #0, I think we have a prorpect of apeedily obtaining that which bas throughout been the object of the war—a safe and honoreble peace. (Hear, hear.) By an honorable peace, I mean # peace which will be honorable to both pattien. for a peace which would le Russia would not be bi asafe peace, For my orn part, I thivk that Russia cepted conditions which will cast no stain u; her. She must be aware that the aggressive policy which has been imputed to her is the cause of alarmand irritation to Europe, and that it will be resisted; and it is on that account that she has been required and has consented to givefguarantees for maint the inde- mee cf tbe Ottoman empire. I sny there ix no ishonor or degradation cast upoa Russia by the 20- ceptance of there terms; the cnly dishonor will be in the evasion of them, Hear.) But, my lords, our sincerity in these negotiations is ‘also celled into question. Your loréships may probably be awaro, that throughout the continent of Europe we are accused of in- sincerity in_nccepting these conditions, It has been said thor we have accepted them, we mean to con- tinue the war, simply because we want more war, not for any definite end, but in the expectation that another cam, would be productive ef more military glory, which would serve to compensate us for the sacritices we kaye made. I mention these reports, because they have been widely ciroulated and pretty generally believed, ‘and also beeaure I desire on the part of her Mojesty’s gov- ernment to give them the most unqualifiel denial. (Cheers.) However much we may be aware of the spirit which auimates the country, however much it may be regretted that the vast tions which we have made—preparations auch as there has been no instance of before in the history of this country—should net be turned to account, and akould not be made to redound to the military end naval fame of England, yet I am convineed that the number of persons who put faith in these reports will be very rept diminished when it is seen that, notwithstanding the efforts we have mede, and all the sacrifices we bave ancergone, we hold faithfully to the conditions which we have once accepted. attempt be made eivndiions which we bave © right deprive us of the con is Wi demand, and to which we have already agreed, I believe the people of this country would be asene man, They would not consider any too reat to carry on the war, and we might then expect con- tions of a very different nature to those which her Ma- % i" ave DOW wi jorty’s government b accepted, and to which , they will frankly acd honorabl; adhere. an oe s is another reason which has induced me to allude tothe jag reports, and I hope it is not presumptuous luce to it. as it is of a personal nature. ¥, has een pleased to desire that I should go to Paris a8 t) 46 ne. gotiator cn her behalf, (Heahear.) However p aly ehould have cecimed this honor, and however, + ,) . edly 1 may distrust iny own powers satisfactorily ‘to con. duct negotiations which Involve so many intr ieate and complicated questions, yet I feel it my duty + ¢ obey her Mojesty’s commands, and to place any @xper ience have gained In the masters jikely to be dive’ assed ot her dixpor Whetever power of usefuleesr, however, [ might porsees would be entirely extingn’ shed if it were thought that I undertock—or waa capr tle of undertake ing—that mirsion with any other o' »jeot than that of bringing if'to a successful issue. (He ar, hear.) Actingon the part of her Msjerty’s govervme at, } shall enter upon negotiations with a sincere desire for and tt be Auth unfednedd regret if I have t0 witharavo.from: them with the conviction that peace ts imgossidle on’ terms consistent with the dignity and honor vf this county. And. lorés, I think I may sey, Without any violation of offi rererve, that the rentimersts of her Majesty’: government are entirely thared by tse Emperor of the Frenes. (Hear, hear.) Thope it is nos premmptuous in me to tay that the judgment, firmnges, and moderation—the atraight- forward and honoradie conduct of hie Majesty's govern- ment in there matters aro beyond all praise. ‘the Em. peror of the Freach desires peace, but he will make no ace which ty inconsistent with the dignity and honor of ance. Iike her Mejesty’s government, he is deter- mined that the naval and inilitary preparations shall go on with nninterrupted activity, in order that both coun. tries shell be completely prepared for war on the very sy on which it is understood that the negotiations for pence have failed, (Cheers. In the House of Commons the address to the throne ‘was moved by Mr. Byng, and seconded by Mr. Baxter, ‘They wore replied to by the PRICE TWO CENTS. SPEECH OF ME. DIBRAELI. I am confident that I only ecko the optrion of the House when I sey that J must agree the honorable mover of the address, wiro has spoken to- niglt with euch comspicuous ability (hemr, hear), in ex- Prestirg the satisfaction and the gratitade we must all feel to her Majesty for iforming ue