The New York Herald Newspaper, January 15, 1856, Page 3

Address of the Soft Shell Democratic State Convention, at Syracuse, Jan. 10, 1856. Mr. Nicholas Hill, Jr., of Albany, chairmat: of the com- mittee appointed for that purpose, reported the fellowing ‘address, which was adopted by the Convention:— Fxutow Cimizess—We address you in the name of the democratic party. Our reflections, uniting with the ex- enoe ¢ pant, ha satiated ‘us that the prosperi- y coun’ y Geponda wpon permanent asceaden- of domearntio les. Whether we are right in you must judge. If not, we have erred with some ot the wisest patriots and statesmen that ever lived. We are far {rom ol that the democratic party has ne- ver gone astray, or that all good men have ved its aaith, Good men have sometimes opposed it, but we ‘think from mistaken views; and bad men have sometimes Joined it under a sike celus What we claim for it is, that ite poiitical creed isin harmony with the true aentk -ot our institutions, and that it canoot fail in upholding them while it keeps near the light of its own principies. lag your attention to some considerations on this subject. The democratic party was merely as ® means et infinencing tha toutes ot oon or governmental af- fairs, by the concentrated action of political, opinion; Jeaving all other matters to the free and unbiased choice of the citizen. 1t was not organized, as some of ita former fessed friends eeem to have assut to keep watch and ward over the entire domain of taste and sentiment, thought apd duty; or to act as = spy upon the private opinions or pursuits of men, or sit in judgment upon their conscie: or control even their outward conduct, except through the rightful action of government. These are heresies of modern growth, entirely alien to the prin- ciples for which the illustrious defeaders of our faith, ith Jefferson at their head, steadfastly contended in former years, Their objects were purely governmen’al in their nature, and their politica: creed, though broad enough to reach every subject of nial concern, extended no further, Qn other subjects, where govern: ‘ment could not or should not act, their creed was either silent, or spoke only to admonish us of the duty of forbearance, and the danger of interfering. It was fashioned, ind with most wise and cautious re‘erence to the true principles of re- ted liberty; ee pacoen Dine: no one for the opin- ions he held, the altar at which he worshipped, or the place where he was born, and countenancing no tyranny over him in any ef bis private relations; for it was the creed of men who, with arms in their hands, had jast rebuked the unrighteous intermeddling of one nearpe and feared that another might succeed—men who had read history, and knew how surely this evil spirit of ty- ‘rannical encroachment lurks in the shadow of pover, and how it destroys the energy of the citizen, wastes the aprivgs ot public action, and eradicates from whole com- munities the virtues of self-Gependence, courage and pa- triotism. If the past has left any admonition for tue present which should be heeded by every statesman and every friend of the country, it is that the powers of States and nations have been pressed beyond due limite, and that the business of governing men by organic pub- lic force has been overdone. The truth of this admoni- tion is illustrated in the condition of every people who have been compelled to submit for centuries to minute Police regulations, unti) they ceased to rely not only on themselves, but almost on Providence, «nd looked listlessly to government as the fountain of morals, religion, right and duty, Its importance is at- tested ‘by all those limitations upon governmental action so carefully prescribed in our written constitu- tions; and the democratic creed, in view of the never ceasing tencencies of power to enlarge itself, warns us that unslumbering, nay, ‘‘eternal vigilenze is the price of liberty.” The disregard of these admonitory lessons, gleaned from the bitter experience of the past, has ‘betrayed many into erroneous views of the true objacts of political association, ana the appropriate functions of govern- ment; views harmless enough while they remain mere speculations of the closet, but which are found emt- nently mischievous in practice. Without adverting at present to other illustrations, let us turn for s moment to the course which some now invite us to take with re- gard to the subject of domestic slavery. More than once during the period of our national existence, the ef- forts of men professing unbounded sympathy for the slave. to inauce government to act in furtherance of ‘their theories, forgetful of every other object of po- Utical association, bave given just cause tor serious yalarm. And recently—nay. witnin the last few montbs—other men, with loud professions of de- mocracy oa their lips, while their hearts aro far ‘fcom it, have banded themselves for renewed and more formidable efforts to evoke the spirit of abolitionism, with all the gloomy passions which wait on it. This last or- ganization was deemed so important by its authors and ‘bettors, ae to call for the instant abandonment of every other political creed, and its advent was accordingly ushered in by a formal resolution, announcing that the whig and democratic parties were to exist no longer; that hencetorward there were to be no more whigs nor democrats, but that all were to be anti slavery republi- cans. Nor was the surprise excited by this announce- ament at all diminished when we were told in effect after- ‘ward, by the chief captain of the new ferces thus mus- tered against the peace of the Union, that the owners of Glaves were to be treated as am odious “aristocracy,” whieh, ‘in every case throughont all hazards, should be abborred and ded ;”” t the interests of the North and South were, therefore, directly and irre- coneilably antegonistic; that the citizens of there differ- ent sections of our common country could no longer dwell together in unity; that the compromises af the constitution were a hollow trace which had een kept too long; that Congress must. be urged to set them at defiance, and assume uncom promising, aggressive, anti-slavery ground; and the ever: fort Ge) Yd tran mast be subordinated to and every other test of political faith at onca abandoned. And to remove all doubt from our as to the temper and resolution with which the are was to be waged, we were told a little later, through the columps of a leasing paper devoted to the cause, that the South was abeut to be called into fearful account; not ‘for commeree,”’ but for veogeanse ! When we consider that these avowals were made in the name of what now claims to bea great party, and thit ‘they were rot uttered in the heat of blood, but prepared for the public eye after consultation and deliberation, pees invest the subject ZS ase te Pecabetiogs ante in rest, and may excite ry as to the future. The mie is come fellow-eitizens, when the ground on which we stand should he caretully examined, and the course weare to take in the coming struggle lear! detneeted wal esberatoo0, Scere ‘ithout pausing to inquire here whet! ngress has pewer to act in with the views of this new sect—a question which admits of no answer but an unhe- negative, if we rightly appreciate the ten tency it doctrines—we pass to more practical and broader inquiry whether {t ought to adopt them. Let us give these wen the benefit of their disclaimers. Let us ‘admit that they do not propose to interfere with slavery now in either of the old thirteen States; that they intend no insult to their brethren of those States, while brand. ing them as objects of govermental distrust and abhor- renee; that they are a-thirst for ¢ and tranquillity, while invek: demons of discord and strife; that pene A Union, while denouncing the mi b faved ites “treason against kssad righta;” ant t to perpetuate ivs blessings by joni nds swith those whe hts and eure it, see pray for {© over. throw. Grant thas all of them do not see the tendency of thetr actions, or the inevitable end of their career, and that 1 doing this evil with a vague expectation some possible good may come at last—still, the question is not waat they in- tend or ultimately expect, but what course should others take whore sense of duty is yet unsubdued by the frenzy of fanaticism or the lust ot power? Is it wise, is it just, is it right, in any conceivable view—nay, is it not both absurd snd criminal—to countenance the theories which now, for the first time in our national history, this mot- ley throng of politicians claim shall be enforced, “in every case und throughout all hazards,” by direct gov- erumental action? We have assumed that they are not yet so far gone in dejusion as to meditate any present assault upon slavery in the old thirteen States; though even this is but an inference, perhaps an unwarranted one, from their «i- lence. In the strange document called their “platform of principles,” drawn up by a professed abolitionist, and ‘unanimously adopted as the permanent basis of their or- genization, we find the following distinct avowals, which show how wide a field of nal they mean ultimate! to oocupy, and how little they are disposed vo restrict it out of rence to the constitution:— Resolved, That the federal government, being one of defined seuabilsh, uphold oF ioletalealayery’in uny portion of apa y rate slaver ub: Te domain, or to connive at its existence ia the federal tory by any means whatever. 5 since there can be no legal slavery in the ‘Territories ot our Union, there can be no slave States legally formed out of such Territories, 4c. The powers of the general government {a reapect to slavery are the same to-day that they were when the Union was formed; and if they have not been exceeded heretofore by the admission of slave States, they cannot be hereafter. In other words, if Congress has no power to admit new slave States now, as these thebrists broadly affirm, it has had none at any time; and every act of that nature, whether re te may be treated as a mere ua ion, not ry upon any cne. Su the eardinal doctrines inculcated by the resolutions we have quoted, to be rage as an elemental portion of our na- tional policy, and to have become what their authors ‘mean they shall be, ‘the creed of political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust,” at once the prompter and the guide of individual duty and public action—everything hitherto done under which new slave States have been formed out of territory once constituting part of the public domain, must be then deemed unconstitutional, and therefore ab- solutely invalid for any practical ond. Louisiana, Mis- souri, and all other States received into the Union in vio- lation of the dogma on which alone resistance for the fature isto be based, have none of the rights of states under i Pree gine If they Es} benny mem. bers of it for any purpose, they their position b; pufferance only; notin virtte of constitution |” They are not entitled to be represented in the councils of the na. tion, nor to have its ald in suppressing domentic inaur- rection, or in repelling foreign invasion; and every faith fal believer in this oew creed is bound to say so by his votes, in Congress and out of it! Indeed, we are told thet they have not a “republican form of government:”’ that they are uncongenial and therefore unfit associates ior the free States; that they are mere ‘“‘aristocracies,”? which ‘‘in every case and throughout all hazards must ‘ye abborred and avoided;’”’ and so they should be thrust from the Union, or compelled to ehange their domestis policy!’ Such, fellow-citizens, are some of the teachings of anti-slavery republicaniam—such the broad and dismal eld of ngitation which {t opens to our view, and on whioh it urges government to enter. The problem of domestic slavery was one of the most delicate and diffiioult which the frames of the fedezal constitution had to solve. The institution then existed in nearly all the States, including New York; and was interwoven with the social habits and industrial its of le. It had been fastened ee of our peop! yn ieeey cive policy of the mother country, es yecreva net pursned through an Hundred yearn; ‘and one question was, whether it was compatible with that ‘republican form of government ’” which the Unit- ed States were about to “guaranty to every State in this Union.’ If it was not, no Union could be formed, and the hopes and aspirations of the patriota who looked ‘upon this as easential to complete th t work of the Revolution, nnd secure its fruits, m fia Our fa- thers, with Washington at their hend, deliberated upon it, not inthe spirit of anti-slavery republicanism, but vokiog: ibe ‘spint ef; peose, Sf metal worbearene, 6 5 rorbearance, neiliation and compeon ? balanced the Scantions certain advantages of Ua- jon agai the vain hope for theoretical Ee fection in government, = our present - tion is the fortunate result, of who believes that o Rees one acetate can conFi tly say that a udlicaa form of govero- ment” is ipeompatible with the toleration of American slavery. And no one, we believe, will say #0 who truly reveres the constitution, end meditates no assault, now or pereoieer, on its beneficent adjustments and promises. ‘The anti-slavery republican however, invites us tenis pein eioseeteenraiatare ‘said and do ay a and who strive to make . ion their if z i e z : nut to their present views, would have de. ite the constitution as a ‘ covenant of blood !’’ They admit that it tolerates slavery, and that, while it rovides for the return of fugitive slaves, it is impressive- Z ‘silent as to the admission of new slave States, and im- poses no express duty to interfere with the subject any. where, orin any form. They admit, indeed, that it least, may deal with as they please, irrespective of th: views and wishes of the people of other States. And though they rail against {ts com yy admit, toc—for they cannot fatty history —that the Union could not have existed if their spirit, instead of the spirit of peace, had prevailed. No one, moreover, will pro- bably deny that had some prophet reat the veil of the fature, and revealed the when Congress was to act in accordance with the new theories now proposed, every Southern State would have refused to join the’ confe- deracy. And suppose even that the power to enforce there theories could be found in some ambiguous clause of the Constitution, and that, if exercised, an astute legal jhilologist might be able to maintain it—still the ques. Yoon ia hot one of law alone, nor of ilology, nor met physica, but of practical statesmanship, ot wire mental expedieney, of good faith, Tarnig and fair deal- ing. ‘we put it to you as such, an k you again, ought the power to be exercised? 2 Conceded power in government is not always to be put in requisition; doubtful power never. What a lawyer teils us wecan do, isnot an unerring test of human conduct, even in the most inconsiderable affairs of pri- vate life; but other considerations frequently remain to control the course of duty. This is peculiarly so in pub- lie affairs as to matters where the government is left free to act or forbear. Many formidable powers which Congress possesses by universal consent, have been wisely suffered to remain in repose; for example, its power over domestic commerce, and In respect to bank- ruptey. On these and other subjecta it has studied for- hearance vs the true policy, of governmen', seldom ob. truding on the field of local soversignty, even when its power to doso was undoubted, except in accordance with some supposed and imperious public exigency, and then retiring as soon as the exigency ceased. The prin- ciple should be extended to case where federal power may be ssfely dispensed with, especially if the right to interpose it is seriously doubted by intelligent men, and bad consequences are likely to flow from its exercise. Nothing fs clearer, fellow-citizens, than that the policy of anti-slavery republicanism, if prosecuted in the reck- lesa spirit which has thus far characterized it, will lead to consequence? which ne one ean contemplate without dismay. Other exercises of Congressional power as to slavery have shown some respect to constitutional limts, to the prevailing temper and exigencies of the times, an: to the issues of good er evil lisely to result. Whether they were prompted by one motive or another is a ques- tion of no moment now, except with those who hope to vise and prosper by turbulent and irrelevant appeals to mere prejudice and passion. These and all other meas- ures should be judged to-day, as they will be in after times, by their practical adaptation to the just ends of government, and their tendency to secure the peace and well being of the country. Whatever else may be said of them, they were not animated by that spirit, which, repudiating the constitutional definition of a ‘repub- lican form of government,” and vaunting its indiffe- rence to the fate of the Union, denounces the citi- zens of one section of it as the special objects of governmental “abhorrence,” and asserts that the North and South are the natural enemies of each other. It was not so with the act called the Missouri compromise, which was the result of most anxious, pa- tient and patriotic endeavors to harmoni:e c-nflicting views, and allay for the time the frenzy of sectional strife. Fer with ite repeal, which assumed to banish the spirit of discord from the council chambers of the nation, by limiting the range of federal action, and enlarging the éomain of local sovereigaty. The temper and policy of anti-slavery republicanism, however, ix far different. It abhors coneflistion. It disdains peace. It calla back the spirit of discord. It will have nothing to do with local sovereignty of any kini, and least of afl with that which looks for its warrant to the consont or choice of the peo- le. It invokes the arm of the nation, and proclaims “cpgressional war—war without truce or relenting, an: for aught we see, wat without end. And so sublimate are its theories that tts adherents cannot atvance one argument for their adoption founded on the plain priaci- ples of tbe ecnstitution; nor any argument, indeed, except such as proves, if it proves anything, that slavery should be assailed everywhere, and at ail timer, in spite ot constitutions apd compacts. We fnvite you to consider, not merely the out- ward form of their creed, hut its inner life and {rrepressi- ble practical tendencies-’ They ask for Congressional in- tervention on the assumed ground that slaveholding, un- der all circumstances, is absolutely incompatible with religion, as well as republican prruciples: 30 much 40, in- deed, that government cannot innocently let it alone! And when told that the constitution was fashioned upon a different theory, they admit and lament the fact, exalt themselves above the constitution. avove the govern- ment, and appeal toa “higher law!” The light by which our fathers walked and tolled will not do for them. They seek the pure empyrean! Inihe language of Mr. Web- Bter, they are “above ordinances.” “Ther pant for abso- lute perfection, and will countenance nothing whish fails short of it! On other subjects of public concern, how- ever, they are modest in their pretensions; peaceable like other men, and far less exacting. They ‘believe in governmental jobs, and steamships, and high tariffs, aud Javish expenditures, and mortgages of revenue, and vast public debts, and’ all the fraudulent centrivances by which the few are enabled to prosper at gthe — ofthe many. These they can countenance and tolerate—nay, lobby for, advocate and practice—notwith- standing all their specious cant about duty and human rights and tal perfection, They economize in their zeal tor public purity, and would confins its benefits wholly to the colored race! mgress is one of the mere agents of government. Its powers are derived from the constitution, and it hes no right to act upon theories which that instrument repu- Giates, whether they are or bad. Every attempt thus tar to extend its control over the subject of slavery, Lowever guarded and conciliatory, has been fraught with danger. sectional controversies, alienated feel! enfeebled patriotism, have uniformly resulted from auc measures. And if this new experiment upon the public tranquillity sball thrive, and all the powers of govern- ment be surrendered to anti-slavery republicanism, who can tell what the future has in store for’ us? When one half the people of the Union shall be taught to curse it as irreligious and anti-republican, and the other half to denounce {: asa fraud on their rights, an enemy to their State policy, their in- terest’ and their homes, who ehull answer for its fate? An act of Congress one year may be repealed the nert. You may call it a compact if you please, and de- clare it irrepealable; but this will no’ change ita nature. And eo the passage of every act will be only the signal light for a new mustering Of hostile forees, agita‘ion auc- ceeding agitation with increased intensity, until every tie of fraternal feeling shall be utterly destroyed, and the blind instinct of sectional hate take the place ot’ pat- riotiem. Grant even that the {Union ts strong enough to survive the struggles of our day and generation to which tuix line of policy invites us. What will it be to them who shall succeed us, but a heritage of endless discord; or, at dest. a worthless memorial of Dlessings won by heroiars, and lost by folly? And even for ourselves—fur {he interest of those now living—is it nothing to have the nation sit; ten with an incurable disease—to waste it with perpetual fever, or rack it with convulsions? Will it prove to us an efficient protector whilst struggling against coming death, ita strength emaciated, and its functions all per- verted? We are no alarmists,and are ax little disposed to in- spire you wih unmanly fears as we are to be shaken by em oursely@®. The aangers of which we speak are not undefined shadows, floating in the far off horizon of the fature, They are substantial things—objesta of ‘senke— and we must deal with them. Washington saw them more than has century ago, and in the iast_aclemn act of bis public Hife warned his countrymen against them. They have alarmed the patriotism of later times, and ia 1829 a statesman of New York—now gone to his rest, but whose loss at this crisis is more deeply deplored than ever --nddressed bia fellowjcitizens on the subject. And after a masterly review of the various clauses of the constitu, tion, indicating the conciliatory spirit in which the Un. jon waa for the clause for reclaiming fugitive slave, ineluded—he asked:— Are there any who will blame our venerable fathers, the delegates in the Convention of 1787, for giving their asse n to this clause of our constitution? All the old thirteen Btates avsented t0 it, and to all the other concessions and compro- jad been mentioned, as connected with the sub- le ot all the States assented ‘o them, and fifty yeara of internal peace and abundant pros- Peuity have altemed the wisdom of the conventjan, What ame. richn citizen will now rise, and claiming (6 be purer than the Presiden: of that Convention, purer and more patriotic than the sagen who supported him fn the great work of forming our achievement of our the temple of human loves hia w Py Tesuita from the present temper and feeling of the oountr; ‘Who will cast Upon the ocean of time an ye frvaline bie blessings we have ent. the triumph to human ay we have secured, for dark and stormy prospect whic! presents itself of more perfect success in 8 new effort? Who will wantonly trample ucon the faith we have solemnly pledged to our brethren of other States, upon entering the con- federacy, in the hope of moulding them to » more yielding dis- Rea in some ful compact! Who will boldly strik at the nfon iteelt. and stake ita fate against his sympathy for the slavet—Addresa by Hon. Silaa Wright, Canton, July 4, 1839. ‘We cannot forbear, fellow citizens ,from adding to these admonitions the warning of one who was never moved by unreal danger, whose name is a passport to every demo- cratic heart, and whose memory is revered in all lands where freedom has a shrine or 4 worshipper. We'mean Andrew Jackson. In his farewell address to the people of the United States, he tells us:— ‘The constitution cannot be maintained, nor the Union pre- tn opposition to public feeling, by the mere the cocrorre Y) it. Thi qn foundation: the people, in the powers con general nw ret | in toe aiosces oF , secu ives . characte CE Ay cpp NT aes od od the several States bear to Cas eneteer 8, poll fre bappia of each other. Hence the citizens of State should avold rerrining caloulaied, to wound the senubitities or een rnupon any procecings witin thar sen verdes ‘upon thelr own borders Ukely to disturb { ie Sing aeaany es Paha ees auch fort . wre tn di forts. 19 direct opposition to the epirit La whiah tne pinlantinophy may be assigned for this wnwarrantable incor establish or the instivation will be- come perfect, and no power on earth can question their Gectsion. If they are admitted to-dey with an aati- slavery constitution, may change it to-morrow without consulting our ea; and should C at- tempt to prevent their doing to, it would be an aed sovereignty, which migh+ wally resisted by force of arms. Or should they come into the Union with « abstain from all intermeddling. aud ato; useloes agitation? We believe the are tired of i @ peace. It promises no |, none wha'ever, but evil, and that continually—evil ia our na tional councils, in the different Staves, in churches, ad everywhere, Other and direr forms of evil will follow, if we persist in Cor to act on theories at war alike with the constitution and common sense. Can we not afford to rely on the unwritten but at lara 0 kind’ ‘af questions of elled go far a' psa democracy that dare not trust the people of Territories with the ma nagement cf any of their own affairs? Is ino faith to be placed in the instincts and interests of intelligent men, or in anything except the coercive powers of government? Or do we really believe that all good must comoto us, if at all, through acts of Congress; and that duties have no existence or validity until prescribed by statute? This is the creed of anti-slavery republicanism; not of the demo- cratic party. [3 Danie shane Sguiat o camrtc WO SMURBMEC: If the Know Nothing and anti-slavery repupiicam par- ties, or any other class of men in the community, are diseavinfied with our present. form of government’ and wish to chaage its organic atracture, no one denies their right to attempt it by fair means, ‘Lat them take ths open field, and tell the people plainly that this is their purpose. The citizen will then know what to expect from them, and be prepared to act accordingly. But to make their way to place and power under the false pre- tence that they are friends of the constitution—that they believe im its principles, and mean to act in accord- ance with its spirit—while secretly repudiating its fun- damental teachings, is neither manly nor honest. fe forborne to of a third class of men who have been mirled into views of the nature and true office of government. We mean those who, within the last year or two, organized themselves into a’ political party to enforee the single virtue of temperance, leaving the other virtues to shift for themselves, After urging our State Legislature to disregard the constitution by passing & law in violation of it—a law the authorship of which none of its followers are willing to avow—it has quietly rubsided along with the wauing remnant of the old abolition party, into the ranks ot anti-slavery repub- licanitm. Both will be remembered hereafter for their g00d intentions, their bad deeds, and their ignoble end. . Fellow-citizens, the parties of which we have spoken have originated in one common error—an error into which the democratle party can. never fall until it re- nounces its ancient faith. ‘They have mis‘aken the pro- r ends of political association, and the true office and mite ot human government. ' While professing to act under the constitation, and in accordance with its spirit, they have exalted themselves above it, and appealed to a “higher law.’? Their respective creeds assume that neither the guidance of reason, the lights of education, the injauctions of religion, nor promptinga ot a wise self-interest, can be relied on in any relation ot life. Philanthropy must be taught by act of Congress, or men will never practice it. Religion must be con- trolled by politic ans, or heresy will be the order of the day. Anduniess temperance is hunted down by police- men, and, hedged in with penalties, it ean never be #o- cured. The entire field of human endeavor must be scanned with anxious care, not to find how muca of it can be saely left to individual freedom and responsibility, but how far nment can encroach on it. ‘The inter- meddling band of power must be seen and felt everywhere and at all times, constantly trenching on those moral agencies, which—guided by a Power wiser and more beneficent than that of politicianr—are silentiy influ- encing the course of human conduct and shapiag the destinies of men and nations. ‘We believe it may be said with confidence that if the democratic party has ever deviated into errora like those to which we nave alluded, it has not persevered in them. It cannot do so without being false to its own princi- lea, Reflecting and patriotic men everywhere ac- nowledge the value of ite past achievements, god admit that its services were never needed more than at this hour. They are not needed to guard any one interest of thecountry, but every one; to maintain our written covetitutious, which, under Providence, pro- tect us all; and to secure and perpetuate the blessings of sound and wire administration, They will be neaded in all coming vicissitudes, whether of war or peace, ad- versity or prosperity. It is almost the only asseciation of men, prlitical or religious, which sectional strife and fanaticism has not utterly prostraved; certainly the ouly one which bas power to cast out the political evils whic afflict the nation and menace its life. Let its once victo- be again summoned to the field of contro- voloe go forth as of old, cheering the , and srousit courage, and re-animating the hopes of its friends. And let GAA one who has named its name and profeswed its faith in former years, strive with earnestness and singlenesa of purpose for the attain- rent of these ends; remembering that ‘‘a house divided against itself cannot stand.” Theatres and Exhibisons. BroapWaY 1HEATRE.—The spectacular drama enti‘led “The Sea of Ice,’ will be performed for the second time thisevening. The scenery in tnis piece is brilliantly Deantifal; one of its greatest novelties is the representa- tion of the breaking up of an ocean of ice. The plot is replete with thrilling interest, and the leading characters are admirably personated by Messrs. Fisher and Chap- man, Mad. Ponisi and Mrs. Buckland. The popular farce of “Don’t Judge by Appearances,’? will also be played. Nunto’s Garpen.—The Ravels will perform to-night in the pleasing little comic pantomime styled The Secret Marriage” Tne ballet corps, led by M’lle Robert and Mona. Brillant, will follow in a new allegorical divertise- ment called «‘Terpsichore, or Fere of the Muses.” In ad- dition to a series of beautiful dances, there are s numver ot charming tableaus in this ballet. The entertainments will clove with the gorgeous fairy comic pantomime of “Raoul,” which affords the Ravels an excellent opportu- nity for exhibiting their extraordinary tricks ana trans- formations. Bowery TukaTRk —Miss Denvil, a tragedienne of whom report speaks very favorably, will make her début at this house to-night, in the arduous character of Margaret Elmore, in the popular play of ‘Leve’s Sacrifice.” She will be ably supported by Messrs Fitzgerald, Barry and Winans. Th Be from Miss Denham, anda by Misa Louisa ells. e whole will conclude with the amusing farce of “The Dumb Belle,”’ in which Mr. Fitzgerald, Misa. C. Alford, Mrs. Griffiths and others appear. Mr. Barry, a popular acgyr at the Bowery, takes benefit to-morrow. Burton’? Tazarrk.—Four capital pieces, in three of which the manager performs, are announsed for to- night. The opening play is called “Lend Me Fivo Snil- lings,” Mrs. Mejor Phobbs by Miss Mitchell, who has be- come a great favorite with toe patrons of this comical and comfortable establishment. ‘' The Bine Devils” fol- lows—Mr. Burton aa the grumblin; lishman. Next comes a quizzisal affair, entitled “The Barber's Plot — Mr. Burton as the tonsor. ‘‘ Barton’s New York Direc- tory’? is the final piece. WALLACK’s THRATRE.—The successful new comedy called an “Awkward Arrival’ will be repeated tais evening. ‘There are several capltal characters in this little ptece, and they are admirably rendered by Messrs. Lester, De Walden, (a recent addition to the company, ) Stewart and G. Holland, Miss Mary Gannon, Mrs. Stephens and Mrs. Conover. ‘the extravaganza of ‘‘Po-ca-hon-tas,”” with all ita drolleries, pomposities and peculiarities, will then be played for the twentieth time. “Out for » Holiday” is the afterpicee. Lavra Krene’s Varierirs.—The protty little dr n- titled “Dreams of Delusions’”’ will be performed this even- ing, with the same superb cast as before, viz :—Miss Keene as Lady Harleigh, Miss K. Reignolds’as Amabel, Mr. G. Jordan as Sir Bernard Harleigh, Mr. Dyott as Dr. Pungent, and Mr. T. B. Johnston as Maunder. To befol- lowed by the amusing comedietta of ‘Delicate Ground” —Pauline, Mins Keene; Sangfroid, Mr. @. Jordan; Al- Phonse, Mr. Chandler. The whole will close with the splendid new ballet calied ‘‘The Prima Donua’’—charac- ters by Miles Tilman, Franck and Deign, M. Tilman and others, Woon’s Minera —Prominent ime A the songs avd haa? novelties on the programme for eveni are “Tilda Horn,” ‘ White-Fyed Potatoes,” the ‘ Promenade,’’ &e., loomer to hear and see anyone of which in worth & long walk on the sloppy and slippery side- walke, The alterploce in The Masquerade. Bail,” tn which many of Shakapeare’s heroes are introduced. BUCKLEY’s SERENADERS.—These superior musicians and vocalists are as great favorites ax ever. They have the rare facuty of combining the beautiful and the ridiculous to an astonishing degree. One is at a low which to ad- mire the most—their, delicious musie_or the rich jokes that accompany it. tender a fine programme for to-night, includlog the butlesque of “Richard L.”" New ESTAuLisuMENTs.—Preparations are making for the opening of two additional places for theatrical exhibitions atanearly dey. That talented troupe of javenile ooma- dian, the Marsh Children, will commence at Mechanics’ Hall about the Ist of next month. Mr. Nichola is ereot- ing @ new buiiding for theatrical purposes, at O54 Broad. ich will open about the same time. It is to be called the Broadway Athenwum, and will be conducted on a plan similar to the former Olympic under Mitcheil’s management, DETENTION AND SUFFERING ON THE ToLEDO Raitroap.—The oon train which left Toledo yester- day morning at 23¢ o'clock did not reach this city until 7%, o'clock laat evening, having been seventeen hours making the paseage, that should have been made in less than five. While in the forests of Ottawa county the a, pipes leading from the tank to'the boiler froze aud buret, rend: the engine useless, except so far as the water already in the boiler was of service. The engineer detatched his engine and started for the nearest station for help, but had only 9 short distance be- fore he run into a snow drift without the bility of exs tricating himself. The train was left in woods three or four miles from any dwelling; many of the passengers were women and children. The intense cold Docasioned se Spee canes runinto the snow bank, had both feet frozen, ‘and the engineer and two other persons carried him # mile on their backs to the house; the poor fellow suffered intense pain. An engine was tound at Port Clinton and the train succeeded in coming theough.—Clevetand Plain Dealer, Jan. 10., The Alleged Irish Filtbusters at Cincinnati. {From the Cincionati Commercial, Jan. 12.) FOURTH DAY. The court conved at 10 o’clock. The usual crowd, somewhat a1 ited, was in attendance. M. A, Kea’ waa called and sworn; but before being interrogated, Colonel Piatt, counsel for defence, subm - ted a motion that the case be dismissed, if the prosec \- tiom could not adduce more testimony than had beea auready elicited. But he supposed the Court would at- dlscharps of Ms-Jokn Metrosrin: wen specaly’ oaks, of John McG was 5) that his testimony might be Drought to bear Mr. Corwin said the it had mo objection the discharge of Mr. M roarty, as his arrest was evi. dently s mistake. Barbour, who swore that he of the Emmet Society, saw defendant at meetings of the F. Ciub, and bis presumption that Groarty was a member was fair. ‘Tue matter, however, ended here for the it. Levi Parker, ice Officer, called and sworn-—-Went into the hall of Irish letter from an unknown young man at the door; the letter to Mr. Bennett; T didn't look at the letter. (A letter was here shown witness, which he said bore the ap- rae —— Kags apg) him.) Heorge Bennett, Deputy United States Marshal, called and sworn, identifed the letter and corroboi the statement of Mr. Parker. 4 LETTER OFFERED IN EVIDENCE. Mr. Sage offered in evidence a letter addressed to ths “Irish Emigrant Aid Association,” which had beea handed in to the bal of the association on the night of ge Piatt the opening ir. Piatt thought the o of this letter by the Court would be monstrous, If it was opened, it would be said that Judge Leavitt had admitted in evidence ua- opened letters, purporting to have been arrested in transitu, How easy would it be for a weuk prosecution to strengthen their case by preparing ‘@ “atraw letter,” alip it into the hands of the defendant, and by its con- tents seek to convict him, ‘The Court held the matter under advisement. William Gienn called and sworn. Nothing elicited on direct examination. Cross-examiued—William Probasco was in my store some time since, and I was telling him what I had beard in my store; that it was the intention to murder the prosecuting witners tor the government; I know that gentlewen (Mr, Tiernan) by sight, he tald me he was a member of the Robert met Club; said the club was not pie nering, Here the testimony for the prosecution closed. TESTIMONY FOR THE DEFENCE. Capt. O'Dowd called. Mr, Sage (producing a copy of the Douay Bible, with large cross wafered on the cover)—I wish the witness to be sworn on this book, if he regards it as more bindiag than any other form. Mr. Piatt protested. He wanted to know if Sage had trumped up one of his Protestant Bibles, and stuck » crors onit. Mr, Sege—It is the Douay Bible. ‘The Court— Witness, do you consider the ususl form of oath with uptifted hand aé obligatory as any other? A. Yea. Tam a Catholic, and I z £ i tir. Pintt—I am a Catholic. fake this as wn insult to a large and reapectable part of the community, ‘The Court—The question was a proper one. Mr. O"Nefl—Whether the Bible is St. Jamee’ version or sny other version, 4 Catholic considers an oath upon it as obligatory as any other. Witness—I was present at » conversation betwoen Bar- “pour and Capt. Riedy « few weeks since. Barbour com- pained of Tiornen for getting eight dollars from him to- waids arming a company for Irelaud, Riedy told Bar- bour to demand s re‘urn of the eight dollars from ‘Tiernan, ond if it was pot returned, he should report him to the Emigrant Aid Association, for it would not allow any member to raise money for any such purpose. ‘The Washington Batallion is over a year old, is composed of the Sarsfield Guards, Sarsfield Artillery, Queen Cit Cadets, Republican Guards snd Sbicld’s Guarda. Thia Batallion was disarmed by General Sargent; the Queen Gity Cadets are nearly two years old; they have no arma. ‘The Attuck Blues are an independent company of blacks; they had arms, State arma I thiuk. The Washiegton Bs. tallion is a part of the Ohio militia, organized for the de- fence of the state. (Here a bench in the back part of the room, on which twenty or thirty bystanders were etanding, broke with a crash, preducing great confusion.) The’ Marshal—Gentlemen, you cannot stay in the room and keep it in an uproar; you that won’t take seuts, walk out—walk out, gentlemen. Mr. Piatt (To the Court)—I want to know if these bystanders are to be turned out, sir? ‘The Court—Not those that will be orderly. Marshal Filic—Walk out. gentlemen, walk out. Mr. Piatt—Sir, it citizens are to be’ turned out, I de. mand that everybody be turned out except those engaged in this triol. Tdemand that Bowecroft, the British Con- sul, be turneo out. The Court—We shell take no such order. Noone who in orderly will be exsluded from the room. Mr. Piatt—Very well, then, sir. Colonel Peter J. Sullivan called. Have been s lawyer of some reven or Fight years’ standiog; was colonel in the Ohio will-ia; resigned on account of my disapproval of the course of Giovernor Medill have done more to sustain the Ohio militia in Cincinnati than any other man; General Sergent thinks he has done the most; the Washington Battation was disarmed; know toast Captain ‘Tiernan applied to Governor Medill for » captain’s com. mission; heard that some {charges had been preferred against Tiernan, ‘Mr. Groesbeck— What countryman is Col. Kennett? A. Kennett is « Russian, I believe. CAPTAIN BURKE’S INTERVIEW WITH THE BRITISH CONSUL. John MeGroarty, called—I was never a member of the Robert Emmet Cluo; never was in their roomat the time Q. (by Piatt.) Were you at Consul Rowecroft’s last night? A. I wes; I supposed it war an interview every way proper, and that it was private; from being callea upon now, { suppore we were watched; Captain Burke wes requested to go up tothe Consul’s by Dr. Carrick; Burke aeked me to go along; Mr. Rowecrott met Mr. Burke as though the interview had been at request of Carrick; Rowecroft said to Burke, “I am sorry that a young man of your previous good character should get in such a scrape as this; sorry on account of the good standing of your famiyy in the old country; I do not want or expect you (addressing Mr. Burke) to inform on your scciety, or come en the stand to give eviaence against them; I should despise you if you turmed informer.’ ‘Mr, Rowecrott farther told Mr. Barke thst he—Barke— cowid “ sleep on it,” and then suggest some plan by which he could get out of the scrape; that he—Rowe- croft—wonld, in writing to his government, state that he had, so for ak he was ov Aiscontinued the prose- cution of Burke on account of his youth ani good cha- racter; the Consul suggested no plan by which Burke could get cut of the xcrape, but appeared to be acting fincerely anda friendly part; I understood that Rewe- croft had eent for Burke at the suggestion of Dr. Carrick. Capt. Burke—Did I not say to you last night it should be s matter of honor with us, not to speak any- where or to apybody about the conversation with Mr. Roweorofty A. It was; I do not know how I came to be calied to te stand; on leaving the Consul’s house Dr. Carrick thinked Rowecroft for his kindnees to his friend —Capt. Burke—and regretted that a different result had not deen attained. Capt. Burke did not suggest any plan by which he could be relieved from his present difficulties, Q. By Piatt—Didn’t the Consul say he would get the forgivencss or excusing of Burke by his government? A. No, sir, he did not; said he would excuse the matter if Burke expressed contrition, or something to that effect. t took & recesn. AFERRNOON SESBION. Michael M. Keating called and sworn—I was one of the first members of the Irish Emigrant Aid Association; 1 was one of its fonnders; our object was to unite old and young Ireland for one particular view, end that was to get up an American Jontenoy in the event of trouble between America and ind; we vere particular to do do nothing that would compromise us with this Cay eorgh. or this government with Rng- land; Ileftthe Emmet Club on account of difficulties with » member; the Emmet Club had nothing to do with any military organization as auch; some members belong- ed to military companies. Crora-examined.—I resigned, but attended some meet- ings af-erward; members were sworn in with the Ameri- can fiag in their hands; the object of the society was to harmonize Irish; [left on account of a personal difficulty; heard Mr. Hyde timulating speech tothe associa- tion, telling them liketfhood of a difficulty between the United States and England, and to be ready, in that event, for the aid ot Ireland. J. J, Burns called—All the members of the axsociation have been absolved from their oaths, so that they could tify freely in this case; I was a member; I belong to the Methodist church; all rel might belong to the Fmmet Club; I wase regular attendant of the meetings; saw Barbour always; the Club is totally disconnected with any military company; Mr. Lumaden, nor any other member, ever carried a motion to buy arms for the inva- elon of Ireland; rome tion to buy arms was once made, but the Prerdent, Mr. Halpin, thumped to order, and saia no ll pe oo could be discussed in the asrociation; I he Lumaden make the referred to by Barbour: Lumsden said the Irish in America had become liberalized, and ought now to meet without dis- tinction of party or creed, and this would unite the Irish in the old country; not a syllable was ever said in the Club about the present difiiculties of England in the Crimea; some newspaper articies have been read; Lums- den, on his return from New York, said there were some ‘things he eould not say there, because the spies of the Foglish would. be dogging ‘them; nothing was ever said in the meetings of the Club sbout taking advantage of the present difficulties between England and Ri positive of this; the Emmet Club have held meetings neatly every night since the beginning of this trial; we resolved that the touch of Barbour would be poison, and no one would touch him, Mr. Piatt—And the British Consul was put here to todo the ‘irty work of his government, and wan’t to blame? Witnese—And wan’t to blame. Andy McCune called—1 know that the Emmet Cinb nor the Washington Battalion, nor any company ordered the eulogy on Capt. Conahan; it was » public meeting. Mr. Page—Will you look at title of this pamphlet? A. No, there’s no use of that; | know all about that meeting; I know it was a general meeting. ‘To Mr. Halpin—The call ior the mecting that appoint- ed you to deliver the address, was public call in the newspapers for & of the friends of Capt. Conahan, Capt. Moore calied—The Washi Battalion wan de- prived of its orms; the Shields’ Guard started to buy arma; 1 gave them $10, but expressed the hope that they would buy uniforma, and not arms—that I it the State ought to furnish arms to her militia; I nearly arranged with General Sargent to have the arma returned on condition that the battal paid the court expenses; each company to pay 85 for counsel fees; Lumsden is one of our best citizens, #018 Galpin and the other defend- ants, #0 far aa they are known to me; I ought to bean 1 Fpiscopalian; am partial to the Pres m8. ‘Col. Miner call There ia a pi pen in the United Staten courts against Consul ) one charge of violating the neutrality laws. Edward Dalton calle’—I was present at the Hamilton meeting testified to by Barbour; am positive that Captain Burke did not state that the object of the Irish fmt- grant Aid Society wan raise men and arms with which to invade [reland; a patt of Barbour’s testimony was cor- rect. Cross-examined—I opposed the raising of arms and money for Ireland, and opposed the organization of an Kemet Club, because of its sesre<y, and beowuse [ had YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, JANUARY 15, 1856. heard the object was te invade Ireland; juin Burne SS tien eee seenes seeeea temeted Sethoman te America; if Tire breed and organised, they cowl of ford great to ald Ireland in the event of war Eng. land and 5 Burke 4 of the mis- 5 | for the prosecution; no one told mewo; | come on the stand, because I was charged with being in the pay of Consul Rowecroft, and Fee to free myself from such an imputation by my stumony. At the request of Mr. Groesbeck, the letter addressed tothe ‘Irish Emigrant Association,”’ was opened and found to be a bill for rent. Court adjourned till 10 A. M. to-morrow. Our Washington Correspondence. Wasuincton, Jan. 8, 1856. Celdration of the Kighth—The Nahonal Democratic Com- mittee—Old Soldiers’ Convention— Visit to the President— Bening Searion—Deba'es and Resobutions—Attack on the | Commissioner of Pensions—Governor Whittlesey to the | Resoue—Grave of President Madison--Resolution in Re- lation Thereto—Jackson Association—Speeches from the Leaders— Funeral of Know Nothingism--Sleighing Extra- ordinary, d.c, de., de. Whi Shall not we thy notes prolong, Hallowed jubiiee? Even the national Congress adjourned over in honor 0 the glorious Eighth—that day on which Andrew Jackson, in flashes of lightning and peals ot thunder, proclaimed his true character to an astonished world. The strife o party conflict was hushed for the day, and Washington presented the appearance of a national holiday; a rest from all public labor, anda general re-union of all th lovers of tree inatitutions. ‘The first meeting held im honor of the day was by tho National Democratic Committee, which convened at noon, at the National Hotel, pursuant to notice, and an account of which I gave you in my despatch of to-day. ‘The meeting of the committee was entirely harmonious, and no action was had excepting what was strictiy legiti- mate pursuant to the call—the fixing of the day for as- sembling the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati. After the adjournment, the veterans of the war of 1812-15 formed in line, numbering about four hundred, and marched to the executive mansion to paytheir respects to the President of the United States. In the line I noticed Captain Peter Wilson, a Sachem of the Oneidas, and Captain Samuel George,’ an Onondaga chief, both udily painted and plumed, and the centre of attraction, ‘The following was the ORDER O¥ THE LINK: Military escort of the District Volunteers, Col, William Hickey commanding. brie rag American Flag. Color Guard, ender command of Major George MeNeir, viz:— Gen. G. W. P. Custis, Capt. Samuel George, Mejor Geo. Peter, Col. Edward Brook, Gen. Leslie Combs, Gen. E. C, Carrigan, Judge Collamer, Col. J. F. Hamtranck, Mejor Holman, Thos. G. Broughton, Esq., Gen. Jacob Markle, Charles A. Grier, Eaq., Col, Harvey Baldwin, John 8. Gallagher, Esq., Capt, Thomas Brownell, Jacob Gidson, Esq., Col. L. C. Judaon, Cal. W. W, Seaton, Gen, Hugh Ely, Col. Jobn 5, Williama, Hon. Thomas Franklin, Dr. Wm. Jcnes, Gen, B. C. Howard, Gen. Geo. Biscoe, Capt. Peter Wilson, Col. J. L. Rdwarda. With the formation of this line of gallsot heroes of that war which terminated so gloriously to the country, and #0 honorably to thenuelves, on the day—the forty-first anniverrary of which they had now assemoled to cele- brate—the celebration really commenced. The weathor beaten plumes, tarnished epaulets, battered awords and old fashioned cockades, all spoke of days gone by—‘‘the days which tried men’s souls’’—and made the blood course quick and strong throvgh our more youthful veins, a8 we remembered the causes leading to the war of 1812, and the toil, privation aud suffering it caused our fathers. ‘The thrilling notes of martial music fied the air as the procession ot Veterans moyed on towards the President's house, where, upon their arrival, they were handsomely received by President Merce, in a neat and appropriate speech, in reply to one from Judge Sutherland, of Pean- tylvania, who «poke for the convention of soldiers. Awong these were many who bad never before greeted his Exce'iency, and the comments of some were amusing. One New Yorker, who was rather overcome by his feel- ings ct admiration, exclaimed, “The folks up my way say Frank Pierce is nobody, but for my part I shoula guess he was some pumpkins;? and you know that the President's great forte is in saying pretty taings on puch occasions. The addrews ot Judge Suther- land was also a most happy effort, and was listened to with marked attention. After making an exploration of the Rxecutive mansion—inspecting its rich drapery and the gorgeous ‘east room,” with its magnificent carpet and costly chandeliers, mirrors, and curtains—the Con- vention took up the line of march, and returned to the Odd Fellows’ Hall, where an EVENING SESSION was bad, aud where there was much able and interest- ing debating on a series of resolutions offered by General Leslie Combe, of Kentucky, the chairman of the com- mittee appointed for the pur, The venerable Custis was the first to occupy the stand, and the fact of his having been a member of Gen Washington’s family—his adopted child—secnred him the undivided attention of the crowd which tnronged the hall. He welcomed the old soldiers to the national capital, and exclaimed— ‘Colmbia | Columbia! to glory atise— ‘The queen ot the world—the child of the skies! America—said the old man eloquent—has been engaged in several wars, but always ata vast disadvantage. It wanted, however, but a day to make an Americana sol- dier. Whence came your heroes of the Revolution? From any place but the military school. Where was your science on the 8th of January, 18157 A proud and baugbty foe who had been successful over Europe, invaded our sotl, but he was ¢emolished at New Orleans. This was no victory—that term does not apoly. It was only the anvibilation of the flower of Wellington’s boasted army. General Custis added, he had seen the sunrise of this republic in benignant splendor—he had seen it in its meridian +plendor—should he see it again sink in bioody night, to rise no more fereve:! Here the old get tleman exbibited much feeling, and, quite overcome, wept, while the convention sent up six dea‘ening cheers for the ‘Sage of Ar! 7? Here, General Combs being called for, rose end intro- duced the following preamble and resolutions:— SOLDIERS OF THE WAR OF 1812-’15, IN CONVENTION AT WASHINGTON, JANUARY 8, 1856:—Another year haa rolled over our heads since our last assemblage in this ciy, and many of those who then participated with us in our deliberations have since been numbered with the dead. We mourn their lows and venerate their memory, How many of us may live to see the next anniversary of this glorious day, God only knows. ‘We hope to be ready for our destiny whenever it may come upon us. While we live, it is our duty to serve our country whenever called on, and do everything in our recommended that | anpropriate ‘statue erected to hin in thia city. 1. Resolved, Tha power to ‘uate our free institutions for our posterity, ba pure and untarnished an they were handed down to ua by the father of his country and his illustrisus co-labor- ets in the cause of human liberty. It is our special duty to cherish in our hearts and follow the fraternal ta pelurcay poe contained in his farewell address. In immortal document he inculcates the indispensable ne- cessity of our ‘ unien,” under ene general government, ifwe to prererve our liberty. ““To the efficacy and permanency of your Union agovern- ment for the whole is indispensable. 9 * * # Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, ac- quiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the tundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our po- litical system is the right of the peeple to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the consti- tution which at the time exists, till cha: by an ex- plicit and autbentic act of the whole people, is sacredly Obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power aud right of the ple to establish government, juppoxes the duty of every individual to obey the established govern- ment. All obstructions to the execution of the laws; all com- binations and associetions, uncer whatever plausi>le cha- racter, with the real design to directly control, counter- act, or awe the regular deliberation and ponte of the constituted suthorities, are destructive of this funda- mental prineiple, and of fatal tendency.” ‘Ther , be it— J. Resolved, That having solemnly sworn, when we first entered into the service of our country, to support and sustain the Constitution of the United States, in the hope and expectation to enjoy the many blessings and ad- vanteges it was designed to secure, we will honestly per- io ro tin mel it enjoins, and not from the luties poses w) ua. 2, Resolved, That we have witnessed with pleasure the efferts now making in Con; for the final settlement and payment of our jutionary debt. We consider that our government is under the most solemn ob! trons to carry out the of the Contineatal gress, as contained in the resolutions of Oct. 21, 1780; Jon, 7, 1781, snd March 8, 1785, to the officers of the revolutionary army, the Pay. for life, to which they were entitled under those resolutions, for the pay- ment of which the faith of the nation was pledged, and all thore Senators and members who have taken an active interest in behalf of the officers of the revclation, their widows and children, are entitled to the thanks and grati- tude of the country, 8. Resolved, That our ape i acknowledgments are due to the last Congress ite enactments in our be- half, although not carriad to the extent of our hopes and expectations; and we earnestly petition the present one to supply the omlasions of the former, by providing for the declining years of the soldiers of our second war of independence, as was done for those of the revolutionary war. 4. Resolved, That all pensions for wounds or injuries received while in the line of duty in the military and naval service of the United States, instead of commencing at the completion Ae take Mh 4 peeked Pension Office, every principle of justice, commence at and rom the date of the disability; and in case ot the death of the invalid, any arrears ot pension due him should be paid to his widow; and in case of her death, to the surviving children. 6. Resolved, That the subsequent marriage of a widow who was entitled to a pace, or bounty land in virtue of any law of the United States, should not prevent her from recetving such Capen or Iand, ded she be othorwine entitied to © same; nor should the law render it necesrary that she be a widow at tho time of her appli- cation. 6, Resolved, That the Bounty Land act of March 3, 1855, ought to be amended, #0 a8 to embrace the children of any person, who, initving. ‘would be entitled to boun' land ‘under well as his ‘ minor children,” ‘and that thone soldiers of the war of 1812, who enlisted for five yoars or during the war. and served until dis- charged in consequence of disability, or by reason of the expiration of their term, ought to receive s grant of 160 acres of land in addition to what they have already re- covived, 7, Resclved, That we protest against t'e stringent eon. ao i ts a A ail priscns during an; ion of the war 0. Resoly is Tat Taaamoch a many g & { eR 9 z s 3 | 3 £ 5 = z E: eB hi F mer Resolved, That it is due to the Madison, Prosident of the United declaration of war Great eaal; 3 ¢ i : : 5 EE i ifel tor thirty days, in token of Sax companions, in arms who vention. In the adoption of these resolutions, Gen. Combs warvery scrore apon the legiaativoand exeoative branches of the general t; and on the seventh resolu- ton coming up fraction, Hon, Rama Warman, Oome- troller of the Treasury, opposed it ss sn unworthy tempt to condemn a worthy public mitting him to be heard, and condemning him too fer net executing the law in a manner violative of the la to peng eponepem It the Leis let the blow, if any, be aimed a! Surenee head of an executive officer. The ition was accoré- ingly modified. ‘Mr. Dorsey, of the District of Columbia, offered the fot- ioe preamble and resolution, relative to the grave ef [adison:— Whereas, We, as members of the Convention of Sel- diers of the War of 1812, have learned with end re- gret that the mortal remains of our veveral and mander-in-Chief during saiiwar, James Madisom, je lie neglected, baw — —_ to mark the apes where reposes the illustrious ; ant Whereas, We, who were cotemporary with, and served under bim, fully appreciating the si and distinguixh- ed vervices rendered by him towat try in the struggle for liberty during the Revolution, im the war of 1815; and in the various and trying positions embracing a lifetime of devotion to the cause of fresdoa and the republic—therefore be it Resolved, That a committee of thirteen be appointed by the Chair, to prepare an address, and to suggest suche ways and means as in their judgment may seem fit, te- wards the object of erecting a monument over his grave at Monticello, Va., with suitable devices and inscriptions commemorative of his life and public services, and as & further mark of respect to his memory, that said committee be requested to oause the remains of his beloved wife te be removed from the'Congregational burial grounds and be aoe ¥, hia siae, in compliance with her expressed wish whilst living. ‘This Seqotntion was objected, to by Gen. Rusr, of Vée~ ginia, on the ground that he questionits trathfalness, and e thought Virginia was able to take care of her owm dead. He would consider ita adoption as a stain upem his State, and hoped the mover would with iraw it. As I have satisfied myself of the entire truth of the pre- awble and resolution, Ihave here inserted both, althougi they were withdrawn by Mr. Dorsey. Itis smatter of la- teresting public history, and should be given to the public. Will not some steps be taken either by Virginia or by the federal government to mark the spot where les the “father of the political spirit of our country?” Virginia should look to this; if not. Congresa must. The eenvention appointed a committee of three to carry out the resolutions, and then adjourned. So musta for this portion of the ‘8 ‘doings’? by the war party. Ass kind of finishing touch to the festivities st national capital on the ‘Fighth,” I would mention the extraordinary sleiguing presented on Pernsylvanis ave- nue this atternoon. You must know that are not very common bere, owing to the fact that snow seldos falls of sufficient depth to justify their use. During the pest several days numbers have been introduced here from Northern cities, and this afternoon the aveuue presented quite a scene.’ The sleighs were so thick they could with difficulty pass. The drivers were —— drunk, with a corresponding crowd yelling and shouting. Many of them carried small bands of music, and several: mounted “organ grinders,” much to the amusement of the pedestrians of the sicewslks. It seemed to be the saturnalia of slegbing—such a one as was never wit- nessed bere betore, and I hope may never be again. ‘The fancy women of the metropolis turned out en masse, and for a while monopolized the principal thoroughfares with ‘six in hand,” trimmed in brilliant colors. Thue elosed the torty-firat anniversary of the memorable — of January in Washington. Wasuinctox, Jan. 9, 1868, Action of the National Democratic Convention—Delegates Stick to their Duties—The Jackson Democrats in Counct— Nicaragua Politics—Colonel Forney and the Senate Print- ing—Will the President take Him in His Arms ? The National Democratic Committee met yesterday, at noon, and organized by selecting the Hon. Mr. McLane, of Maryland, as chairman. Several motions were made to adjourn over until to-dsy, but without success. A sub-committee was then selected to report on the day fer the megting of the National Convention at Cincinnati, and the first Monday in June next was unanimously agreed npon as the day for the assembling of the conven tion. It will be seen that the committee would not per mit iteelf to be led away from the rigid and legitimase duties which it had beem selected to act upon. Varions ¢fforts bad been made to get members to introduce a resoluticn approving of the President’s message, but when it was ascertained that a majority could not be gut in favor of its passage, it was wisely considered to let it pass. The 8th closed with a meeting of the so-called Jacksom democrats of the city, which was addressed by Cobb of Georgia, and others. The members constituting this Jackson club are largely composed of office holders and expectants. Hence the necessity for such ridiculous resolutions as occasionat remedies them, eul Pierce, ard pronouncing his administration ‘unmet by any previous administration since the of We ington. Unmatched, truly! And it is to be hoped that this country will be permitted to rum its career without encountering again such another President as Pierce, or be incumbered by such another administration as the resent one. A penny sheet printed in “this city, publishes in ite esday’s edition what purports to be a letter from some on in Nicaragua, who loudly declaims against the Valker government, and proneunces the expedition as worthily entitled to the name and honor of thieves. letter originated here, and was written in this elty; the object, as can be seen in the unmeasured apuse indulged in by the writer, is to Prejudice opinion sgetnst Colonel French and his mission. Would it not have been eq’ ous for the publisher of this libel to have inf us readers of all the fasts connected with this harmless caricature? The poltical position of the party wri the sme was to be benelited by its publication, and addi- ttonal sympathy for him and his “unhappy country’? waa to be elicited, as a matter of course, in col- leagues, upon its perusal. It will require another effort to be made by this diplomatic correspondent, before hia scheme succeeds; and even then he may fail in attaining his objest. Papers have thetr prices in and about this city, as well as politicians have; but there are many honorable ex is to this charge, and these, of course, we not A of a at a ee 8. on aide eattoees ‘orney has still hopes of getting tl ve print The President permits no one to him, havi ia fluence, to w Tabs Keowi hid edvaost desires in the matter. Toucey, the Jeader of Forney im the Senate, thinks he can eount upon the conversion of two pe ‘to his io aoumueee eon waeeeee upon its selection t the mensage, s being all over, Mr. Tucker will, nevertheless, be s gainer; for there are four Senators who voted for Forney who are now prepared to their votes for the Seniinel when the question of printer shall properly come before them. ‘Forney’s prestige is coming to a rapid and unfortunate close. Stripped of almost untold patronage and power, he will shortly be reduced to» plain s' with his fellowdemocrats. Gen. Pierce, imitating the disinterested avowal of Cochrane of New York, may be disposed to take Forney in his arms; but before long he will bave to drop him, on finding him a dead weight. OTHER CORRESPONDENCE. [Correspondence of the Albany Journal. pe Vee fo mas Dec. 29, 1866. How Speaker. Some of the phic and other published reports give an erroneous impreysion of the method of voting for Speaker Wy peak of itas .” ‘The process in this:—A deputy clerk rises, and and pronounces the full name of each member—‘Mr. Wiliam. Aiken,’’ ‘ Mr. Charles J. Albright,’’ it three times, if there is no res ; and so on in order through the two hundred and thi: » As name is called, the member answers aloud “ Bank explanation or remack ts, sano Ta rederonon his vote, or to ° to he makes it at the same time, After the roll has heen gone through with, those who were absent or did not vote. when their names were calied re are always ten or a dozen such) rise and request their votes to be recor which done. A seoond deputy has tally om a which he now over to one who called the roll, He reads: “ who voted tor Mr. are Mesara. —," be, ba, and go on with reference to the others. This reospitula- hooct treaty. k nns Speettadite W tod eee Ree wenty. 8 unt now ang Absentee to vecordhin vote. third tin a who has been counting up, hands the 7 haul gre the oe be he announces, ‘ Banks, 103; ‘An idea may be formed fcom this how todious the pre- cess is. Six callings of the roll, without debate, oe- cupy as much time as is usually spent in a daily session. Of courte, ' ten Lyne —a can waste im un and ur can to be wasted in Calling the’ yeas abd nays on, frivolous motions, is so much towards postponing an election for another day. rane it she right Mie of the Howse Theses things sit on the C , on the left, though there are of course exceptions. An the long speeches come, it be from the right. All the charges of ‘ ” of ‘‘disantom, * nonsensical chai | explana- tens,” pearly 140 take @ recess,” and ealls ” come frou the narter. of these is die pond of begins of ‘Cail the rolli—cail the roll increases in volume until the roll is called. This ot the oup- tery pratt is 5 on the other side to frastrate: ‘are the noticeable things in the Surveys m Kansas AND Nusrasxa,—Tho sar- yeys in these Territories are progressing and @ large number of bonds and contracts (most of he subdividing townships and running have been received by the Commissioner of the Land Office, from the Surveyor General of these within he last week, it