The New York Herald Newspaper, January 10, 1856, Page 2

2 THE NEXT'PRESIDENCY. First General Chapter of Extracts for the Year 18566. INTERESTING MOVEMENTS FOR THE SUCCESSION, Official Transactions--Views and Speculations of the Newspaper Press, &e., a, &e. American State Council of Penuosylvanta, THEY STICK TO THE TWELFTH SECTION. We have received a copy of the “ Minutes of the State Council of Pennsylvania (K.N.) and their proceedings, approving and endorsing the National Platform, (including, especially, the 12th sec- tion,) together with the Address to the Subordinate Councils.” These proceedings took place at a spe- cial session of the State Council, held at Philadel. phia, commencing on the 18th December, 1855, and \erminating on the 20th. Among their other reso- utions is the following, which has direct reference to the address that follows:— Resolved, That the minutes purporting to be the pro- ecedings of the State Council of Penvsylvania, which as- sempbled at Reading, on the Sd inst., disclose tne tact of the secession from the national organization of a large number of those in attendance, who have repudiated ihe jational Council and disowned its authority, and that, therefore, their entire proceedings are, in the opinion of this State Council, dirorganizing, and’ are hereby repu- @ated and disavowed. ‘Janvany 1, 1856,—The State Connci! assembled at the Hall of the Sons of Awerica, in Philadelphia, northeast corner of seventh and Sansom streets, and aojoumned, to meet again at the same place on the 16th day of February mext, 10 which mecting all delegates vepresentiag coun- dls Who stand upem the national plat‘orm, aze invited. E, POULSON, Secretary. ‘The following is the address adoptea by’ the council, and ordered to be published:— ‘70 THE SUBORDINATE COUNCILS IN THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA. ‘The American State Council having concluded an in- teresting and imporwat session at !biladelphia, have deemed it expedient to addressto yon a few remarks in reference to the condition of the American in this State. It is known to you tbat the ational Convention, which assembled ‘im June las®, adopted @ platform of principles of a highly conservalive end pa*iona! character, which, it was hopes, ‘would be aceeptable to the great body of the American erder. This platform asserted, in its twelfth section, the doetrine of non intervention upon the subject of slavery and declared that the American party, a: a party, bad no connection with that issue, and was not responsible for the existing legislation on the subject, enactments of Congress bad been passed by the two old parties. It was the simple assertion of tue doctrine, that the American party was not created with reference to apy local or sectional question, and did not mean to entazgle itself with the vexed and complicated question of slavery. The wisdom of such a course of proeedure was ‘obvious to ail who bad reflected upon theeubject, as it !eft the party to rely upen its owngreat principles for success, and permitted its members, upon the irritating question ‘of slavery, to vote and act according to their own consci- entious convictions of truth and duty. Tais course, so ebviously politic and just, was not satisfactory to the tes fiom some of our sister States, and ‘they en- eavored to construct @ platform which should commit the party to a specific course on the question of slavery, and, as far as possibie, give to it the direction of a sec- tional or Northern party. This view of the question was agitated und sustained by brethren belonging to our Oraer, who were more intent upon restrainiag or abulish- ing the institution of slavery than they were upon car- xying ont the peculiar and distinctive objects of the Ame- riean organization, viz., the establisnment of the doctrine ‘that Americans only should rule America, and that the maturaliations laws should be changed. Failing in the accom, mnt of their cherished objects, these brethren seceded from the national bedy, and refused to recognize and submit to the authority of the majority. Or the seven celegates from Pennsylvania, two were in favor of ‘the non-intervention or Pniledelphia platform, ani the remaining five favored the sectional or Northern platform, to which allusion has been made. This was the condition of thirgs when the State Council of Pennsyi- ‘vania assembled at Reading on the 3d of Jaly, 1855, and the questicn of secepting or rejecting the nationa) plat- form was vrought up in that body for consideration. ‘There were two hundred and one delegates from subordi- nate councils in attendance at Reading, of whom more than one half were from the county ot alleghany alone. The five delegates to the National Council wao were in favor of a sectional platform made a report ecbodying their views, and characterizing the plattorm of the ma- jority of the National Council as pro-siavery platform, ‘and refusing to endorse or sustain iz. Phe whole sud- ject wae referred toa committee of thirteen, and three reports were made. Brother C. N. Sisty sudmitted the platform to the national body, and on the mo- tion ‘for its. adop'ion, Brother Wise, of Lancaster, ealled the previous question, and the national men were refused even the privilege of speech, and were not permicted to express their views upon the floor. Oa the call of the yeas and nays, the Piattorm ‘was rejected there being thirty vores in tavor of it, and one uundred and seventy-one against it. The only delegates Philadelphia who voted against the nationa ‘were brothers Gifford, Farrand, Gosler, Mecke, W and Cooper. The minority report, made by brot Jer, was then taken up and adopted, by a vote of one Jbundred and thirty-eight in favor, to fifty- hree against ft. It struck out the twelfth ion of the national platform, and in lieu of it inserted a section which de- elared ‘‘ the repeal of the Missouri compromise to be an infraction of the plightea faith of the mation, and that it should be restoreo, and that if efforts to that end should fail, Congress should refuse to adit any State tolerating slavery, which should be formed out of any portion o the Territory from which slavery was excluded by that It will be perceived that the foregoing vote in tle State Council abrogated the non-intervention principle of the national plaiform, and committed the American party to a sectional platform upon which it was impossibie for the South or middle States to stand. The object of the Na- tional Council had been to exclude the question of sla- altogether from consideration, while that of tue State Council, on the contrary, manifested a devermfas- tion to commit the Ocrcer to a specific course in respect to it, aud that course one of the most objectionsole character. ‘here can be no doubt that the design to connect the question of slavery with the delidera- tions of the American party had been concocted pre- ‘vious to the assembling of the council at Reading, by those who sympathised with the free soi! and abolition movements, and the council was largely packed with delegates who favored this measure and who seemed determined to carry out their views Without any regard to the consequences that might en- sue. In other words, the deegates who favored the platform of Mr. Gosler considered the question of slavery as of primary importance, and the principles of American- iam as only subordinate or secondary. Entertaining these views, and imagining that a connection with out- nide issues would macrease the probabilities ef succes at the polls, the measures which favored them were adopted large majorities. and marked and decided personal in- Sienttiee were inflicted upon those who attempted, in any ‘way, 10 delay or arrest the progress of these unfortunate and fatal acts. It was boldly asserted oy those who favored the sectional platiorm that it would be imposs\- Ble to carry the vote of Pennsylvania for the American party, unless the quesion of restoring the Mis- pouri’ compromise was connected with its pria- ciples; and if that were done, our majorities ‘woud be largely increesed in every seciion of the e. Those who opposed this view of the matter 3 insisted that just the opposite results would follow, and that the effect of making slavery a question in the com- ing contest would be to impair our hope of succeeding as ‘a national party, and that the people of the Keystone State never would consent to stand upon apy sectional platform. That her citizens were loyal to the constitu- tion and its compromises, and to the Union, and that any project which bad for its object the arraying of any por tion of the citizens of the United States against the other, ‘would most certainly and signally fail. That the only safe ag well as honorable course towards ali the members ‘of the Order in the State was to permit each brother to ‘vote upon this ond all other outside issues, according t» the dictates of bis own conscience, and that the obviously prudent method was to avoid altogether the question of slavery and every other outside issue. All these remon- strances ana appeals were disregarded, and the Counci) was treated with indignity and insubor and the p.atiorm it bad passed set aide, without sedate to make room for ore upon which it was impossigle to zally the party. What consequences resulted to th ‘American cause in this State, irom the commission o: these acts, will be seen hereafter. Up ‘o the period of the rejection of the national plat form by the fending Council, no idea of the secession of any portion of its mevabers was entertained; and bad the council con{ined itself to the commission of that act slune, ard to the substitution of another piatform, it is proba- ble that no disruption of the organization would have taken place. Avother step was determined on, and car ried through the council, which precipitates matiers co a crisis, and exbibited an entire want of respest towards the national bocy. It was the resolution for the call of @ convention at Cincinnsti of 'l the state councils in the confederacy who were willing to concur im the plat- form adopted by the State of Pennyylvania for the pur- of concerting measures to secure the nomination, ia the convention called by the Naticn Couneil of caudi- dates for President and Vice President wno were wiling to stand upon it. ‘This atvempt to turn the American movement into a rectional and Northern party, by creating a concert of ‘anion between the States willing to stand upon the I’ena- ayivania platform sgainst such as wished to occupy more national ground, alone created and produced the divisir in the State Council, It was. bold and wicked attemp: to foresta)| the action of the Nominating Council, acd, in advance of its deliberations, caucus tur nominees for President and Vice President of the United States, who should be pledged before the country to sectional ‘and local issues. The iniquity of such & move- ment, apart from its want of policy, and ite unfair- ness towards all the States of the | nion not included in the invitation, ought at once to have caured its rej . But no such spirit infa ita projectors, As if fatally bent on ruin, they pushed their measures to an extremity, and no entreaties ‘or expostolations could iaduce them to withdraw or mo- ify their resolution, The question was taken and de cided in the affirmative. At this it in the rixtory of the dings of the Reading Council, the diticulties whieh have since embarrassed eur movements in Penn- ayivania commensec. |: exhibited the fact tha‘ a ma- jority of the detegates who had gone to Reading had be- ‘come insubordinate in their feelings and acte towards the Wational Couneil, had repudiated its laws and jurisdic- tien, hed entabliahed & nations! platform different frem that to which ® majority of the States in the Wien had given their assent, aod bed, in addition, . NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, JANUARY 10, 1856. carried their overt acts ‘of rebellion to the extent ef bg a im advance of the one txed by national dedy, for the avowed purpose of fore- ati = —_ aud a bg gr orogmnne’ ‘The beld and vefiant manner ia w! these acts were consummated could no longer be endured, and bug one SSistuns veucisel ae teeseniet emt reemrd ti lors ol tions req! respect regard the laws and authority of the National Council. It was to permit the parties who, by theic acts and conduct, had with- drawn from the body, to proceed with the mea- sures they bad assembled to consummate, without tur- ther to bring them to a sense of right, and. on their wh! wal from the hall ot meeting, proceed with the and legitimate business of the State Counedl. method was accordingly adopted, and Joseph W. Hunsicker, Ksq., of Monigomery county, was seiected as President pro tempore, in the absence of Brother Tif- fany, from + The actampanying minutes of the of the State Council, held im Philadelphia om the 28th inst., contain « synopsis of the busin transacted by the regular State Couneil at Re: w pgp your attention is rat erp | invited. They are sti contrast with the acs and proceedings of the seced! , of which J. X. Eddy, Esq., purports to be the Presi¢ent, and whose measures, and that of {ts com- mittees, from the time of its secession at Reading to the present hour, have been a continued series of usurpa- tions subversive of the prosperity and well being of the Order. There acts we shail proceed to enumerate. ‘The resolution providing for the assembling of @ con- vention at Cincinnati fixed the period for meeting ou the 8th day of January, 1866, yet the committee of thirteea, without authority from any quarter, al'ered the time for its assembling ‘0 the 224 Cay of November last. It was an upautherized assumption of power by the committee against the express directions of the resolution passed b, the Eddy council. What confidence or respect, it may be asked, can be reposed in a couneil whose act aud committees supersede and set asite all prover ant necestary subordination to law and autnority’ The State Council openly and avowedly disregarded the na- tional platform, and its commitive of thirveen, imitated its example, and followed ont i's own will and pleasure, in entire disrerard of the positive directions of the resolution. This course of procedure became neces: sary for reasons that could not but be obvious to its projectors, Time, that iu its movement éissipates many illusions, wes beginning to perferm its office upon this, and it was becoming apparent that the Cincinnati Conyen- tion was not regarded with tavor by the American people. It was foreseen that, unless the time for assembling was accelerated, no delegates would be present except tae self constituted ones who undertook to misrepreseat the sentiments oi Penosylvania. Yo meet this contingency, an earlier day was fixed, and extracedinary efforts maie to have States represented. ‘The meoting at length took place, and the convention is admitted to have beena most signal and mortifying faiiure, its proceedingy being the object of merriment and leughter to those whose pati permitiedthem to peruse them. But nine out of the thirty-one States in the Union were represented, and but fifty-one delegutes were present, not halt the number which Alleghany county alone bad in attendance at the Reading Council. The newspapers of all political par- ties acteristically denominated it the “‘Bolter’s Convention,” and no true American bas must re- gret that any of our brethren suould have beea so lar deluded “as to participate in its delibera’ One good, however, may have resulted from the proj Its failure may serve to warn others of the fully or en- deavoring to establish sections! platforms or sectional parties in ‘he United States, andlead to the conviction of the truth that the only sure path to permanent polities! success is to be found in the steady and patriotic advo- cacy of grea national principles and measures. ‘The foregomg statement and exposition, it is to ba re- gretted, does not include all the assumptions of author: ty exercised by the seceding council, but others of a gtievons and serious character must be added t> the list, It is known to you that tne ‘subordinate councils, in compliance with the constitution of the Order, selec ed by popular vote Peter Martin, Léq., to be their candi: date for the office of Canal Commissioner. The eom- mittee of thirteen, to whom allusion has already deen mace, in violation of right, entered into an arrangement with the whig and republican committees of the State to withdraw our candidate from the field, and substituted Tromas Nicholson as the nominee in his stead. No authority to make the change had deen dele gated to this committee, und it created a deep feeling of mortification and regret amongst the oldest and most steadfast members of the Order. By very many it was deemed impolitic to enter into entangling allianzes with other parties, and by others considered an alarming and @angerous precedent. If sanc ioned by the party, unuu- thorized and seif-constituted committees might, on the eve of ageneral election, withdraw our candidates for county, State and national offices, and bargain and tra{- fic away our principles with outside and antagonistic parties. To acquiesce in so dangerous an assumption of authority was consicered perilous to the well being, if not to the very existence of the American order, and symptoms of dissatisfaction with the change became eve- rywhere apparent. Its consequences proved disastrous to the Lopes of the pertyan the ensuing ¢lection, and it is an evicence of returning sevse of right that those who, at the time, favored the course of the committee ot thirteen now admit that they were mistaken in their views. At the time of the withérawal of our candidate for Canal Commissioner, the sececing council was in session at Carlisle, and that body. by resolution, approved of the act of the committee cf thirteen, and sanctioned the no- mination of Mr. Nicholvyon. Perhaps a more decided as- sumption of wuthority bad never been attempted than was exercised by this couuei! in their attempt to legalize and gloss over this act of its committee. It found no au- thority in any existing usage, nor in the laws or consti- tution of tbe Orcer, Jt was a} variance with the fanda- mental principles of the organizatton. which carefully ex- cluded the State Council from partieipat ng in the 2omi- nation