The New York Herald Newspaper, June 30, 1855, Page 2

sever aD ion with the majority of the Na- onal ‘American Council recently assembled at Phils. , That this party affirm with renewed enerzy the distinctive principles of Americanism, which we Rave hereto‘ore expreased. Resolved, That the action of a portion of the South im attempting to send Papists into the late Council at Philadel affords gro ef suspicion that they ‘apd ulterior objects in view, which they seek to strengthen by an alliance with the American Resolved, That this party hereafter stands distinctly ‘to use all const tutional means to effect the re- steration of the prohibition clause of the Missouri com- aoreed and to secure free institutions in Kansas and reska. Resclved, That the interests of the whole country tm- peratively ‘require tbe union and co-operation of tne Jeeple of Massachusetts and the free States, and we in- ‘vite the co operation of men of all parties in Massachu- setts and the free States to maintain and advance the principles we profess. Hesolved, That the Massachusetts Counsel declares | ‘that all the principles of the Order shall be hencefor-’ ‘ward everywhere openly avowed; and that each member shall be at liberty to make known the existence of the Order, and the fact that he himself ie a member; and it vecommends that there be no concealment of the places ef meeting of subordinate Councils. Voted, That the above address and resolutions be zigned by the committee and the officers of thie Council, and published. JON’ W: FOSTER, President. E. C. Baker, Secretary. In the evening a public meeting was held in Tremont Tewple.; Ur. Benjamin H, West, State Councillor, pr- supported by thirteen vice presidents, Dr. West, en taking the chair, said that the meeting was called to- gether to ratify the doings of the Northern aecudere from Philadelpbia National Convention. He exhorted his Bearers to emulate the deeds of their ancestors. Cir- eumstancer have compelled the people of this State to apeok out as never delore, They must takea new acd elear and definite position in reference te points which Rave been matters of doubtful decision heretofore, action of to-day should be of no doubtful character. It ‘was such, he trusted, as would meet the hearty appro- Dation and co operation of all present. In thefuture the party had much t2 hope for. There was everything to gain; and there was one way of gaining it. ‘1 believe,’’ said he, “it is impossible to come to any other cencla- sion than that the action of society must be made up of ‘the action of individuais, and the actioa of individuals io enly safe when they do duty that God and humsaity and the right impose upon them. Let us, thev, do our @nty. Let ue go forward with enlightened minds, with warm hearts, with the largest possible liberality, and with tbe most unflinching determination to stand for the wight.” Gov. GARDNER, who was warm'y chesred, spoke followe:—Mr. resident and feliow Citizeas—I toank you for your cordial greeting, after the exertion of the day. Iam hereas one of the delegates of Massachu. setts, returned from the American Convention at Phila- delphia. In that capacity I stand here now bofore yor. Very soon J shall be obliged to lea’ e city, and will detain you but af ing to the ocza- sion and auspic I rejoice that it hae become my fortune to make the first public American speech in the State of Massachusetts. I wel- come these co-operators at our gathering here to nigh Troth cannot be disseminated too widely or too far. Heretotore speeches have been made, redolent with teath, the good effeste of which would have been incul. entably great, could they have beem made public and spread broaccast among the people. I rejoice to recog. nize before me those whom have never seen within closed doors--whom I have never met at meetings of the American party. Pernaps there are some who would ne- ver have come here if these doors had been hermsticall, sealed. I see frien¢s and associates here, whom I wei- come, for want them to see the doctrines which we will stand by, and which we have long felt throbbing ia our hearts, ‘Iam here a delegate returned from the Philadelphia convention. Now, we were willing to do our duty, a8 we understand it—in our own quiet, hum- bie, unobtrusive way, if necessary. But clraumstances have forced it upon us to adopt a course which, I re- joice, we deci¢ed to adopt. Ido no wrong, or commit we impropriety, in referring to the published account of the preceecings of the conventicn at Philadelphia, and te their platiorm of principles; and when I say to you that that platform of principles caused the Massashu- setts delegation; and almost the entire Northern dele- gation, to sign a paper which you have seeu—I tell you mo new thing, but a pregnant fact of times “We are living in a historic day, and the events of this day m* bave mementous bearings upoa the history of nation. Itisa fact that cannot be winked oat of sight. Why did those gentlemen secede? Because they were driven out from the convention They were forced to retire, or record Siete acquiescence | ja she doctrines of thal, SOOTERMPW RIG oP°CSsARFin, wholly perp ‘srcroachment of Northern rights anil and entire St liberty! It is unnecessary to say it. It is palpable. Now, we have come home, because, if we remained, we would be required to acquiesce in that platform as the expreesion of our sentimente, by which we would live apd which we would advocate. I told ‘them that we would not a:quiesce if we could, and could not if we would. In that platform there are many new things and many true things; but the new things are not ‘true, and the true are not new. That platform asked us to go farther on the subject of slavery than weever went Defore, Only five years ago, when the compromise mta- sures became law, the country was asked to acquiesce im those measures as a settiement of the question of slavery: and the great mars of the community did ac- quiesce in them as that set‘lement, and on that pleige was the present nationt! administration placed m power. Yet no sooner were they in power, than & new and grovs outrage was committed upon a selemn compact of the entire mation, And tne and there, and now and forever, let the North dem a restoration of that breken compact. The Philadelphis Convention pledged themselves, and attempted to ple ige us, in thas broken faith. They had received their com- penraton—they had pocketed their money for their bai ain, ‘spd then wished to repudiate the whole transac m. They to establish as a rule that the ques- tion of slavery within the Territories of the United Btater should not be legislated upon by Congress. That doctrine would destroy and root up the sacred ordi- nance of 1787. What was that but Congressional inte ference with the subject of slavery in the Territori» That same thing would destroy forever the Missouri pro- hibition, And now, having violated that agresment, an desiring to lay their hands on the national terri they come with the modest propotition that wi pleoge ourselves that Congress shall not interfere with the sudject of slavery anywhere in the United Stater, Then again they went farther, and declared it as the sense of th Counsil ‘that no into State could ba refused admiesion to say that all not come in as States, ex- tiginal compact of freedom of 1820. hey wanted us to pledge ourselves in advance that we would allow Kansas to coms,in as a slave State, without one word of objection, if Senstor Atchison and his supporters should declare as a part of tue law of the Territory that slavery should exist there. ‘Those ware the points which the delegates from the North would not consent to. We preferrei not to be dumb. We told our Southern frienis what we should do if they forced their principles upon ur—and we did it We cams home for an endorsement, of course, and with an entire una- nimity it has b-en this day endorsed. Whatsoever favor Ihave received trom my fellow citizens—whatever of gratification I have experiencel—sltogether do not ‘weigh in my mind as the approval by my fellow citizens of my course upon this grave question the week before last, in the city of Philadelphia. Now the questien has been removed, and the responsibility with it, from our bands to yonrs. When questions of simply Southern interest arise, the South are united with that ebivalrous devotion te the interests of their sestion of the country which has always characterized them; they stand as one man in defence of their owa inte. rests. But I can hardly expect the North to do the same. I do not believe that when their interest alone is concerned the North will be united; but when their rights and liberty itself are invaded, then is it too much to expect that North men will be true to their own duty? Cannot the North now, atleast, be one man for duty: But, cir, [know very well it will be asked, what did the Gelegates to the Philadelpbia Convention say anything a about slavery for—-why did they thus endanger the Union’ In the first place, the question of slavery was not rais #4 by the Norln. The Southern delegates declared that ‘they would secede, Ihave heard fo much about the dentrnction of the Union that I have begua to look upoa it a8 one of those fabulous myths that we read of ia history. I don’t believe those gentlemen could destroy the Union. Iv is too settied in the hearts of the people and Ido not believe any of them would destroy it could. It is a grand scarecrow and\ means The Union to ‘be destroyed! no, nev- idea is preposterous. The South ‘knows if Cnion; North knows the value of the Union; and whens man tells you in sobsr earnest that the Union is in danger, either him as a fool, or that he believes hres bad areoae. Gentle. men, we have duties as well as rights, and I #tand here, a6 | ever will stand, and declare my intention to obey all constitutional duties; but beyond thet | will not go. I will not pander to any section for any cause. We tave is tidings from other states. Ohio, ‘ic wires, has sent her words of chsec The course of her deleg: at m ratified at h wita ontirs The little State of Rhoie ers of that declaration. yy do not, we had rather be the honest delegates who 4id their duty, than a constituency at home who do not know their own. But we thank you for your endorse- Stand firm to the trath—ask only your he that will not defend his own righits is we rights to defend. Ron. Joun W. Fosse, of the Executive Committse, who was also s delegate to the Philadelphia Convention, aoe next introduged, and he spoke an hour. We have upworthy t wot space for a synopsis of bis performance, whi:h was Bowery. ‘Senator Wits0n, who enthusiastically recel Mr. rectdons 8 Set eanet Bet ab that Sir, I went to Philadelphia commiemone: the American party to maintain and defend the Prinetles measures and policy of the American party of - setts. Ihnew wbere Matuschusetts stood on the ques- tion of human liberty in America; Thnew where the Lune. Heap party of Massachusetts stood on that question; and 1 am the last man on earth to retreat from the position which Massachusetts, or the position which the Ameri- can party of Maasschusetts, has assumed upon that fore I went, while there, to be inflexibly true to the sentiments and convictions of Massachusetts, Sir, the slsve power forced upon ua theslavery issue. We boldly and frank- ly mettoat issue, I knew, sir, before] went to Phila- Gelpbis, that the bold, arrogant snd determined chiefe of the black power would meet us there, prepared to urge their peculiar interests. 1 was struck, air, by a remark of yours, the other night, at another place, and on another occesion, that thie conflict at Philadelphia was not because se were there, and men of the south wero th re; but because God was io the heavens. That was & profound truth, God lives and reigns; and I ei) you here, to night, that the agitation upom tai uistico of human slavery willcontinue while the foot Of aslave presses the soil of the Americaa republic. When the last bondman can stand up and sey, “iam a mao, & brother. an American, aye, & native American,’’ then and not till then, will toe agitation of the slavery question cease in this republic. (Chsers.) And that politician, whether he be a member of the American Pperty or any other party, whe believes that we can pat puvy-bands upom that movement inaugurated by Al- mighty God, sustained by every attribute of God, aad reer Bee and boly on earth, and arrest it, may be an enthusiastic, but not a very far saeing politician. rejoice bere to-night that the issue has been met—that, for the first time in the history of the republic, there bas been a national convention, and the North uas masmntained its manbood, 1 bave been at a mational convention before, I stood ina natioral convention in 1848, and then met there bold and arrogant, unscrapu- lous chiefs of the black power. They conquered, and we of the North submitted—always excepting a very few ‘‘sizzlers ? Gentlemen, that \‘ sizzie’’ of 1848 has grown into a full grown rebell:on of 1855. Phat little move- ment of 1848 has been followed by the delegates of thirteen sovereign Stater of this Union in 1355, and now the American party Is for ever emancipaied from that degracing conpestion with the chiefs ef the black power of the South. Isay the separation is final and complete. There ie a high wall and deep ditsh between us and them, and here to mgbt, be/ore you ard in this presence, I say, and I would say it to the whole repub- tic if my vo.ee could be heard, that never more will we meet those men who were falee to freedom at Philadel- phia, and act in concert and in carmony with them. I would as soon snpgort Franklin Pierce and Stephen /r- nold Douglas aa the men who, at Philadelphia, adopted that majority platform. Now, gentlemen, having sepa- rated ourselves, I trust for ever, from ali sectional 1s- sues and combinations, let us stand boldly and manfully 2 @ broad nitional piatform, that com ends the whole country and the people of the whole country— includiug the North (Laughter,) We hear a t bout no No:th, noSouth, no East, no West— have found the North at our large in our affections the whole country—ia- g the South. Gentlemen, if the men of the North hadgone into that National Convention united, ready to maintain the sentiments of the people of the N |, tbe men of the men of the Southern slav the ultimatum we tendered to t! by us, and if they had been stricken down, would nave fallen gloriously, fighting for the sory and honor of theXouth. I know what J ssy, and I say that there were men in that convention fromthe South who would have agreeed to restore freedom to Kansas, if it had not been for the treason of the State of New York. If the North in that.convention had acted in concert and harmony, we should have bad a united North anda divided South; but before we went there there were tae chiefs of a bailied and defeated faction in the State of New York—men who were organized to break down Wm, H. Seward (cheers) and for no other purp»se—who went to Philadelphia prepared to put their heels to crush us at the North, if the y jve and be the little and insigniti- cant cbiets of a daffied faction in the city aud Ntate of New York. And, gentlemen, tne cause of the coun- try, the cause of freetem, the cause of the American party, was sacrificed by theee little insignificant leacers, ify their own petty ambition. sir, they willbe scorned and hissed in the State,of New York. The American party of that State will trample upon them. 1told them, in that convention, that William H. Seward’s heel was upon thelr recks, and that he would be peering down in their graves, when they are dead. Their own party, their own followers, wil! place them in those graves, and we shall all have the pleasure of trampling upon them. Sir, we have taken our position in Massa- ebueetts today. You have endorsed the action of your Gelegaten I had po doubt what your action would be; ‘dut, gentiem+n, I usk you fer s moment to turn your attention from your own political pozition, aud to look at the position of the country. The iuteresta of this country demand—the cause of liberty demends—that the people of these (ree States shall ast together, ia concert and harmony. We are union of men who think alike, feel alike, and in the future will act alike. I trust that everything which we ean do, we, the American party of Masnachusetts, will do, to bring into a harmonious party all who think as we think, feel as we feel, and wish to actan we act. Iam sure that the heart’ of Massacha sett beats responsive to our action, We wish to be in union snd barmony with fi New Eagland, in ambitions of public men in Massachusetts or elsegher defeat the high and exalted hopes of the evan oF. Gentlemen, I co not propose, at this late hour. to detain geass 1 have briefly expressed my owa wishes ge in this matter. We huve performed our duty. committed ourselves to the policy of freedom. ‘We have avowed our determination to carry out those American principles for which this psrty inMassachusetts was organized. Let us carry oat thoee principles. Let place the American party in harmony with the wants country, and progrestive advancement of the cause of human liberty in America. Let us abjure all that is narrow, bigoted, or intole- rant. Let us place the principles ot the party in her. mony with the democratic sentiment of the aye, and we shall triumph. We may be defeated in 1856. | I ba- lieve, however, if we are wise, we sbsll triamph ia Masrachusetts, in New England, and in all the free States. We shall elect the next Congress, committed to the policy of freedom We snall elest » President of the United S‘aten, who will be true to the cause of hu man liberty, and those American ideas that underlie the American mission. Mr. Avovstvs ©. Caney, of Ipswich, Avavstvs 0. