The New York Herald Newspaper, August 15, 1855, Page 2

2 NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 15, 1855. Roseia; but this ope cause of difference or suspicion the of the desk excite is in thie aa comfortable aud: ae true Cuba, or possibly even | New Mexico have exchanging incessant THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES, | Russias tnt thls ose sideration of the ment of the field, w catia | iti denraded outthe maim’ iondewil havaly: Bear | rcp neigh may oy OE wcdie: « Ree ees no: govertent and oe and occasions in which American in militiaman to draw his sword, there are | with patience the cl from a goverament where, | what arewe English to do?, Are we | such a dictator as Anna, for a voice in the an English Reviewer—Ignorance tagesta may sypeus so jge¥e one suotheg, social | special incitements to these schemes | if they are "it ia in common with the | to further the cause of freedom tn the Ballou inter- | Senate at Washi ual to that of New York or penaet a caktiment and Facte Whin- {| resemblance between us and them is indeed great: | ‘connect both with the circumstances of the | whites, toa in which every white will be at | pretation of the word, or the English? or are we to | Pennsylvania? Nor does the new State lose its dis- Cad meout «he ‘Feeling in tho | butso also is it hetween not a few of the citizens of schemers, and of the at which they aim. The | liberty to insult or to ill use them. These contingen- peck fer do nothing? We have atleast the | tinctiveness, we bre Pe vyen ee he nationality. Otheea States for Tossia, he. dice the States and of the subjects i the Czar. eee monly Shek eine wistfully at the fisheries | cies might be well worth the consideration of the credit of interference, of being earnest in our desires | The individuality of the States is the very life of the nited Btates an of Nova Scotia; the slave-breeders of Virginia Southerners, even though the annexation could be | and not a little active in their realization. France, | Union; and, however, weak the new comer, ever: : 3 Cae peaceably effected; but should Spain fight for her | England and Spain are charged with pening Snes member of the federal family would, for its wet TKrom the Westminster Review, July, 1855.] ve evident they would be greatly aggra- | 9" holy eek oye ing in- | sake, protect its independence. If ever this prin- Pyenta of absorbing interest have of late followed so fast on one another, that our readers may not find Russia than in all the rest of te een ond is | pelt with the me eB canperee Nee ae emer, for s Pacific station; above | vi terpreted ont of ‘against, | ciple of annexation be dropped—if thia admission to wt hugh raat aud the Sate tofor | self wth ibe member ofthe Briss Pament, te | af the slave Beate, thfeataned bythe ofthe | “A forcible annexation may be attempted in one or | slavery. ‘There is supposed to be a eecret trusty of | a perfect equality of privileges, and to Spend Bul busy North, threatened still more rogresa of | two ; either the Creoles It, and, throw- | emancipation; or, to use the Ameri term, Afri- rticipation in government, be re] humanity and justice, which vealed the tree States ofr ihe Spanish yoke, gp had pir aid of | canization. “Cuba,” writes a resideat qauted by fection of congnered territories to the whi federal every year more and more the friends to freedom, | fi rig, gerpetioers, ak, for edzaimion itd Me tale aes ny dered Saale for betty tous, of 39.006 par hculay ees OF even ee a 1 island, Spa- from calamity. Emperor's o| eervience ot ublic Jone for melanins fox Ext plete wie power which | niards out of it. First, will the Orcolea rebel? and | stinacy there would have been pag and Tonian colonies ‘Athens —then, indeed, the im: - is Wi rican alliance against all despotism. Foleo aetna passed since that time, and i tually at war .with the greatest of eee coro bt are her Aaereen alee To her citizens, inthe of their endeavor to imitate or to improve uj lungarian | Customs; bat in like manner, also Vir; 4 hese who PbS cae uaraly fal a {teelf. | planter compare himself with the Hossian neble-- | is the result of which they cannot imitate. | if th do, will they snoceed?,| All those who merely | French det” to assist in inflicting it. This. mense and increasing force of the Union would be- Winence isi that wil arsoorati, Old England is mit cme i ad a am tenets nfuences wey well explain the aggresive et _ caual gorerument, re in Pich he account for, and ‘approves oh "the aay" temo Me wig United Sate oe is ablic = g In many respects, criptions by travellers dwell on there influences alone, and remember at | swer these jonas the affirmative. he | sympathy fellow-count en Rus- | ac 3 a demand admission as a oe eats t ‘th or pie acd in the slave States a; cps word ‘eamne tine the imanenso reeovtoes of men, money loss of her eet territories in the mainland | sia, because of their jealousy of ‘‘ Crimean ex- Btate, uy mn its A certain nam- the Ves apres mesg erg and energy at command, we wonder not that there | has not taught 8) how to rule; will not her | pedition in the Western hemisphere.” Reason- | ber; and we do not believe that this regulation will have been, but that there have ever ceased to be, | last pele colony have learnt from it how to | able enough, doubtless. Patriotic republicans | be broken, for this reason—no territory will be con- Texas annexations and Cuban expeditions.@y Coun- | cast ber off? There is a poctical justice in | may well desire that the great battle on ff of | quered uniess it be desirable for settlement; and no i nts } the reason why the colonists cannot by | slavery may be fought by and at the cost of the merican settlers will locate themselves im it with find some inducement to | the Jesson—they are slave holders, and therefore dare | Czar, rather than by the Union. This desire will be | cut insisting on the rights of Americans. There for word; they find the same re! of the proprie- tors of the soil to its tillers; they hear of pre- cautions taken by both planter and noble against a servile outbreak; they meet with cases of a fearful 7m. here ; above abuse of power—exceptional, we believe, in both kagh ont i oll bitin ams ,' Meee conntries; and on the other hand, with instances— peace and moderation, so that the danger to ite | not free themselves. bel here Si bee daw but partially fulfilled. Already on the iries of | will be too many of them to be all governors of the and generals vied with one another in promises of } also, we fear exceptional—of devoted attachment of | neighbors from the great democracy becomes greatly Fence oe bribes of constitutions, by presents | Kai the confict has begun: the Mi men | < onquered , and the soeyussies would not help ; and when carping critics that these | Slaves or serfs to their masters. When the ais | we bythe frequent fi ions in ita own | of protection, and even in some cases: gifts or | are there maintaining with bowie knives and re- | themselves to be governed from Washington. but , in order to ob- | de Custine holds up to opgroteiaay the public flog- | feeling and heel restless, rezolute prodac- | loans of money. Spain wrings annually from Caba | volvers against the settlers from the North, the right | ‘The acquisitionof the wich Islands, if it ever political capital, his to the clec- ‘ing-house at Moscow, to which serfs may be sent | tiveness of teaaisan makes, it is , their | a large revenue; her corrupt ministers reward an | !o flog negroes and to tar and feather abolitionists. | take place, will be a severe test of this principle; the dion of +— See here the £ ewners for punishment, we are reminded of | cettlers anxious to annex any country in w ry adhetent, or quiet rival, by sending him out to rule | The struggle will indeed hardly be made by the | pride ot cepemenl spel teeiies of making c! result of ’s visit to tne States; of the two e similar inslitutions which race New Orleans | may be located, if in that cow the of | the Cubans, as though be were a Vice-Czar, enrich- | Union; erin the Union, Bitter and violent as | of the natives, and yet it would be bardly possi great parties in the Union, the democrats ve pro- | and Charleston; and when Mr. jerest tells us how | wealth be not the main of notes ing himself by selling or breaking law, while must be this struggle, wo yet trust that it will not | to make slaves or even serfs of men whose progress mised us the and therefore the peo- | any white man knocks abont any black man without | this same determination to allow fio to | serving order Searoring oe freedom of speech or } result in actual civil war; but however this may be, | in civilization is marvellons, who have organized Bie have levten' the democrat candidate by an over: care or cause, we are reminded’ of the manner in | check the dollar-hant makea another class, fally as | of the preas; and yet reseed col dare | Don-intervention is evidently both Rote TY for themselves an orderly government, and who ‘whelmin, , because they wish these which Russian coachmen expect to be beaten by im- | powerfu) as that which furnishes the immi » | not take advan of the w of their oppres- policy. Let us‘mot be misunderstood. Any inter | ave established dips intercourse with tote ning mae at A ‘ourselves never put much faith | patient travellers, thongh no traveller in Russia tells ily sensitive of the slightest approach to war. | sors, because, ig themselves oppressora, ference on our part, as 4 nation, on hehalf of tiberty » The aothor the “Notes” on these either in these promises or in the actions which | 08 of the slave-hounds which Mr. Everest met with merchants, the bankers, the canal and railwdy | fear an alliance between their masters and ‘would do incalealable injary, it would enlist » though — evi & thorough i- wight appesr to betoken their fulfilment. Spite of in Mississippi and Carolina. True, the slave ia yulators—in a word, all the borrowers directly or | slaves. There are now many thousand Spa on the side of slavery the pati of both North | can in his caste pi , meets this dif correspondence between American secretariea | Worked harder than the serf, inasmuch as his la } indirectly from Loy og (and field for the em- ocr in the island, the élite of the Spanish jwell } and South; bat when we are told that this principle | culty looking forward to the time when "Austrian ambassadors, we knew that all this | ber is worth more to his master; nor is he allow- | ployment of capital in the Unton’ makes ita citizens iplined and well provided; a force quite si or y of laissez, ig to bear not only anational | “we all see Tepresentatives ot Hawali— wrangling was very safe ‘between a republic without | ¢d as often as is the seff, to work for himself and & borrowers in the world) all the immense | to repel filibust forays, if by general | but also an individual interpretation, we utterly re- | probaly scions of royalty,” (Malays though they an army, and av empire without a navy; that nei- to buy his own freedom; nor is there over his mas- | multitude whose plans and are based upon | insurrection, but quite powerless to put down such | pudiate it. Because it is not the business of Eng- | must be), ‘in the Congress of the United states.”” ther of them having the means of getting at the | ‘r au all powerful Czar, whose will it genera! credit, will 0) to the Dot. ostentatiously | iusurrection, if it at all be compared to what took d to meddle with the internal ernment The increased extent of the American democracy other by land or sea, they might quarrel tn peace. | 1s to protec him; nor is he attached to the soil, | on the form, ist eoeey ballot box, any | place in either Mexico or South America. ex- | of other countries, are Englishmen therefore to | would not, then, be dangerous to England, because ‘And though the caure of Hangarian independence | 2nd therefore inseparable from_ his family. Never- xy, the result of which may be war with | pecteda general rising of the creoles, bécanse bewas | choke the impulses of their indignation, or to | the individuals who compose that democracy know was a stepping stone to power for both t Laelia? Be ee Ca the . great body I land or France. And loud as are vaunte of | aware of their discontent; but the creoles | gag the expression of their sympathies ? The | themselves to be our n: | allies. Nor would it ol ie rere ve i) wi in inis inasmt er and prowess, and difficult asit would | merely talked about risin because they | expression of English opinion has influence in | be dangerous to our colonies. If any one of our Wires eomMiasminisiars; 394 uch as they are | Fassia and in Poland, there remains thi fact—that | bo icovetate thelr latent resources, there | knew? tbat their ‘aiaves would rise ‘with them. | America ; the eensitiveness of Americans proves | colonies be annexed, it willbe because the colonists all ery men, we are not surprised to find that A u n at i i Rass the slavebolders—or, in other words, the most influ- | are nd@a few of our shrewd cousina who are well | The whip of the slaveholder is the rod by which the | this: and how can it be otherwise? seeing | themselves desire it; the Americans will never ruin bia is sya dhe pede nate the pig ential body of men in the republic—may search in | aware, that any a; ion, which might bring them | viceroy of Qusen Isabella rules him; cb bec there | that their churches are in communion with ours; | their trade bya war with us, in order to force a hos- that if they declare for the nationalities they shull | vain through Europe for any persons with whom they | into collission with a great naval power, would be at | is a baracon, has a fort; she knows where her | that their children are taught to read from our | tile people to share in their government. Nor do have, in the most important of their social relations, first attended with fearful cost. th every,facility | real. dif need be will 80 much reason to sympathize as with the Russian le 4 a by’ "ot put down the | books; that our blood flows in their veins. Inas- | we see much present probability of such voluntary for forming a it avy, pro they cr masters lp of the slaves, as rul for forming a magnificen' P vided ould hel; th join the thelr be backed by American rifles and dollars, the pre- Jesely aa did | much, then, as this axe is influential, it may | apnexation. If Canada should wish to j of agi sent American administrréipn is rather scheming to turn Euro) nobles. rotect dockyardsi but without such navy at | Austria the Galician landlords by means of their | be considered or com: ainst a8 an interven- | Union, far from us be the folly of t to sto pp ae a ae eee the interests of | mor tT to all these antagonistic infinences the rauk- | bresent. (ihe kill of their officers and bravery of | sesfs. It hardly needs the mulatto regiments which | tion ; but it is an influence for the exercise of which | her. But Canada will have no auch wish #0 loug a8 ‘Not that we conceive that intervention in this race of British oppression ir sailors not compensating for their scanty num- | arc being raised to remind the Cuban patriot that a tenets Tet us be tolerant, sympathiz- | the slave question remains unsettled. Her wealth mI ling memories of old and injustice, and of the barbarian foray upon Wash- ington, and there is little wonder that the sym) of America are on the balance while the for- tunes of England remain in the ascendant, and while, therefore, little real injury can be done us by carpin; criticism. Should our ruin ever become as immi- nen! it is now improbable, we repeat our con- victiOn that the feeling of race and the union of interests would outweigh every other considera- tion, aud bring our kinsmen to our aid. After all, we can afford to lose their sympathy 5 our cournae needs no cheering from without ; their un- friendly criticisms may even be of service to us. Had they allowed the Russians to issue letters of we are bers), the fee-simple of Cuba, or the wealth of all | war of dence may become a servile war, | ing, humble in the formation of our opinion; but, | is fast increasing; but she does not Serie i seena the Desc of Mexico, would be lost by ove year’s | and that there has been a revolation in Hayti algo, | having been eo, let us not be silent for tear of of- | it in compensation to slave owners, still less in pro- damage to their widely extended commerce, even | the occasion of which was the quarrels the | fence. If, in order to secure the custom or propitiate | tection of slave property; nor will even the part though the enemy spared the unprotected cities on | whites. Butif rebellion be improbable what be | the alliance of Americans, Englishmen submit to be | ownership of the slaves in the District of Columbia their seaboard. The inhabitants of New York or | the result of invagion? Judging from the Mexican | silent spectators of the wrongs of the slave, they | tempt her to turn her free soil into a human hunting -Boston do not altogether fo this ; nor much as | war, the Spanish troops would no match for the | become participators in the sin of slaveholding with- crams: Not only these arguments, but the immense he may seem to disregard it, the negro Ronee Americans; though it must be remembered that anis- | out sharing in ita temptation, they will deserve to terval of space, would keep Australia and New of Virginia loce sight of the bility that at- | land is both less accessible to attack and more capable | crouch at the feet of the great slaveholder of Europe, | Zealand to us or to themselves; and tempt to ud a market for his stock imight suddeuly | of defence, and probably the-Spanish army is both | and to lose that commerce which has been the result | as to the West Indice, loudly as South- convert that stock into the allies of an invading | better disciplined and more accustomed to war than | and reward, not of cringing weakness, bitt of honest | ern editors or orators may swagger about army. Then again, that same rough and coarse, but | was the Mexican. Doubtless, part of the islanders cir their reacue from Queen Victoria, and liberty, sturdy and ardent patriotism which makes the | would help the invaders, but not all of them; for Tf, therefore, the gentlemen of Virginia are de- | @ black State in the Union is not more unlikely than citizens of the modern republic emulate | the blacks, at least, would be loyal. A regniar | tected in plots for getting a fresh market for their | that will declare war with Engin, in or- the republicans of Greece and Rome in contempt of | army, twenty thousand strong, backed by two } human stock, our aristocracy ought to show them | der that the invasion of Jamaica Tay replied to hundred thousand armed negrocs or mulat- | that they shun the companionship of slave brecdera: | by the landing of a black regiment at New Orleans. le either was or is the business of America. tea have no prestige in India to preserve, no communication through Egypt to Bie ; even the subjection of Germany, and possibly of the whole Continent, which Might follow that ot Turkey, would not oblige them, as it would us, to owe our freedom to our isolated position, and to protect it at an enor- mous cost against an overpowering neighbor. Above all, the circumstances of her history and the inter- vention of the wide Atlantic have saved her from the necessity of becoming a member of the European family, which for the sake of peace has been forced to form itself into what is in fact a federation, bound together by internationnl—that is, by federal laws— fracti if h, by meml le- | marque to their privateers, they might indeed | their neighbors and dist of their rights, tends aa prea pela ail Reg lisiay at (ges hare: inflicted on uh) Teal ee but this sub- | also tite them morbidy jealous of the admission tos, would not be easy to expel; and the | if the democrats of New Orleans vaunt about | Again, we do not think that an and most case, opposition and punishment. Expediency, | s¢rviency to despotism they have refused; partly, of | of those races whom they despise to a participation rds, if driven out, would ot least leave | the freedom of Cuba, our liberals ought to tell | especially England, should be ible to all = does not call for the intervention of the States; | course, irom a consideration of the extent to which | in their privileges. We rememberas; of Gene- | a legacy of immediate unconditional emancipation. | them that they mean Perpetnalion of its sla- | ideas of shame. Our ions, successful a8 wor {sthis one of those rare cases in which tho | their commerce must sympathize with ours, partly | ral Scott, during bis canvass for the Reemeneehipy The Southern “chivalry” may laugh at this revenge very, and protection of their own. Above all, | have been, give us no to tell America she shal 1» curiously illustrating this feeling of race. He state may eay that having once freed Cuba they will if ‘any one of us be bousd to any one of | not.annex; the lesson which the cost of Kaffir con- that towards the close of his successfal campaign in | it easy to re-enalave her; but let them read the re- them by any ties which enable Man to appeal to the | quest teaches us, is hardly that it is our place to Mexico, be rejected the proposals of influential Mexi- } cords of the Haytian war, how wild Africans, who | conscicnce of his co-religionist, orfriend, or kinsman, prevent her from purchasing more Late e: also from a doubt of the manner in which we might have replied to such covert warfare; but very much also from a true progress in civilization, for which let them receive due honor. In addition to the special resemblances between the republican and the Russian slaveholders, there are two other circumstances of these two countries, curiously alike; the inhabitants of both have an enormous amount of undeveloped land, and yet more than any other nations, they are posseased with the desire of adding to their territory. This is not the place to enter into the religious, or social, or po- litical motives which induce Russians to back their Czar in his aggressions; but we may well ask, how comes it that 4o many of the Americans rival them in their aggressive tendencies, though they have no Greek church or autocrat whose role they wish to extend? With vast reuims of fertile soil as yet untrodden by the backwoodsman; with large dis- tricts of rich but uncultivated land even in such old States as New York and Pennsylvania; with room for the surplus population of Europe for centuries to come, their youth are yet as eager to throw them- claims of duty would anticipate or transcend the dictates of expediency. We can imagine cases in which these claims of duty » bay would, call 2 the young giant to thrast strong arm into fray; but this isnot one of them. We think that he would cross the ocean rather than allow the @emocracy of Europe to be utterly destroyed by its tiam; but this democracy is not yet sufficiently igered to induce him to it for emperors: we trust , were the home of his fathers really in peril, he would rush to its defence; that, spite of old sores and present rivalries, tens of thousands of re- hal wonld strive to save the Old Country from thread of the Cossack: but until in the Old World law and order be defeated by brute force and Just of conquest, the great republic in the New World may refrain from interfering. till, if we can neither ct nor wish the hands ef onr American kinsmen to be for us, it certainly is not without some feeling of dis appointment that we find ourselves forced to examine whether or no their hearts be not against us. The quarrel is one in which, whatever may be said for both sides, few will caps for the annexation of their whole country, be- | knew not what a cannon was until they saw their | it is his conscienticus duty to tell him what is hy- xico; our own efforts to obtain @ safe cauee he would not make go many millions of mon- | fellows fall, yet rushed reckleasly upon the gunners, | pocrisy, what is cruelty, what is liberty; but, on the | across the Isthmus of Suez to our Indian grela, between Spaniards and Indians, his fellow citi- } believing that if they died they ret to Africa. | other hand, if we are asked whether it is the busi- | sions, ought to induce us to sympathize with, zens. Above all, our study of society {in America | Depend upon it, if the slaves be thus emancipated | nese of our government to try to prevent the acquisl- | than to oppose, her emerge to secure would indeed have been fruitless, did {t not give us | en masse, it will be beyond the resources of blood- | tion of Cuba by the States, because thereby the pow- | the Nicaraguan or Pauama routes between the a most firm conviction, that there arein it not only | hounds, or rifles, or revolvers, to enslave them again. | er of the slave States av against the free might be | Eastern and Western States. Lastly, it little be- reckless adventurers and demagogues as dangerous | They will die first; and even to exterminate them | increased, we answer, certainly not. For reasons | comes a Power which has lost no chance and spared to other countries as to their own, but also as many | will be hard work. The army which took so long a | above stated, the advantages of this acquisition to | no effort to grep the keys of every sea; which men imbued with a sense of justice as were ever | time to hunt down a few thousand Seminoles may | the slave power are doubtful; but of this we have | commands the Mediterranean from Malte and found any in nation. The besetting ein of demo- | succeed in a task similar to that in which forty thou- | no doubt, that the formation of an offensive and de- | Gibraltar—the Adriatic from Corfu—the Baltic cracies is the seg sere! of the wise and the to | sand of Napoleon’s best te failed; but will the | fensive alliance between Spain and us, thereby | from Heligoland—the Arabian Gulf aud the allow the prizes of politics to be grasped y e mob | North support the South in the effort? Will not so making us responsible for Spanish folly or vindic- | Chinese Sea Aden and Hong Kong ; servers and the pees seekers; still, at the time of | costly and disgraceful a war give the free party an | tivenese—still more, our declaration that we would | which has places scattered over the In- real danger, the former rarely fail to show, them- | impulse which will either destroy slavery or dissolve | not allow the purchase of Cuba—would be regarded | dian Ocean, theAtlantic and the Pacific; which af- selves, and would that we could he as sure, that in | the Union? and if the Union be dissolved from such | by the Laberge slavery a4 the greatest aid | fronts Charleston with Bermuda, and blocks up the this crisis of ber career, England had as mauy | a canse what will become of the ‘‘domesgic institu- | which we could possibly give them. There is, how- | Gulf of Mexico with Jamaica—it little becomes us, citizens possessed of a political conscience as | tion?” S ever, one contingency in which the proslavery de- | we ray, to quarrel with the desire of our American has America? Lastly, the desire of the South then, the slave States do gain Cuba they | signs upon Cuba might possibly cause collision be- | kinsmen to obtain such positions as Caba and the for annexation, in order to preserve its power in | may very bly gain @ loss; if they con- | tween the Americans and ourselves. We have al--| Sandwich Islends, for the acquisition of which ar- Con; , in so far as it expresses itself, tends to | quer her, they will find her emancipated or de- | luded to the charge which is made against us, viz.: | gumente at least as those by which our as that the balance of right is on ours, or that the | selves uj the territories of their neighbors as | create its own counteraction, by cai the free | solated; if they purchase her, they will buy | that we are conspiring to make Cuba a St. Domin- ice has been guided, may be alle; X, fereieat interesta of huntentey would Thee far more | thongh they were denizens of the Old watt cities, | North every year to become more feartul of increase | a colored pop don more insu! te thats 0, in order to t nice the fanatical designs of preetice ba pereeSh ES wishes to cae ‘an; sl than they would gain by our defeat. On the one | flying from Malthusian theories. There can be no | of slavery. any they have now; and even if these dangers | the philanthropists, by fostering a servile war in | of ite surplus revenue in the purchase of freshiter. Bide isa ie of serfs, with whom the Americans | doubt that many an ardent republican looks for- In no case shall we find the conflict of these op- | do'not realize themselves, an economical result,as | the States. Our Knowledge that Lancashire | ritory, it is not our place to spoil the bargain: it is poring tendencies more evident than in that onc | Mr. Robertson well explains, may follow, by which | would be ruined by such servile war, might, | no business of ours to say to Queen Isabella, or to which now most attracts attention on this aide of the | the abolitionists would, after all, be the real gainers. | we should think, be our defence; but, in reality, all | Santa Anna, or to Kamehama IV., that they shall Atlantic, viz., in the relation of the republic to | Were Cuba once peacefully possessed by enterprising | these Africanizing charges are based upon this one | not touch the dollars of the American treagury. Cuba, Mr. Roberteon,a shrewd Manchester man, | Americans, the cultivation of her soil, and with it | simple fact, that we are trying to obtain the fulfil- | Again, if America picks a quarrel with one of her who takes stock of the prospectaand position of the | the demand for slaves, would be greatly increased, | ment of a treaty in consideration of which we have | weaker neighbors, we may lament over her exbi- Americans as though he was valuing them for sale, | while one great source of supply, the African slave | paid Spain some hundied thoueand pounds in hard | bition of an unjust or overbearing spirit, and over well sume up the metivesto Cuban annexation. | trade, would be stopped. At the same time, the in- | cash. Such slaves as have been captured on the | the retribution which, first or last, is eure to follow “ The people of the States,” he says, ‘are irritated | sular population would decrease rathcr than increase, | middle paseage by our cruisers, and have been | it; but unless we would eet up to be the policemen at the cruelty of the Spaniards; they are disgusted | by reason of the caeeniee the sexes; the sole re- | brought before the Mixed Commission Court at } for both ieee for which we ,have at the incompetency of the Cuban Pe ae source, therefore, would be the slave-breeding States | Havana, have beew by that court legally freed, and | neither the vi nor the power—we have po ex- they know the value of the soil, which, in the hands | of Virginia, North Carolina and Maryland; and the | ordered to be Sosa iced to Cubans, who have in | cuse for interference, because our interests are not of ihe present owners, is almost entirely ne: d; | inducement to them tosell ape py y be so great | reality enslaved them; #0 that there are many thou- | in danger. There may be special cases io which and lastly, the slavebolding States desire to increase | as to drain away their stock, until they became free | sand emancy wearing out their lives in slavery, | honor evolved ous . for instance, as the one their power, to balance the increasing rof the | States—a far greater gain to the North than Cuba | for the li yf bes one of whom the honor not | which we have alluded to as possible with re- North, and to counteract the effects which would re- | would be to the South. Meantime, however, the | only of Spain but of England is pledged. After | gard toCaba ; and our relations with the native gov- sult from any defalcation among the Northern slave | clave party still desires annexation; it disregards or | years of fruitless representation, our government has | ernment of the Sandwich Islands may very bly States, where the employment of slave labor is now cenaieee its dangers, or rather it loses sight of them, | at length succeeded in obtaining decrees for the re- | make it incumbent upon us to them Fonte found to be scarcely profitable.’ The ano-4 in fearof whatmsy happen if it does not annex. Here istration of these people, and for their ultimate | cible appropriation. Failing, however, such excep- nymgus author of “Gan Eden,” in his igh we have the true meaning of Lone Star Lodges | freedom. Whether there is any present prospect of | tional obligations, we ought not to forget that we, at toned and picturesque description of this | and Ostend Conferences. The Americans try to | these decrees being actually carried out, we cannot | least, have notsuffered by the change of Louisiana island, more briefly, but aaite as traly writes: | make the Cuban whites imitate them in casting off | tell--we fear not; but we know that the mere | or California from a French colony or a Mexican “Spain is tyrannical, Cuba is rich” (he might add | their allegiance to the mother country, because they | mention of them has excited the rage both of the | wilderness into populous communities of ing wondrously and femptingly beautiful), “ America is | fear that Spain will imitate us in compelling eman- | Creole owners and of their American sympa-| customers. Nor do we conceive that our ce ravenously republican.” Nevertheless, the English | cipation. thisera. Of course, the liberation of #0 many | with Spain imposes upon as any duty to give or to ward to the annexation of the whole of North Ame- rica; nor indeed are the aspirations of some of them thus limited. “1am no supporter of the principles advocated by ‘Young America,’” said a member of Congress, speaking on the Nebraska bill, in Mr. Robertson's hearing; “but still, I am persuaded that in a few years the flag of the Union will wave over the whole continent, from the Atlantic to the Paci- tic, and from Cape Horn to the coast of Labrador:” and descending such generalities to details, we find theee annexers talking about the civilization of Central America and the valley: of the Amazon; lcoking upon Cuba aud the Sandwich Islands al- ready asalmost their own, and indeed upon all the Antilles aa their natural inheritance. This talk about the “manifest destiny” of the Anglo Aweri- can race and republic, may be much of it mere bom- hast; certainly it is, upon no faith,as were the conquests of the Ariba; not even upon an idea, as were those of the Romans; perhaps it does not de- serve to be called more than a notion, but even as a notion it is not to be despised. The wisest men in the States, the men of business and thought, even almost all the politicians of standing, disown this have fewer ties than with any other Christians, driven into battle by the incarnation of that brute force and lawless power to which they profess 90 strenuous laser On the other side ia @ free people, of the same race and language ae themselves, of similar laws and habita, and be- tween whom and themselves there is a ter com- munity of interest and thought, and with whom the: are connected by more individual bonds of friend- abip and of actual kinmanship than ever before ex isted between two separate commonwealths, Surel, then, it cannot but be painful to read in their newa- papers sneers at our want of succeas, and hardly suppressed hopes of our ultimate discomfiture. ‘oo much weight, it is true, ought not to be given to these newspaper articles, The press is by law so free in the States, or rather the practical limit to its ficense is so entirely public opinion, that any‘notion, however crude, any mie-statement however absurd, any slander, however unfounded, may find expression, provided it does not run counter to the prejudices of ‘an overwhelming majority; in which case the cen- sorship is as stringent, and the penalties as tyranni- cal, aa in Parisor St. Petersburg. For example, whig ir respective editors and prin- and democratic journals in New York, when the two | notion for themselves and disclaim it for their jitical economist, and the poetical New Englander, ‘hat the Spaniards will adopt an abolition polic: thougands of men not differing from the other romise her any support, relyi parties are ah equally balanced, may heay ie country; nud yet there are few of them in whose | though looking ot Cuba annexation from ver differ- | from any motive except that’ of the paneer at! slaves in character,or in civilization, or indeed Mould, Agetslomsnotie ions before. alewlen erent Measured abuse on the minds We should not fiud lurking cither the desire | ent its of view, a in considering it antago- | diency, we certainly do not anticipate. There is | in any circumstance a in a legal distinction, | to be engaged in a war the cost of which we should have even immunity to assail the private cha- | or the dr endanger the existence of slavery in the | have to pay. Most certainly, our form iy iY’ ly er of it, The very ee eter nistic to the true welfare of the States. The disad- (gent jealousy between the native Spaniards and { woul racter of individuals with the fonlest calumnies; while | which the “States’ men” have arrogated to them- | van! to the interests of the North needs no re- © crecles, but we believe that the African slave | island; and therefore we should not wonder if the | to save ber from either foreign ur domestic tyrants in Missouri or the Carolinas, a writer d of } selves until it is allowed tu them by others, betrays | iteration, and no less evident is the danger to that | trade with all its atrocities has been chiefly carried enforcement of these decrees might induce such | haa not been repaid in a manner to induce us to sa. wbolitionism would have reagon to cong! him- | their instinctive expectatious. Push them hard, in- | which, to many in both North and South, is their | on by the former; and certainly many of the offi- | statesmen as Mr. Soulé, should they be in power at | crifice our interests on her accouut. self if he escaped with his life. Where,however, uit | deed, and they turn round upen us and sey, “Well, Doubtless our interests, in common with those of sole political principle, viz., jes ih te of the | cials, both high and low, have connived at it, spite | Washington, to declare that all laws, human aud our Union—of the slaveholders o! ‘ing a majority of | of laws and treaties, ina most unblushing manner. | divine, obliged them to invade Cuba. We imagine, | all other nations, us in lending our ships of the Senate, which, by giving them the apparent | That modern Catherine de Medicis, Queen Christina, | however, that there is ‘no one of our readers ao timid | war to. check ap juaieldval and therefore brett power, would make them rampant, while the actual | was known to be herself a large slave trader, and | or 60 selfish as to desire, from fear of such result, | cal, attempts of Alibusters upon Caba or eleewhere; Ce more in population aud wealth, and, there- | though her influence may be for a time