of ¢flicers, and expressly gave the waole power, in the penises, to the subordinate councils. It was @ just ard democratic principle, which onght not to have been infringed, and the course of the courcil a1 Carlisle inv ed the mode cf procedure indicated in our laws. The a tempt to assert and exercise such ap authority, in the ab- senee ofall precedent, ina case confided exclusively to the action of the subordinate councils (and upon which they had acted), was similar in its a eto the action of the same coureil at Reacing, when it disregarded and repu- diated the national platiorm. in case it defied the national constitution, in the o the State constitu- ion; and yet it asks to be considered by the law-abiding ra of the Order as the legally constituted State We leave you to j of tae justicec! s pre- beay. tensions by the character of We wish this long catal of the seceding council could be bro without further meation, on our p Unfortunate'y another feature in the proceedings pations on the part ‘at to a conclusion, of specific ects. thie cannot be done, for there reinains Carlisle, te which we regret we are compelied to allude. It consists in the persistent efiance of the dirvetions of the National Council, as exhibited in the selection made of delegates to the National Convention to nominate candidates tor President and Vice ont ‘Ine National Council, os you are a nominating delegates to be chosen in each Congressional district, and studiously sought to prese:ve in its purity the democratic principe of selecting nominees tor ofiice by the popular vote ot the Order. This repubii- can principle appears to have been especially obnoxious to the couneil of which Mr. Eddy is President; for, in two nstances, it aimed a ceadly blow @! the exercise ot popa- lar sovereignty, and eadeavored to concentrate as much ble in its own bands. One of these in- stances was the well known case of Peter Martin. He had been selected by the vote of the orcer for Cansi Com- missioner, yet his name was withdrawn, and toat of Thc mas Nicholson substituted, who was aot at the time of his selection a member of tue party. The other case was cbooring nominating delegates from every representative district in the State, for the purpose of packing the Nation- al Convention with persons who would carry out the weil known sbolition sentiments of the seceding council. This couree, it is weil known, was opposed to the express di- rections of the national body, and the council hoped that it would pass without rebuke. ‘The act was not iguo antlp committed, but was the result of a deliberate de- sign to use the machinery of the party to agcomplish their own selfish and wicked purpores. A_proclamasion has, however, been since issued by Hon. E. B. Bartiett, President of the National Council, Girecting the election of delegates in the represeatative districts, and showing that the proceedings of this self-constituted State Coal cil have found no favor with the officers of the nation body. ‘The foregoing statement, which we have presented for your consideration, exhibits some of the proceedings of the receding bocy, that, in the judgment ot this council, cunnot receive tle countenar ce or approval of the Order. ‘The narrative was prepared from a sense of duty to the American party, and it 18 hoped will enable all who read it to determine tor thempelves who is responsidle for the existing condition of things. That serious errors bave been committed in some quarters cannot de any longer concealed or denied. It is the part of wisdom, in view of this fact, to tetrace our steps, and get back as speedily as possible to the criginal landmarks of the party. No other alternative exists; and it the effort be made ins spirit of kindness and moleration, i: eannot fait of suecess. All who are truly American ia purposes and objects should — henceforth act upon the persuasion that slavery, end all other outside issues, should be excluded from our deliberations, The former is an irritating and acting question. it Las broken up or embi od, ail other political parties, and will assuredly jeoparo the suecess of our distinctive American doctrines, if we pe mit it Jonge : Non-inter- vention up tion of siavery, and a determined usion of every outside issye, can alone enable us to ‘ae a great national party. In view of these great , we evrnestly exaort all our brethren to come to the pure spirit of Amecicanism—‘o battle lor the distinctive doctrines of the party—to assiat im pla the government cnly in the hands of native born , and abreguting or extending the natarali When all these great measures of reform shall been accomplished, avd every office in the country, the highest to tne lowest, shail be filled only by na tives of the soil, then you will have abundance of leisure and opportunity to consider these outside meas- ures. Until that period arrives, we entreat you, for your own takes, for the sake ef your children, end above ail, for the sake of our beloved country and its free in- stitutions, to let all these outside issues alone. Above all, cling to the Union of the States—the consticution aad its compromises—just as it is. Consider that Union a4 the palladium of your freedom, and under no circum: stances do anything or countenance anything that would weaken or impair its stability. It is the last hope of freedom in the world , if the Federal Union should ve rent asunder by fanaticim and folly, there rewaine no other foot of soil upon earth upen which the experi- meni of self-government can ever be again tried. Be it, therefore, the peculiar object of the Amertean organiza- tion to guard and uphokl the Union of the States. If parrieidal bands should ever destroy it, and you should perish in the attempt to sustain and save it, it would be 4 glorious andan honored martyrdom, for with its over- throw would be extinguished the Inst hope of freedom for the human race. Remember that To fight In m just canse, and for our country's glory, in the best office of the best ot men, And to decline when these motives urgé Is infamy beneath a coward’s baseness, Purification of the American Party, [From the Philadelphia Sun, (American organ,) Jan. 5.) The hm pe American State Council, which was to have assembled at Huntingdon on Wednesday, was ro misera- 2 amen members adjourned to Altoona, where they went ough the faree of elect! a tes to the National Nominating Convention. 4! to ‘an act of impertinent mendacity by the follow- resolution:— "heesolved, That the Presidents. of subordinate coun:ils throughout the State be instructed to wichhold the new P. W. trom all persons claiming to be with us, who have connected themselves with the seceders trom the State Council, ct whom J. W. Hensecker to be Presi- dent; ad in the opinion of this Council their plignted faith; and also that the President of the State Couneil be directed to withhold the P. W. from the Presidents of such councils as endorsed their action, and revoke the charters of all councils who do not re- jive the supremacy of this State Council. bas Sn or “f ‘The council of which J. W Hunseclen s Lreclaset wan exgeaioodon the bUnday ian jupsecker.is was on jaay last, at Reading, atter the body of the then Stare Counal had succeeded by repudiating the national American orgeni- zation, appointing a committee to make arrange- on the 6th Jecuary, 1896, Inviting toald convention oni on ja those Northern States who outside lamues ore cours of the national platform is not the real issue between the two but that it is or republicanism. “Americanism first, last, acd all the time,” is the position assumed by those who the na tional American party. the State council, Edcy is President, are too mumerjus to mention; they com menced at Reading, and bave been continued since in every movement it has made. it has set aside the na- tionil organization on the non-in‘ervention platform, and substituted the sectional republican doctrine in its stead. It bas called a sectional convention or caucus of those who standexclusivery on the republican platform, It withdrew the nominee of the Amevican party for Canal Commissioner last fall, who bai been selected by the voice of the people and’ substituted a new man, who did not rympathize with us Americars in any way whatevec, but who was an ultraanti-slavery agitator. It has elect- e¢ delegates to the National Nomiaating Convention in defiance of the authority of the vational boy, which conficed that matter to the people in their separate districts. We might continue ubis array of facis bearing against the honor, integrity and patriotiam of this miserable clique of old hunker whigs and kicked out democrats, who have crept into the American party to effect their own selfish ends, but the above are enough. If war is to come, let it commence. We are not pre- pared to admit the claims of such persons on the Ameri- can party as ex-Govercor Jobuston, Jacob L. Gossler, C. ‘A. Walbourn, Joseph McCabe, K.'M. Riddle, and the twenty-two others who were appoiated at Altoona to represent the American party o i nomination of Presicent and Vice 1 Americans only so far a8 the potent zation can be used to keep up the continued agitation of the slavery question, and incuce the old hne Americans of 1844 to'give their votes to the republican party; ua: der the lead of Senator Seward, who ‘been the most bitter opponent of the American orguniza- tion, and tne most fawning sycophant of all cur public men to the foreign e:ements in our midst. if we cannot carry out Amezican principles—we, the old native Americans of 1844—without inzorporating out- side issues, wich will cegrade us to a mere sectional party, we have the choice left us to go buck to tae ola Cemécratic ranks, and in them renew our labors to pu rify that party from ite foreign influences, This ix @ subject trom which there is no appeal or escaze. It must be met. The American party must be purified; it must rid itvelf of the fungi of noxious growth which have checked its progress, and shot up about its path. It must revert to its first cherished principles, and keeping aloof trom all entangling ailiances, look only to the suc- cess of those great ends for which it has battled the past twelve years. We must drum all the spies, traitors and suttlers out of the camp, and ‘place none but natives on guard” in thefuiure. We shall have the bitter ex- perience of the past to warn us against the commission of such egregious errors of policy as have now para- lyzed our efforts, and impeded tke suecess of our glorious cause. The American Party ig Virginia. [From the Richmond (Va.) Whig—Am. organ. } PROCEEDINGS EXTRAORDINARY. At whst purports to have been ‘a regular meeting of the combined councils of the national American party of the city of Richmond, held on the first of January, 1886,”” the following resclutions, which we find pub- lished in the National American, are said to have beeo adcpted:. Resolved, As the opinion of this council, that ‘‘the agitation ,of slavery should cease. The rights of the South are plain and palpable, well defined and under- stood, and we believe they shoulc not longer be treated asopen questions, We will maintain our guaranteed consttiutional rights, and our rightsof property in slaves, We believe the continuous agitation of thie sub- ject is msde by +elfish politicians for pecs mal and party premcticn, ond is hurtial to the South, the institution of slavery and the permanency of the Union; and there- fore we are oppesea to the introduction into the national American platiorm of this, orany other agitating ques- tion, calculated to distract the barwony ot our party, or end: ger the success of our principles, « * s ‘* Resolved, As itis well known that our distinguished fellow-ci'izen, the Hen. John M. Botts, was among the first to advocate the policy avowed by the na ional Ame- rican party, it is but an act of simple justice to Jeclare cur confidence in his principles and adiiration of his ta- lents; and, if he should be called to presice over the des- tinier cf the nation, we are fully justified in declaring that he will bring to the task a devotion t» the principles We cherish, an enlarged experience, # profound sagacity aud commana'sg islets, which none in the nation can te found to excel, or pecdaps i@ eyual; and that we heartily respond to the action of Tilargle Councit and American Union Legion of New York, which have ex- pressed their preference for Mr. Botts for the Presidency We bave but a word to say in reference to thix action ‘of the combined councils of the nations! American party of the city of Richmond.” And that is, that it is a clear, unequivocal and shameful mirrepresentation of the cpiwions, sentiments and principles of more than nineteen-twentieths of the thirty-five hundred American voters of this city. Aod what is more. it is a palpable misrepresentation of the voiee of the entire American party of the State, as in- terpreted by the American press of the State, with a single exception, apd as expresesd in ‘he resolutions of the American members cf the Legislature, which were published in this paper a week or two ago. in # word, ihe reported acticn ‘of the combined councils of the National American party of the city of Richmond,” is » Ceviterate and unmitigated fraud upon the vast me jority ct the American voters of the city, and contrary vo the well ascertained and thoroughly understood seu'iment of the whole American party of the State. From the judgment of the ‘combines councils,”” rep- resented by fifty or sixty individuals, the sworn liege- men of Jchn Minor Botts, we boldly take an sppeal to the people. Movements of the Democracy. {From the Phiiadelpbia Pennsylvanian.) THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN IN PENNSYLVANIA. We bave, for tne last six months, endeavored to keep our reacers posted as to the action of tne democracy of Pennsylvania. im the election of delegates to the next State Convention. In doing this, we have studiously avoided the expression of any opinion as to our indi- vidnal preference. Indeed, this has been the courre generally adopted by the politicians of the State, leaving the people, in the primary organizations in the different countries, to act as to them seems best for the grea’ imterest of the democratic party and the country. That action bas been had with a degree of unanimity reldom witnessed in this or any other State. here has been scarcely an issue made, the Cesire of all anpearing to be to act with upapimity in fevor of their eble ani populac statesman. It is also to be remarked that such action en the part of the pecple has been & spontaneous movemen® impelled by an honest conviction oo their part, and without apy action or cesire of Mr. Buchanan himself. It is now cértain that there will be no division in the State Convention. There is a general and deep rooted deterwination on the part of the democracy to yield all individual preferences in favor of the «verwhelming ma- jority, 28 alveady indicated by the election, so far as tt has proceeded. ‘That Mr. Buchanan ani his friends have neither sought nor managed for this result is, perhaps, ihe most powerful lever in producing it. The feeling is strong in Pennsylvania, that an office of such high im- portance as the Presidency should seek its candidate, and it is for this reason that the absence of Mr. Buchanan at a foreign county, where he has devotes his enlarged experience and master intellect to the interests of our Union, has had no power in lessening bis popularity at home, but bas tended in a great measure to bring about that unanimous cordiality which now exists in the ranks of the dewoeracy throughout the State. Had this general expression of coufdence * favor of any ozher of the great statesmen of ou: varty, who have been mentioned tor this high office, as tue first choice of Penneylvanis, we would have supported «uch preference with a hearty good will; and it 1s with this view that we even now take no turther partin the cat * in paign thao to recapitulate the action of our iriends throvghout a large portion of the State. We give below 8 list of the counties and Senatorial districts which lave up to this time chocen their delegates. There cay be in this list some immaterial inaccuracies, but it is sub- stantially corcect, and has been gathered from the most reliable information in our power:— RP Whole number of Reprentatives elected Whole number of Senatory elected... . 62 18 Total... For itr Representatives... Senw'ore..... Total Doubtfa Total...sccecee sees eee Cee teecevenes 80 It will be seen that Mr. Buchanan already has a large majority of the whole nomber of delega'es to which the State is entitled. ‘Wise and Buchanan, JExtract of a late Washington letter to the Richmond Enquirer. } A feeling weeros to exist throughout the country at this time, to bring Buchanan again before the country asa candidate for the Presidency in 1856, This has been de termined on by his friends, without knowing whether it will be a ble to him or not: indeed,.it is known that he has written to his friends that he hak no wish ever again to enter into public life—that for the balance of his life he desires to be exempt from active political tur- meil, His friends, however, thick thyy have claires on him, and on his noble State, which bas never yet had a candidate before the people for the !resitency, and has never had but one Vise Presidect. It is conceded on all hands that the democratic party, to euccoed in 1856, roust bave at least one of the titres inrge States New York or Pennsylvania. No certain con be made on the two firs and it indispensable to secure the last. The majority whish she has recently given is one which can be relied on, if her voice has its due weight, but it ie not large enough to be tampered with. Letters have been received here from Gov. Wi it as bts opinion, in the present attitude of pa e bly attended that the fifteen or twenty ring-streaked and " state of the country, that the South ebould present po candidate for the Presijency in 1856. He thinks (it iv said and believed) that there should be acordial anion of the party om Buchanan. Never havel seeu the deino- erates in finer spirits, or more confident of success in 1856, ant He ultimate and perpetual triumph of sound minciples. bs ‘The names of neivher Gen. Cass or Judge will be presented to the Cincinnati Convention. Of this you may be assured. 1 speak knowingly on the subject. De Foreign serene © Overran [From the st. Louis Intelligencer.) The soft section of the New York Senenen. the pre- deminant influence in that party in the Empire State. ‘This soft (late heen party is in favor with the Pierce administration, comtrols the Custom House and Post office appointments in New York Ch] and State. ‘This soft section contains Dix, Cochrane, Reafield and the Van Burens,and it hr Dickinson and Bronson. So we nee what kind of intiuence will prevail in the dele- gation from New York in the next National Democratic Convention. John Van Buren has written a letter to Cincinnati to a Mr. Wylie, in which he boids some strange pom He warns the approschi Democratic Na- tional Convention “ not to forget that there is a North,” and tells them that the ‘great northern races that have overrun the continent of Europe’ have been ‘‘ trans- planted to our own,’? The implied threat is that ‘‘the great northern races,” ‘‘transplanted trom Europe,” may do the same here that they aid in Kurope, to wit : “overrun” the Scuth | It is known that nine-tenths of the ‘northern races”? imported from Kurope remain in the Northern States of thie|Union. ‘They belong to the demoeratis party that John Van Buren helps to rule. It is known, also, that they re like John Van Baren, anti-slavery. | Will they overrun the South? John Van Buren threatens it. He says to bis Cincinnati friend :— “The Conventior which is to asa‘mnble in your city end to lay cown a platform and nominate candidates in the nameé ot the great and patriotic party whose history you have thus elaquently und truthfully written, will have » responsible duty to perform. If they are guided by the eat principles adverted to by you, all will be well. ‘our own noble State, now the third State in the con: federacy, can do much towards effecting this desirable result, The only danger of the Convention lies in forget- tung there is a North. Wheu the Psalmist wrote tl ‘promotion cometh pot from the East nor trom the West, neither trom the South,” there was no North known t> the power and imfiuence of his day. ‘The great Northern races which have overrun the continent of Europe. and been transplanted to our own, have ap- ured since. Fffeminated they may be somewhat by juxury, and sofiened they certainly are by civiliza- tien, but they exist and possess a rugged manliness which it is not safe to overlook or offend. No men know this better than the democrats of Obio, and if they will send to the next Democratic National Convention a delegation as bold and able a» one they rent to the convention of 1844, & like glorious victory will wait upon their eflorta. The voice which could not be stifled in Baltimore will be heard, and heeded im the free air of the Queen City of the’ West. The veteran democrats of New York will present themselves at your doors, scarred and maimed with wounds inflicted by themselves on exch other in a foolish and fratricidal war—a war waged, as they ali ought now to see, for the bene- fit of intriguing politicians outside the State, and kept alive by aid alternately rendered to either section, as the other seemed likely to be victorious. ‘The actual business of the convention will be transacted before either of our contesting delegations can get into it. We must, therefore, look to the democrats of other States for wisdom to direct its councils, and most of all to Obi». where there is intelligence to appreciate and courage to surmount any difiiculties that eucompass the democratic party of the Union. Be assured no one will @ge heartily rejoice at a happy issue from them than my very truly yours, J. VAN BUREN, New York, Dec. 17, 1855. The Majority Rale and the Presidential Etection. [From the Troy Budget, Jan. 8.] The protracted struggles at Albany and Washington, consequent upon the organization of the new third or Know Nothing party, suggests the possibility of failure ot any Presidential candidate to receive a majority of ul! the votes given in the electoral colleges, and therefore, asa matter of course, of an exciting and corrupt—anad judging from what we have alreaay seen of the present ‘struggie cn the Speakership—propably unsuccessful con- test in the Houre of Iepresentatives. According to pre- sent appearances, a democrat must be eiectad President by the people, or there will be no election of that officer at all until the covstitution bas been put 10 a test much beyoxud what hag been required by any previous contest unless some combination should be formed in Congress of a much stronger character thgn is now anywhere antici pater, For the purpoge of showing mhore this triangular fight may ultimately lead, we will suppose that the republican anc Know Nothisg electoral votes together in numbers exceed the democratic, snd ia consequence, under the 12th article or tae constitution, the election is sent to the House cf Representatives,’ The article referred to pro- vices that in theevent of a failure to effect a choice vy a ‘majority of rhe electors, ‘then, from the persons hay- ing the bighest numbers, not exceeding three, on the Uist of these voted tor as President, the Honse of Kepre- rentatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the Pre- sident. But in choosing the President the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State hav- ing one vote—a quorum tor this purpcse shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, anda mijority of all the States hall be necessary to « choice.” Now, the present Houre of Representatives, upon which in the contingency referred to, will devolve the election, is, according to the most careful classificatlon, consti- tured so as to render m vote by States under this provi- sicn nearly as follows:— Demecratic, Republican, Know Nothing. Arkansas, Connecti:ut, New Jersey, Alabera, Indiana, Rhode Island, California, Maire, Flori¢a, Michigan, Georgia, New Hampshire, Louisiana, New York, Mirsissipp! Ohio, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Vermont, Virgin Wieconsin, Texas,—11. Massachusetts—11. ‘This result gives, as it will have been seen, no cand- Cate more than cleven $ ates, when under the pr cf the constitution quoted, sixteen will be required. retererce to the event of # failure to elect—ane with a Houre constituted as the present one is, « failure would be more than probable—the article of the constitution quoted further provides:— And if the House of Representatives shal! not choose a President— whenever the right of choice shall devolve upcn them, befcre the fourth day cf March next follow- ig, then the Vice President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. In reference to the election of Vice President, when there has been no choice by the people, the succee i section of the same article of the constitution says :— If no person have a majority, then from the two high- est numbers on the list, the Senate shall choore the Vice President ; a quorum for the purpore shall consist of two- thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority ot the whoie numter shall be necessary to a choice. Jn the Senate, as it stands now, the democrats number thirty-three members, and all shades of the oppost:ioo combined twenty-five—there being four vacancies—which renders tolerably certain, under any circumstance, the election of a democratic Vice-President, who woula be- come President by the failure of both the College of Ele tore and the House of Representatives to effect a choics ‘The majority requirement has done nothing worse » far than to prevent the organization of Congress and the legislature. Whether it will be voted a nuisance or a blessing when it shall have filled the Presidential cher with a person selected by the Senate, and not suppor for the office by the people at all, remains to be secu. Admitting the axiom, “The world 1s governed too mueh,’’ it may be considered that its operation thus tar bas been wholesome by serving brake on locomotive legislation. Theatres and Exhibitions. BRoapWAY THEATRE —The dazzling spectacle of “King Charming”? will be repeated this evening, together wiru the laughable piece called “Catching a Mermaid.” The manoger announces that another brilliant spectacle of thril.ing interest is in active preparation, but it is tobe hoped tnat it will not be permitted to displace “King Charming” until all who desire to do so may have the pleasure of beholding the magnificent scenery of the latter Nip1o’s GarprN.—The wonderful Ravels andthe charm. ing ballet corps, lea by Mile. Robert and Mons. Briliant. will again combine their respective talerts in a serie) ot pleasant entertainments this evening. The following ae- the selections :~The comic pantomime of ‘: Robert Mar caire,” the pretty little ballet entitled “The Isle o!