this day frem the throne that she bas scceded which, she hopes, may prove “the fourdation of a honorable peace.” (Hear, hear.) } ‘am not misrepresenting the feelings of the House when venture further to say that it is with no that we here beard, in the rope, that her Majesty, in cntesing Smite which must be the pret ente of her having thore concitions, will not loee it of ae a 5 i! which the war was not feel that] sm at liberty, at present, enter into any eriticiem of the conditions xéferred to in the gracious speech from the hate, indeed—nocuithstanding the slight intsmation has teen given us of their nature by the honorable mover of the address—no authentic information before us a6 the pre- sent mement on the subjet. There cert pired in an irregular manner some information whish ne doubt bas excited great interest; but at the same tme we bave been told that the conditions there stated impertect, and that much is intecded which is not there communicated. Under those circumstances, i¢ would be not only inciscreet, but, I must confess, it would possible, for me to erter into any detailed ‘criticism what, after all, is only 9 political hypothesis, T am not latending by these r in any way to impugn the con- duet of her Majesty's mans in not edmmunical to the country 1m an official, authentic and com; ner the nature of the conditions upon which they tend to insist, in order to procure the objects for which the war was commenced. I take it for gramted that t: have acted, in the position in which they are pi with the wisdom which becomes so great & bility. For my own part, I must express a hope that the House of Commons will, uncer these circumstances, exer- cise that prudent but high spirited reserve (hear, which, while {t ehrinks from embarrassing « minister on whom is about to devolve the fulfilment of so difficalt = Cuty, will at the rame time watch with the utmost vigi- Japce—I will not say suspicion—the course of all his pro- ceedings. J shall make no reference to recent state- ments respecting the objects and purposes of the war which have been made by members of the government not cocupying so exalted and responsible a position, ex- cept toway that I deeply regret them; ‘and think that thore who have been so rash and inadvertent as to make the declarations which have recently been promulgated on this subject will, after listening to the speech which has been graciously delivered to-day, if they find them- celves in similar circumstances, in future be induced te take s more temperate and moderate course. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I regret that there are some gent both in and out of Parliament for wnom I have the greastest respect, who, after having taken a soung and satisfactory view of what should be the conditions o yeace—viz, the accomplishment of the objects for which the war was undertaken—have still been induced, by what I cannot but feel to be a deplorable hallucination, to regret, while confessing that the objects of the war may be accomplished, that the war is not stillto be pro- aecuted; and this, too. on a ground which appears to me io be scarcely ove which can recommend itself to the, ber consideration of any public man. We are told that, although we may have attained the objects for which we: embarked in war, still {vis expedient that the war should Te # sof i it 33 i F i be continued in order to sustain or to increase the lus- tre of the arins of England; or rather, perhsps, because in the stauggle that may, end which I trust will, oom ceare, we have not achieved exploits ao striking as thoae which illustrate ecme portions of our history. If lcok to the authors of there statements respect the decline of the pretige of England—whether they are journalists who have become states- men, fe sister en who ree Journalists—(o ugh)—you will generally find that Gre the persone who are most competent tadkonnle the tnporianee of Ing land, and who are really the least inctit to underrate tt. They play upon the too easily excited susceptibility of this country; and I wiil say of them as was of a great sceptic, that when they attempt to depreciate our achievements and the resources of our position, they really ‘tremble while they sneér.”” (Hear, hear.} Sir, there is alfther paregraph in the speech which I am sure will meet with the unanimous approval of the House. It is that to which the Honorable mover of the address ad- verted with much eloquence, in which we express to her Majesty our admiration of the “ constaney the caring bravery” by which the stronghold of Rus- rin in the Black Sea was reduced. I hope, ever msy be our political difterences, there thin House be any difference miration with which we view the the exertions of our fellow countrymen when they are supporting the bonor and the interests oe by Mojesty’s realm: there ‘is another si persevering constancy (cheers), and and urdaunted bravery (renewed cheers), although that constancy snd that courage did not reap the reward which