destroyed, | that we should relax in our efforts to secnre to | and the endeavor of France and England to per- fore, the real power, would still rest with the free | yet the cause of abolition can bardly gain by the | these people the poseession of that freedom which | suade the States to join them in a tri. - States; but there are also circumstances in the con- Cpe gat of O'Donnell—notoriously one of | we have already given them; and certainly every | ciation of any designs Cuba was a step sound dition of Cuba itself, which might make even the | the most slave trading of the recent viceroys. | principle of international law would oblige us to | both in policy and es iple; but that endeavor hav- Slave States paugg in their efferts to seize it. The planters of the need not fear infec- | protect Spain irom any consequences which might | ing failed by the refusal of the federal nt In 1861, according to statistics given us by | tion from the philanthropy of the Spaniards: we | ensue from her fulfilment of a treaty with ourselves. | to accede, it seems to us that our should Mr. Ballou, the number of whites in Cuba | will not, however, guzrantee them against their po- We have dwelt thns long upon what may be called | for the future, be guided by the following ci wes about 665,000; of free colored people, | licy. Mr. Ballou, ardently sympathizing with the | the slavery side of the Cuba question, because we | ples:— Prin about 206,000; and of slaves 442,000. There | creoles, enumerates a long list of their grievances; | believe that, in the minds of many Englishmen, its First, every influence we possess we should are great discrepancies in the accounts given | heavy taxes, exclusion from office, censorship of the | chief difficulties rest there. There is a feeling— | aze to induce moderation on both sides— by travellers of the treatment of these slaves. One | press, deprivation of ail political rights, absurd and | vague, it is true, and only half expressed, but very | to counsel the government at W; not vf Sebastopol, a friend of ours tells us, thatin t.e | nature,to turn the sea into » highway, and to | authority will tell ug they are treated far more kind- | noxious interference with commerce and education; eral—that it would disgraceful for England, | to be exacting in its demands 8; dargest theatre of New York he heard its report. | make the earth yield its increase; hence our | ly, more as though they were men and women, than | but it is evident that he considers that no one of these ntified as is her policy with opposition to | the Court of Madrid not to be apt to take offence ; capture received with almost more than English eu- { enterpriecs of commerce and _—_ colonization. | inthe States; anothcr, that they are overworked | grievances is, or ought to be, so much-resented hy | slavery, and after having’ bought the freedom | and to adyise the Intter to imitate our example thusiasm. The expression of feeling varies from | Our traders or our emigrants plant themselves | with the utmost cruelty and severity. Both state- | the Cubans as the measures lately taken for the ame- | of her own negroes at 0 large a cost, to allow | in giving liberty to its black colonists, and at the e to place, and cyanges from hour tu hour; nor, | down amongst barbarous or hal(-civilized people; | ments are correct, the explanation heise that in } lioration of the condition of the negroes. In May of | the States to ecize Cuba, in order to prevent its | same time to cease to give its white colonista by it mdeed, can we wonder at this, considering the divers | the new-comers, with babits of self-government an Cuba there is less pride of color, and therefore more | last year, the then Captain-General, Pezuela, issued | emancipation. We have therefore attempted to rea- | misrule a just pretext for rebellion. ea influences at work. Against Anglo Saxon sympathy, | with a highly developed social organization, find | general humanity, while, in cortain especial employ- | a proclamation stating: “It is time for the planter | son out this feeling, und to show what ought to be Secondly, having given thie counsel, let us in we must set Celtic hatred and revenge. Yount themselves in intimate relations with savage Afri- | ments, there is more temptation to over driving. | to substitute for the rapid but delusive advantages | the extent and Tit of its expression; but we are | terfere no further ; let us vot involve ourselves a Freiand, who has votes, may induce many a | cans or servile Asiatic, or with lazy, lawless, uy Perhaps the Spanish pride is monopolized by the | derived from the sule of human flesh, wafer profits, | well aware that there are other grounds on which it | quarrels which do hot, ern us, nor hel; 0 litical partisan to 'inveigh against "old | stitious Indo-Spaniards; these relations are so inti- | nobles, and in their eyes a white febelan may be | more in harmony with civilization, religion and | is alleged that we ought to gnarantee to Spain her | cause them by alligi ‘ovoking to the and, who cannot help him in his can- | mate that the new-comers cannot butsnffer loss from | little above a slave; or, perhaps, the republican in- | morals;” ond that ‘the time had come to make the | last American eesions, There is in the West, it | party and embuldening other ; while the vass, Doubtless there is much dislike of Russian | the bad habits or institutions of the old denizens; | sists the more upon the color, because he has not the } life of the slave sweeter than that of the white man | is stated, as well as in the East, a balance of power | same time we must not relax in the tat at antocrats; 20 also is there of English aristocrats; we | they will not submit to this loss; hence a struggle | caste distinction. At any rate, we find this distinc- | who labors under another name in Et ” Such | which onght to he precerved. We must not allow | of the fulfilment of our aluve-trade treaties, nor think the Rey. Mr. Everest is quite correct in dis- | and the trinmph of tho new-comers, who, in order to | tion lees jealously guarded by either law or custom. | atrocious sentiments “roused,” says Mr. Ballou, | the States to become too strong, or they will annex | shrink from the obligations which would be ood tinguishing between the feeling with which Ameri- | be allowed to conquer nature as they best can, con- | The laws of many of the States make emancipation | “even the Spaniards,” still more the acta | not only Spanish colonies, but English—even per- | posed upon ua should Am rien 2 ee Praat cans rd the English people and those whom | quer men. 'Thns, we believe, much more than from | a crime; the laws of Cuba make it under certain | which appeared intended to realize them— | haps ourselves. We will attempt briefly to show why | ment a cagus belli with Sj tn slt cme lla they believe to be its rulers. And, indeed, consider- | any Just of conquest, aa it was understood in classic | conditions compulsory. If a New Orleans slave be | viv. “The order for the registration of | we have not with this chain of reasoning, or wit And, applying these Patch i ing the degeneracy of their statesmen—remetaher- | or in feudal ages, though peek aiiot not without a | @ clever artisan, his master only values him the } slaves introduced into the island in violation | this class of fears, the remotest sympathy. Why not? question, we ts at: apiror pat PI nate ing what caricatures of Washington, or Jofferson, or | Std admixture of personal and seliith motives, has } higher, and thanks fortune which bas given his | of the treaty of 1317; the decree frecing” (on paper) | it may be aeked. Why adopt one course of policy ation wherever it is peal af i thas Monrce, are Polk or Pierce, we can hardly wond.r | srisen our Indian expire; and thus alvo have the | “chattel” braius as well as muscles; but in Havana, { “more than 15,000 emancipados inthe space ot a fort in Envope, and another in America? And ought we | case, be neither cuvlens “ge sida i> at that they take comfort in the thought that onr | American emigrants firet occupied, and then annex- | this same artizan would bay himself with his | vight; that of May 26, enrolling and arming negroes | not to guard our colonies {rom the possibility of at- | over it asover the ipreael aden: ‘ be Rio aristocratic habite do not ensure to us a succession | ed, Texas and New Mexico. It is imporsible to deny } earnings. “An authoritative arbitration may set- | and mulattos * ve the institation of free schools | tack, in like manner as we do India? Probably, in | —as over the increase of the meres cen of great men, any more than do their democratic | that the filibustering plans of the Americans have | tle his value on his own al, and so soon | for the instruction of the blacks; * * * and finally, | no way can we better explain our views than by | —the accession of force to thes ‘wae te institutions, been based quite as much upon the lawlessness and | as he sbull accumulate fifty a 8, his master is | the legalization of the intermarriages of blacks and | comparing Russia with America. it is not in order | friends of peace, because the e the wn ae Nor sre the commercial influences so entirely in | anarchy—in a word, upor the utter social incompe- | obliged to accept that sum as an instalment. * * | whites.* The raising of mulatto regiments, we | to prevent Russia from becoming powerful, that we | ors of nature: on the othe ‘4 ot lame “a our favor a3 might at first appear. Not only are we | tence—ol their neighbors, as upon their own ambi- | The Caban law, too, forbids the infliction of more | observe by recent newspapers, has been persevered } form alliances against her; no efforts of ours could | guch annexation {f ala rhe tte es customers one of another, but in some ts we | tion or avarice or love of adventure. As soon as we | than twenty-five lashes, and the masterwho mal- | in; the other decrees, we fear, were issued chiefly | stay her growth in population, or check her | lence its means; deplore cousequences both to tre rivals, The shareholders in the Lowell compa- | gave Canada a good government, the Yankee | treats hie ‘slave is compelled, asin Turkey, to sell | a8 threats; and having probably answered their pur- | progress in wevlth. But it is because this | the doers apd to the sufferers ry att ate ‘nies may hope for better dividends in proportion as | traders and settlers found it useless and indeed need- | him.” Doubtless such laws as these are more | pore as such, have been followed by official state- | power threatens to injure ua, that we strive to | condemn it, but do not fight a ina it, < taxes weigh down their Manchester competitors; and | les# to cry out for annexation; while, on the other | casily enacted than enforced, but the large propor- | ments coothing the fears of the slaveholders aud j confine it within its own borders. Here, | support of Finglich faith; d = yi Ahead even the New York merchant, greatly as he would | hand, wild as were the followers of Gen. Houston into | tion of freed people proves that the tem; Potthe asserting the excellencies of slavery. Nevertheless, | however, lies the great difference: In Russia, we of the ‘Ameriea le “ the ‘side Jose by our ultimate defeat and conseqnent ruin, | Texas, there can be no qnestion that in energy, in | country cannot be aKogether at variance with them. | encugh has been said and done to make the fears cf | have to deal with a government which couquera; in | crnment, but rathor Oy pea “tro ‘the aimat "the 4oees already so much by the mere fact of the war, sense, and in a ef of organization, they were | These regulations, however, apply almost entirely | ‘ an intelligent Creole,” quoted hy Mr. Ballou, n America, with a people which aunexes. Let the latter to the comnctenee of th Tor ital that he may probably enough talk for the Czar, vastly superior the miserable Mexicans ‘whom | to the non-predial class—to the household and city | unreasonal ion After lamenting that “the etd Czar gain possession of Constantinople or of Copen- The extent to which this r Lge conduct has whom he knows his words cannot move, and agaiast | they found there, We repeat that it is not alto- | slaves, not to those on the plantations, On them, | the liberty of nations has always perished in ite | haven, and, reckless of the interests of his old and | been tried for the Inst few veo it Id Gboourage his British correspondenta, whom be ‘thinks they gether from love af conquest for conqnest’s sake, | especially on the enormous sugar estates, slave labor, | cradle,” he adds, with a consistency truly American, | of his new subjects, carcleas of every consideration | us to persevere in it, The attita leor the democrat may. We believe the commercial effects of this war | nor yet from a desire for mallitary glory, that the | backed by the slave trade, has, economically speak: | that this will probably be the case in his own island, | except the preservation or aggrandizement of his rty, at the time when it elected President Pierce nome in Ragland and America, been vastly ex- | Anglo-Saxon rioe strives to extend itself over one | ing, a fair chance. The plant is costly, the capital | inasmuch a= “ enact accomplished will ehortly be | own power, he will make use of the vantage ground 5 e aderth in almost every State, was undic- pgernice. and that the late depreasion on both sides | region after another, hut because in their efforts to | invested large; there ig, every inducement to get ag | the abolition of slavery in Cuba; and the tardy in- | thus obtained, in order to further those attacks upon "ined a ative. The el Spaee ‘of Kossath had Atlantic has been chiefly owing to onr bad | civilize these regions, to turn them to accoant, they | much retorn out of the human portion of the ma- | tervention of the United States will only have tuken | the liberties of other nations by which he strives to Sreited' Sr feeling; bat the shrewdness of Jona arvest in 1853, and to theirs in'1854, by which were | flud themselves interfered with, until they are | chinery as ble, even at the expense of uent | place when its brilliant constellation lights up the | divert his eubjects from discontent ut their own ser- | than made bim te how, out of his excitement Sgravated the effects of the overtrading which the | tempted to get rid of interference by pee | Dn renewal. It pays to import young hands from |: vatt sepuichre which will cover the bodies of her | vitude. Let the “stars and stripes” wave over the | he could get power for himself rather than help for perity had indnced. The war may, in- | sess! Not but what this race is wccessihle to | Africa, to whip their work out of them ina few | sons, sacrifiped to the black race as a reward for | heights of Mexico, and Vera Cruz would speedil Hungarians. Consequently the Presi have been the means of anticipating the crisis, | military ardor and to a love of adventure on both | years, and then the sooner they die off, the chea) their sympathies with American institutions.” It | become another New Orleans, and millions A fresh ats inaogural address, delivered March, 1863, wa: and of thereby doing real good. through apparent | sides the Atlantic, though there are clreumstances The work for both men and women is terrible. was in reply to such cries for intervention aa the | customers for our manufactures would replace the 8 Siting expression of the feelings of the part; tr harm: bat the men who have blown the speculative | which may make the prevalence of a military spirit | “even on the best of the great estates, fram Novem- | above, that Mesars. Buchanan, Mason