- Nympbe”’ and the gorgeous spectacular fairy pantomime celled “Raoul,” which bes proved unusually attrac:ive simse tts al. Bowsry Tikatne —The recent combination of dra:nsa- tie and equestrian performances at this house has been very largely patropized: vevertheless previous #:. ange. ments render it necessary for Messrs, Myers & \izon to withdraw their troupe and leave for Cuba ina ow days, consequently this will betheir last week. Toe amusemeuts to-night will consist of equestrian and gym pastic feats, the exciting drama of ‘ Victorine’—Mrs, Ward as the heroine—and the farce of ‘‘The Secret,”’ Burtoy’s THRATRE —Mr, Burton appears determined not only to keep up with the age, but to keep it in a good au- mor Hkewire, He presents four mirth provoking pleces to-night, and acts in two of them himself. The first is the one Act comicality called ‘Heads and fails;”’ the se- cond, ‘“Hurton’s New York Dhrectory:” the third, ‘Toe Clockmaker’s Hat;” and fourthly amd lastly, “A'Trip to Nisgera,”’ the manager as Pilicoddy, That is quite sufficient for one night’s merriment. WALtack’s THeaTRE.—The highly flattering reception extended to the charming comedy of "Still Waters Ran Deep,” induces the SM: yr to aDnounce it for repe- tition this evening. Mr. Walcot as John (Mildmay, Mr. Brovgham a¢ Captain Hawksley, Mise Raymond as Miss Mildmay, and Mrs. Hoey as Mra. Sternhold. The enter. tainm ents will close with Mr. Brougharn’s last novelty, ‘'po.ca-hon-tas,”” which elicits roars of langhter every night. Laura Keuxw’s Varierixe.—The sparkling comedy of “(The Little Treasure’ is announced as the first piece to-night. ‘The cast ik of a very superior order—Sliss Keene a* Gertrude, Mrs. Abbott as Lady Howard, Mrs. Carpenter as Mrs. Meddleton, Mr. Dyott as Sir Charles Howard, and Mr. Jordan us tain Maydenblush. The successful new drama calied “ The King of the Court an Queen of tbe Markev’—Misa Keene and Mr. Jordan in the chief characterr—will close the amusements, ‘Woon’s Mnstnm@s.—These popular favorites, with the Jeagure seeking community are still performing to jarge audiences as ever. For this evening they offer good selection of songs, dances. &c., and the laughable burlesque of “Sambo’s Dream,” Brexiey’s Senenavens,.—The admirers of Ethiopian minstreley are tendered # richly humorous treat in that line, by the Buckley’s, this evening. The programme of songs is varied and of the bert, and the farce is “Richard 1? Manager F. Buckley takes efit to-morrow. ‘Tur Boor Oniprex.—There talented iiss jee, avs!'sted by their mother, will give a series readin, from Shakspeare and other favorite authors. at the Chi- nese Assembly Koome, this evening. It is hoped the little ones will be encouraged, and made happy by a full poure, Gen, Duff Green and Mr. Benton. TO THE EDITOR OF THE HERALD. Colonel Thomas Hart Benton kas written and publish ed a bock which he calls @ history, | have not read it, but from the extracts given trom time to time through the New York Evening Post, it woult seem that the chief purpose of so much labor has been to calumniate Mr. Calhoun, and that be found it necessary to disparage me, fearing, doubtless, that I will, asit is my present purpose to do, review his work and vindicate Mr. Calhoun’s me- mory. In a late number of the Post is given what Mr, Benton calls ‘Secret history of the intrigue to defeat the re- nomination of Martin Van Buren for the Presidency in 1844,” in which he labors to prove that the negotiations for the annexation of Texas were an intrigue to defeat the nomination of Mr. Van Buren, and charges that my wisston to England in 1843, and my letter to Mr. Tyier, referred to by Mr. Upshur in his letter to our Charge in Texas, propos! the annexation of Texns, were parts of that intrigue. , Benton saye:— ‘Mention bas been made in the fore part of this chap- ter ot the Frew which was felt to obtain something trom London to bolster up the accusation ot that formi- dable abolition plot which Great Britain was hatching in Texas, and on the existence of which the whole argument of immediate annexation reposed. The desired testimeny had to be got, and oraculariy given to the publicas being derived from a “‘private letter fron citizen of Maryland, then in Londen.” ‘The name of this Maryland citizen was not given, but his respectability ind® reliability vouched, and the testinovy vouched for true. It was to the poiat in charging upon the British government, with names and circumstances, all tbat bad been alleged; and adding :hat her abolition machinations were then in full progress. This went back to Londca, 4 transmitted there by the British Minister at Wathington, Sir Richard Vackenham, aud being known to te false and felt to be scandalous, drew from the British Secretary ot State (Lord Aberdeen) an indignant, prompt, and peremptory contradiction. This contradiction was given in a despatch, dated December 20, 1843 * * . * * * 7 hr. Benton then refers to the treaty of annexation, and Mr. Calhoun’s despatch to the British Minister, comment- ing on Lord Aberdcen’s declaration that ‘Great Britain Cenives and is constantly exerting herself to procure the general abolition of rlavery throughout the world;” ana from the Premdency, from the Texas in- now tailed—the alternative aspect had be te republic, ¢ msist- ing of Texas and +ome Southern States, had become the olfect. Neither the exposure of this object uor the his- tory of the attempted annexation belongs to this chapter. A teparate chapter is requi ed, for each. Ani this iaci- dent of the ryland citizen’s private letter trom Lon- don, Lord Aberdeon’s contradiction, and the strange despatch of Mr. Calhoun to him, are only mentioned here as links in the chain cf the Presidential intrigue, and wil tedismirsed with tbe remark that the Maryland citizen was afterwards found out, and was dissovered to be # citizen hetter known as an iahabitant of Washington than of land; and that the private letter was intended to be for public use, and paid for out of the contingent fund: of the State Depart- ment; an¢ the writer, whose name name was a synonyme of subserviency to Mr. Calhoun, namely, Mr. Duif Green, All this was alterwards brought out under a call from the United States Senate, moved by the writer of this re- view, who had been put upon the track by some real pri- vate information, and when the President’s Message was 1ead In the Senate, disclosing all these facts, he used an expressicn taken from a Spanish proverb, which had some currency at the time, ‘at lust the devil is pulled trom under the blanket.” ’ Comment —One of the charges made by Mr. Benton is, that I was falsely represented by Mr. Upshur, as a citizen of Maryland, when I was, in truth, an inhabitant of Washington, The purpose of this ci is to insinuate that my residence was falsely stated. with a view to mis- lead the public as to who was the author of the letter. Now it isnot true. as stated by Mr. Benton, that I was an in- habitant of Washington, ard it was true, as stated by Mr. Upshur, that I wasa citizen of Marylan Ur. Benton charges the negotiations for the annexation of Texan, was an intrigue to defest the re-nomination of Martin Van Buren for the Presidency, in 1844, and that finding it necessary to get @ letter from London, charg- ing that Great Britain was engoged in an effort to abolish savery in Texas. I was sent there for that parpose, and wrote the letter, waking » false charge, which was indig- nantly denied by Lord Aberdeen. ‘Now, by reference to the letter itself, 1t will be geen that my purpose in going to London was to induce the British government to make a treaty, and that the io- formation which I commanicated was obtained from the Texan minister, and others, after I reached London, thus uiterly disproving Mr. Benton’s charge, that I went to Lonéon for the purpose, As the most appropriate answer to these allegations. I now gend you for publication a copy of the lettcr itself, prepared with « few remarks necessary to a proper un- derstanding cf it. When, atter the death of General Harrison, Mr. Tyler came into the Presidency, he was advised to declare, in an inaugural address, that he would not be a candidate for the Presidency. He did me the honor to consult me on the subject. I urged him not to do so, upon the grouné tbat, instead of giving him strength, it would weaken bis administration, because it would be taken as an admisrion that he believed he could not ve elected; ond that he, instead of bemg the President of the Unitea States, woula be held and esteemed to be the mere parti- zan of Mr, Clay, and that this would not only degrade him, but the office, the influence and digrity of which it was his uty to maintain. ‘There was great apprehension of a war with England, and I was sent to London under a belief tha: I could ov- tain access to the British public through the press, and thus ad in the adjustment of the northeastern boundary ard other questions then pending between the two g)- vernments. A special object was to induce the British government to modify their corn laws. Upon reaching London, Iiwrote a series of letters, which were published in the Morning Chronicle. I then weet to Paris, where I wrote for the Journal of Commerce (tne Bounapartist paper,) a series of essays intended to aid General Cass in his’ effort to defeat the ratification by France of the Quintuple treaty. From thence | went to Lonéon, and, by request of the editor of the Lon¢on Fimes, wrote a series of essays which were published in that ‘paper—the information given in which, led to an juaintance with Mr. Cobden, Mr. Villiers, Mr. Hume, and other influential members of Parliament, and also of Jnr. McGregor, then Secretary of the Board of Trade, at whcse request I prepared a statement relative to the re- scurces and politica! condition of the United States, which he Gid me the honor to rutmit to Sir Robert Peel; who, after verusirg it, requested to see me, and advised that I should confer with Lord Aberdeen and the President of the Board of Trade. 1 did see Lord Aberdeen, and the result ot wy conference with him was that he authorized me to ray to the President that he was willing tomake a treaty placing thecommerce between the two countries on the basis of reciprocity, as the best mode of modifying their corn laws. Having done this, 1 went to Paris, and through the co-operation of General Cass, prevailed on M. Guizot to authorize him to ray to our government that France would unite with England and tbe United States ina treaty of commercial reciprocity. Lord Aberdeen was of erinion thas the negotiation had better be hed in Lon- on; and although Mr. Webster, misled by the hopes in- spired by the tariff of 1842, was first opposed to it, he afte: wards yielded his assent, and an application was to Congress, through a member from Philadelphia, for an appropriation, which the oppomition of Mr. Benton and the faction to which he belonged defeaed. That appropriation having ‘ailed, I again went to London in 3, hoping to induce the British government to teal commissioners to Washington, empowered to make a treaty, as it was understooa France would do. When I reached London the landed interest bad taken the alarm at what was apprehenced would be the effect of the repeal of the duty on Canadian wheat, and the Carlton Club had notified Sir Robert Peel that they would resist any further modification of the corn laws. This move- ment, | believe, prevented his sending commissioners to Washington. it will thus be seen that, although Mr. Benton says that a Presidential Message was read in the Senate discloring that J had gone to London for the pur- ore of writing the letter about British intrigues in exas, it 18 not possible that any such message could have been sent to the Senate. The statement is abso- lutely and maticiously false. The information as to the movement in relation to Texas was obtained in London, and chiefly from the ‘Texan Minister, who told me that he would make a like communication to Mr. Calhoun, which I believe he did. Mr. Benton saya that my statements were indignantly denied by Lord Aberdeen, Now, my statement was that Mr. Andrews was there as an agent of tne abolitionists of Texas, and that he proposed to negotiate a loan on a Jedge of Texan bonds, and that I was told by the Texan linister that Lord Aberdeen haa been spoken to, and that he would favor » guarantee o’ the interest on the loan upon condition that the funds were used to abolish slavery in Texas. Ido not now recollect what was the precise language of Lord Aberceen’s despatch referred to by Mr. Benton; but he hitaselt admits that he said “Great Britain de- sires and is constantly exertiog herself to procure the general abolition of slavery throughout the world,” and with this declaration of the fixed purpose of England, ex- lained ax her policy is by her subsequent conduct in Fexas-and her present war with Russia, it requires tne reckless impudence of Thomas Hart Benton to make the Wold denial, as he does, that euch was not her purpose in Texas. But Lord Aberdeen could not deny my statements, be- cause my letter was referred to cnly, It was not pub- lishea— and therefore, as he did not know what! had said, he could not contradict it. My statement was that I had been credibly informed that Mr. Andrews was io London, ‘ana fer a specitic purpose. J added that I was authorized by the Texun Minister tosay that he bad seen Lord Aber deen, ard that his lorésnip would favor the negouia- tion which Mr. Andrews proposed. This was the substance of my statement. It will [be seen that, inarmuch as Lord Aberdeen could not know what information bad been communicated to me, he could not give it an indignant deni It will aleo be seen that the gravamen of the statements containea in my letter was, shat Great Britain ‘desires and ix ccnstantly exerting ‘herself to procure the aboli- tion of slavery ‘hroughout the world,”’ and especially in Texas, So far from a denial, Lord Aberdeen, as quoted Ly Mr. Benton himself, admite that such is her purpose and policy. Why, them, should Mr. Benton volunteer to fend Gieat Britein from the charge made in my letter? and why does he resort to such deliberate and unequi- voow! falsehoods in doing it? I will explain, ‘Although he knew that Mr. Calboun and. his personal friends, as far ag he could control them, supported Mr. Van Buren a8 a candidate for the Presidency, and that I took ‘an active part in opporition to them in favor of General Harrison, he yet says, that my ‘name wasthe aynonyme of mbserviency to Mr. Calhoun,” ad he doubtless be liever that Mr. Calhoun is properly responsible for what I have written and published of him (Col. Benton). He had the arrogance to bea pretender for the Presidency, 4 believed that Mr. Calhoun was a competitor. He is and has ever been a aycophantic parasite, and hung on the skirts cf Jackson and Van Buren, hoping to inherit their influence. Hence the bitter malignity with waich he pureues Mr. Calhoun and myrelf, To retorn te Lord Aberdeen’s denial of the state- meuts contained in my letter. who dees not recol- Ject the part taken by Captain Elliott, the British Charge, to defeat annexation? Who has forgotten his mission to Mexico, (‘the man with tue white hat’)? does not remember the conditions upon which he sought to obtain from Mexico the recognition of the independence of Texas? Wao does not know thay the British bondhuloers held at that time a mortgage on Texas, California, Sonora Sinsloa, Chinuahua, and other Mexican States? Anc wno can now doubt that the pur- pose of England was to intervose Texas, Mexico, aud a cordon of Indian tribes, ull sunject to her influence and control, between us and the P.cific ocean, as a means of eventing our inter erence with her commerce in the fast Indies and Chinn? Who can now doubt the pur- pore of her efforts to ‘ precure the general abolition of slavery throughout tbe worlt?’? Who can believe that she who expends so much treasure, and pacrilices so many of her most valusble subjects, to arrest the pro- gress of Russia, would se'use to exert her influence to werent the annexation of [exas to the United States? 0 that has teen or rad of her movements {n Cubs, St. Domingo, and Central America, can for 2 moment doubt that her ruling policy is to monopolize the commerce of India, and to levy contributi ns on all other nations, by compelling them to consume the tropical products of her East India colonies? And who is now so ignorant as not to know, that betore she can do this, she must abolish fy a Cuba, Brazil, and the United States? f But Mr, Benton asserts that all hope of the residency rom the Texas intrigue having failed, the alternative, a4 ut, had become the absolu @ one; and a separate repub- lie, consisting of Texas nd some of the Soutnern States, had become the object! The purpose of this charge is to” create a beliet that Mr, Calboun and his triends wished to issolve the Union. Tyefer to my letter to show that Mr. Benton and his + dolition askociates are tbe sgents of British policy, which # proverbially prodigs| ot ‘‘tneir secret service fund,” and which always seeks to divide, that ey ay more easily conquer, The French a’e their allies in the war against Rursia. Col. Benton an his free soil abolition aswciates are their alles in their warfare «guinst the United states. ‘What will France gein by the war with Ruvsia? Will she, after having bumJed Russia, compel England to abandon or relax her monopoly of the commerce of India? Or will she be compelled to consume tue tropical pre- duets of British India, purchased with British manufac- tures, and trensported in British ships, paying therefor » British price? Tf Colonel Benton and his abolition asociates can abolish slavevy, or what will be equivalent thereto, if they can dissolve the Ur ion on that issue, wit will they gein by it? Will they, too, not then be compeiied to con- sume the tropical procucta of British India, purchased) with British manufactures, and transported in British sbips? And what name is appropriate to denounce men who combine in such a conspiracy agains’ the peace, welfare and prosperity of the people of the United States and of the world? ‘The to!lowing is @ copy of my lettet from 1 BU mndon, Cory oF A Lerrer From Dur GREEN To Preaipest PyLER, DaTED LONDON, JULY 3, 1843. To Joun Trim, President United States:— My Dear Sir—I enclose you herewith tue Londoa Times of the 20th of June, vontaidug Mr. O’Connel’s speech at Galway, to which I invite your special attention, and also a copy of a letier addressed to Sir Rovert Peel—my reasons tor writing which | will explain. the last steamer I sent you @ cooy of my letter to Sir Robert, enclosing ® copy of my letter to you, the’ receipt of which he acknowledged in a polite note, thani- ing me for the informatin: (given), but decliaing to in- timate what he will do. Inthe mean time! had ase in- ed that the opposition, heaced by Lord John Russell, are anxious to make an issue with the present goverament, and are prepared to denounce ministers if they refuse or neglect to make a treaty with us; and during @ coné versation with Mr. Gia’stone I was induced to believe that sir Robert will appoint commissioners to make the treaty as soon as Parliament is prorogued, unless he is prevented by the new movement in Texas. 1 learn from a source entitled to ths fullext credit that there is now here a Mr. Andrews, deputed by the abo- litionists ot Texas to negotiate with the British govern- ment—that he has seen Lore Aberdeen and submitted his prcject for the abolition of slavery in Texas, which is that there shall be organized « compsny in England who shall advance a sum sufficient to pay for the slaves now in Texas, and receive Texas Jands tn payment; that the sun thus advanced shall be paid over as an iademnity for the abclition of slavery. And I am authorizec to say to you bythe Texan minster, that Lord Aberdeen has agreed t the British government will guarantee the payment of interest on the Ivan, upon condition that the Texan government will abolish tlsvery. The consequence would be that Texas would become a depot for runaway slaves! and border war would soon commence. A part of the pay is that Texas shall be placed under the protection of and, and will then become the point from whence she will operate on these runaway negroes and the Indians on the western border. at 1s compelled to choose between ‘The British your proposition to place the relations between the two countries on the most favorable basis, or the adoption of messures to impair our increasing wealth 1d prosperity. Bngland gave $100,000,000 to abolish in the West Indies, and is now paying q r aunum for the avowed purpose ery in Cuba and Brazil. I refer you to Sir Robert Peel’s speech on the sugar duties of last year, and then to bis declaration in the debate on tre same t Gece during the last ecewhare he says that the ritish gcverninent required the abolition of slavery ia Brazil, and that the treaty failed because Brazil refased to abolish it. In his speech of last year he deciared that he sought to abolish slavery in Brazil as means of abolishing it in the United states, Now, why should England pay $20,000,000 per aunum to abolish cape Brazil? sir Rovert Peel gives the newer. He tells us thet an estate in Jamaica whidh fave a profit ct £10,000 is now cultivated ar a loss of more than £5,000 per avnum, or, in other words, so long 8 Cuba, Brazil and the United States raise suger, cot- on snd coffee by siave lavor, they will drive the pro- Gucts of the English East snd West Indies cut ot the market. ‘The abolition of slavery chus becomes the ques- tion cn which depends the the value of her waole colunial yossessions, With there taccs and adaissions before us, it becomes important for us to ascertain now what the purpcses of England are. If she refuses to make ® treaty securing to her our markets, and offers to guacantee a Joan to abolish slavery in Texas, we can be at no lois for her motive. If she pays $20,000,000 per annum, n+ one of the means ofabolisbing slavery in Cuba and Brazil because she cannot compete with their #lave labor, what will she not ‘ive to abolish slavery in the United States, when she be- eves that the effort to ao so will array the North it the South, and end in the dissolution of the Unioa?—the effect of which will be to prajagice the growing raanu- factures of New England as well as the agriculcural in- terosts of the South. When we lcok at what the aboli- tionists have done, and ask ourselves what will fanefi- cism, sustained by British gold, accomplish, we must feel the necessity of meeting the issue at once. My letter to Sir Kobert Peel was intended to demon- strate to him that it was his intereet and his duty to send eommissiouers to the United States to make a treaty; and that you may see, it he fatis to do so, that it is be- cause he believes that he beter promotes the in‘erest of kngland by ailying himself with the sbotitionists in the United States, ana contributing to dissolve the Unis through their agency. Teapnot mistake the American people. I will careful- ly prerare the materiu's to demonstrate that such is the Policy of this government, and enable you to take the strongest grounds in case Sir Robert fails to accede to your proposition. Ifyou meet the crisis aa it becomes you to do, you will greatly promote the interests of yur own country and greatly advance your own fame and popularity. I would immediately instruct Mr. Everett to ecmmunicate to Lord Aberdeen the rumors relative to the part taken by this government to abolish javery in Texas, and demand an explanation of their purposes. 1 would also oirect him to invite the appoint- ment of commissioners to negotiate a commercial treaty. T would then mest them in Texas by a proposition of al- nexation, and would go before the country on that ixsue. Be not startled. If you take the ground that annexation is the only means of preventing Texas falling into the hands of Enghsh favatics, and of thus becoming a depot for smigglers and runaway slaves, and your friends prove Tan prove, thut the object of Eogiand, in all er movements in relation to slavery and the rlave trade, is to substitute the products of her Kast India sudjects for those of America, and tha: it is as much @ war on the free labor of the Norta as on the slave labor of the South, you will control events, Who ean take groand against You? Wili Mr. Calhoun oppose annexation under such circumstances? He cannot. It he concurs, can Benton and Van Buren oppose you? They cannot. If Calhoun, Benton and Van Buren sustain you, can Clay oppose you ? What can Ritchie say to such a movement’ Can he pre- fer that Texas should become a refuge for ranaway slaves to its becoming a part of the Unite States ? I would refer you to the declaration of Lord Morpeth and Lord Brougham, and the explanation of Lord Aberdeen, on the subject of fugitive nlaves. They lay down the road principle that whatever may be necessary to his escape. a slave may justifiably do. Thus they say that if murcer or theft be necessary to his escape, the British government will not deliver up a runaway siave, and that his being a slave will exempt him from the provisions of the late treaty for the surrender of fugitives from justice. Now, suppose that such a refuge for runaway negroes be established in Texas, cam we with honor exact eonces- sions from Texas which we do not enforee as to ingland? Let me entreat you to meet the cris! ike a treaty for the annexation, put yourrelf before the next Congress on that issue, and rely cn the Feople, Rely on what tell you: It is to become the question which will absorb all ‘other cuestions. If you take bold and decided ground, you will control the messures ot England; the yery necessities which are driving her to adopt the policy of which | complain,will pre- vent her from pursuiug it if you present to her the alterna- tives | have suggested. If rhe finds that she cannot make ‘Texas a retuge for runaway eu, and thus ure it for abolishing slavery in the United States, she will then be glad to makea treaty Le ica byerntear md advantages of our market. You may by a bold course secure the annexa- tion and the treaty; but remember that ‘fortune favors the brave.” You have the issues of peace and war in your hands, and upon the use you make of them wil! de- pend the future welfare of your count.y as well as your own fame and popularity. 1 cannot be deceived as to the future. If you look on and wait for events, all the mea sures of England will be hostile, but if you come bold! forward and control events, all ihe measures of Englan will be friendly. She is not in a condition now to ciak an open rupture on the question of abolition; but if you wais until she shall have piantec herselfand her allies in Texas, she will then bid you defiance. She will then endeavor to accomplith a dissolution of the Union at any cost, be- cause she is jealous of our wealth and prosperity as ® people, and will then eck a dissolution of the Union ‘as the best means of destroying the manufactures of New Fngland—because she cannot bear up under present bur- dens without her commerce: she cannot maintain her ecmmerce without her mannfactures, and she now be- lieves that #he has more to fear from the competition of New Fngland than from that of all the rest of the world. It is folly to suppose that New Fngland will not see and understand this, or that New England will not eustein you in your effort to sustain her sgainst so vilea con- apiracy. Yours, truly, DUFF GREEN. . The Canal Board at Albany have resolved that the 22d of January be ret apart for the appuintment of Suyerins tendents, Collectors, Inspectors and Weighinasters ‘a pom! the reveral cana's of this State. A bill requiring neturalized citizens to reside in the, State two years after their naturalization pefore bei nh toa vote, has passed the Sou th Carolina Legiel ure,