in tbe case of 1 was forcibly acquired. think there is another siege which. on a it like the Present, it would ill become the Houre of Commons te suffer to pase uncoticed and unnamed. Tam not a: xiovus on this occasion to ca) PI of ‘Hear, hear’’), but I hope they fally understandthat that is a subject 2 which this ontyann this House will expect and will require the most ample explanation. rai and continued cheering.) It is true we may be isappointed; it is true that on as on 00- casions in our history, we may find that the has reached the lip the draught may yt, nat Be lowed. (A slight laugh) All this { admit, but we have at least the satisfaction of ki that her Mojesty fails in the negotiations wi are now about to be cai on—if the of peace ot which the noble Lord is cognigant, but witl: which we are unacquainted, may not effect that great Feralt which is now gem ef expested, and generaliy ired—we havo tho satistaction of knowing that her Majesty msy appeal with confidence to her Pariismennt to su; ‘t her in a renewed struggle (cheers), and that there is no sum which Parliament will not vote, or her people cheerfully raise, to vindicate her honor and maintain the independence and interests of her kingdom. (Cheers.) SPEKCH OF LORD PA! Thave waited, sir, till the lest coment eae rising, being of courte abxions, if any honorable momber- ihe ress his opinions uw) subject Gisoussion, tp reserve myself till Thad learnt what mi fail from him. The Hight gentlemen very properly put to the House the ceurse which be recommends it to pursue. In the mato of these matters it is not fitting tthe ernment should enter into Pablic explacation f the cular position in which nego- of tiation iw went As soon as aay step has beewstakem which shall place her Majeaty’s government in & povition in which, consistently with fr duty, ot lay be- fore Farliament any statement, of py: ectually agreed to, it will be their dut ¢ te give Howse every information which the public allow.them to give. Atthe prerent momer st this ix not in our Siz, I concur entirely with * hosa who have said woulé not be our duty to arge this country to con! the efforts and sacrifices « ,¢ war if we are able to now the accomplishment cf those objects for which war was undertaken, ( Hear, hear.) No doupt the rourees of the country are unim . No naval and military Bre" jarations which heve been during the past twelve ,’ taonths, which are now exd wBich will be cor Ae Se ee will regards the con’ Rot stood the commencement ‘We should, therefore, be justified im expecting the another cam) should another campaign be forc ed upon ut—would result in successes which pling chaps entitle ug to require—perhaps eva- ble us to o 4, eyen better conditions than thone which have been coffe sed fo us, and which have been accepted hy ue. But if the conditions which we now to ob- tain are such ,’ ag will Properly satisfy the jects for which we ' sre contending—if they are conditions which we t’ aink itis our duty to accept, and with wobelieve the country‘will be satistied—then ly we shor gid be wanting in our duty, and justify tI ,¢ confidence which the country has us, if we , rejected terms of that description chance of greater successes in another com hear.) ‘These were the feelings which jesty” 4 government, We telt, like conn’ cry, that the future chances of fave ewe felt, like many others in thi wi hate, Saale seeaaroes of the enemy .cm we are cont were daily diminishing, tee Kec! reece our bie get and our means carryingen the war, were continually increasing. Dut we fle that we shoud” not be justified fa overtures which promised the bility of a 8 honorable peace merely for the prospect of even greater successes in another year of war. Sir, think the country will approve the course which we have pursued. (Hear, bear.) The country is in this —if we succeed in obtaining a which will factory and safe we shall fall fer efforts and racrifices which the other hand, that end can shew to the country ‘4 on the part of those who the conduct of the tiation know there is in this country that strengts 4 aHie TE ES ! F ‘Hee 5.) li z i i itl i e when forth, that spirit when aroused, will ts eed Semaphte those objects which we had failed th agree entirely with the Ri that we bave reasoi courage and the di the courre of this war, and that iaviat iteerde pee Races, ree ¢ Hight at ¢ ridges laklava, and the Redan, too, ‘aro exploita which do the high- Sehr pore tiat ihe soldiers vf present. wh rove that the so! our equal tceay of thore who have been crowned with in former wars, (Hear, hear.) give her e's government credit for determination, not to overlook domestic improvement exertions have been mainly directed tiona for war, The two subjects can and I trust the measures which we to introduce in relaticn to the matters Majesty's epecch will be found by the duoive to the Improvement and try, andas such will receive the early and nideration of the House, (For Additional European News, se Fifth Page.) s