and Souls, the | bands of anarchists wlio now rob ‘ovellons, of their | which owed his place. Tw, while ¢ bubble will be bong ay at its bursting, Forgetti ¢ | more probable in the States than with as. With | ber to May, rixteen, and sometimes nineteen hours a | diplomatists present at the Ostend Conference, i mouey and capitalists of their loans. If Russia at | “the ition of certain es not within hat their eventual would have been greater them almost every man is more or les: w trained | day.” And yet, for their masters there iseafety in this } sued the notorious despatch dated the 18th of ( hm tacks Turkey, it is becavse she fears the growing | the U: States as eminently ira nt for their ‘they had been allowed to go on speculating. it is, | soldier; their militia maers above two millions; the | toll; for, herded and fed like cattle, with no care over | ber, 1X54, in which they state that, if threatened by | civilization of the Christians; if ahe marches into | protection,” be also svows as “fundamental” th: therefore, fair for Mr. Cobden to appeal to | use of arms is not merely the profession of a few, Taeta-—rell gious, moral or social-~with few women, } that emancipation which “would seriously endanger | Hungary, it is to protect despotism. Bverywhere— | prineiple that “the rights, arn and repose of American reprobation of the war astothat of impar- | but the practice, the pride and the pestime of the | with every incitement to ferocity, what would these | our internal peace, and the existence of our cherish. | North, South, and West—in Sweden, Circaasia, Ger- | this continent ect the idea of interference or if. we are aggressive, what are you, with your chain of conquests snd colonics encircling the globe? What are our annexations in America compared with your aggressions in Asia?” Trae enough, there never wae a people more R ssed with this tendency to exteusion than are the people who speak the English languoge-—call them Anglo-Saxons, or by what name you please; and it would be hard to Ieaders in the New York Heraup, a paper say whether monarchical or republican institutions to which hardly any American of influence of any | have tended more to develope this tendency. We would atiach weight, we may set noble an. | will go farther, and at once acknowledge that with- ing tributes to English valor, such as that { out it, we Alglo-Naxons could not be the men we are, quoted by ‘Mr. Baxter from the Boston At/as, aud | nor do what seems our especial work in the world. natured as are the sarcasms about the long sieze | Onr business is to make incessant aggressions upon may poly it ts not the wisest or most influential man voice is the loudest; more often he will retire from the strife of tongues, unless commanded by duty to bear his testimony; and therefore the ing of the Czar by the American press would merely prove that there is not an active majority of American readers against them. Nor are these ar- tickee all on one side. Against the antiuglish tial observers. The Americans may well be advo. | many, Then in the South, the disgrace which sla- } poor savages do with their energies if the whip | ed Union,” and, ev ing Spain not to consent to brute force the | colonization on this side of the ocean forei po of peace at any price when they secm to them. | vcry'fixes npon labor canses large aumbers of young | ceared fora moment? It appears also that, ‘stony bargain for the ‘sland, “ti ent by every law, human mt oft I teat oni eich other | Power, beyond its present juriedietiog, a2 Utterly selves to wuffer almost as much as we do by the war, | men to hang loose upon society, without occupation } the Bozales or imported Africans, there are many | and divine, we shall be justified in wresting it from | and far more precious possessions, includes that | inadmissible.” In other words, the execative of = we the price would have to be paid by as and | or means ut all adeqnate ¢) their wants; while | men belonging to tribes of a fierce, sngovernabie Spain, if we have the power.” Revolting as is co | individual enterprise npon the existence of which, | the Union asserted not only ite right. to extension, no! ney, them. f in the North, so great i¢ the demand for la- | character-—men with much natural intelligence, but | undisguieed a proclamation of a crusade on behalf | in other countries, depends so much of the pros. | but to a mon of extension; the meaning of again, wherever there is great intercourse be- | bor, and +o ample and #0 speedy is its remu- } without the one virtue of a alave, docility. of slavery, still more offensive are the hypocritical | perity of manufacturing and commercial | this address is:—' We will acquire, no matter how; tween nations, there is also much chance of dispute. | neration, that young men are able to take a If, therefore, Cuba should join the Union, ehe | attempts of such writers as Mr. Ballou to preach ft in ote like ourselves. America, on the other hand, | that is, we will a i ad please} you may not) w many Ameri-: 4p proportion to the capacity, this chance appears to | turn at soldiering, with little inju to their | would bring with her a body of laborers, 1 PY G * c , one part of | the name of liberty. He concludes a vol es a territory because she cither has filled it, | even colonize.’ be greater with Russia than with England. In the | future prospects, Kor instance, when The Mexican | whom would be ferocious heathen, and the fsa every line of which shows that it is the saveinioens or wishes to fill it, with men more with | can fellow countrymen we have, how enormous are forth Pacific, almost the re? ce where there | war broke out, the present President was a lawyer | der would be in possession of privileges of which | of Cuta whom he fecls with and fears for, with the | this spirit of enterpriee than were those who were | all American interests, what assertion could have’ ne po of such collision, we find Mr. | in fair practice in New Hampshire; turning himaelf | their republican rulera would deprive them, and who | following outburst:—“Cuba will be free. ‘The spirit there before: with men, therefore, whore interests | heen more inaulting tous? The little notice which Hill, his travels in Siberia, describing the | intoaGencral for the nonce, he returned after a | would be just eo far advanced in civilization as to be | is abrond among her people. * * * The few who | will be more involved with oars—to whom a war | was taken of it, fo mi our government or oar interference of the Russian authorities with | year's fighting to bis briefs; what should we think | dangerous leaders of the fierce tenanta of have dared to do or die have fallen ith us would be a t in| Again, the whole | prees, was the ing reply. the American whalers; aud ove of the chief argu | Of a barrister thus including the Crimea in his cit. | baracone. Nor would the are fy ‘4 ruil ronrke the spot where they fell. bard ro patierhoy of annexation whi America has, a8 it \f Shortly afterwards came G bombard. ments alleged by the advocates of annexation of the | cuit? free colored ro, be wit By ge 8 of Bat freedoms battle once begun, were, invented, is after all, not 80 mach aggressive | ment—e trie! on a small acale of new princi Sandwich Islands to the States, is its necessity in | _ in addition, however, to the desire to meet the de- | danger and discontent. A class which could pro- Bequeathed from bleeding sire to ron, as attractive. Can an deny that the inhabi- poe freien a ‘A hasty naval officer might 1 f - 4 one order that they shonlg be prepared for contest with | mapds of the greg-xbop or the gambling-henee, orto | duce gych a poet ag Pipcido, and whose general cun- Phough bated oft, is always won; tanta, or at least the white ighabitapts, of Texas or | have mage GifGonlty of thig atpir, An i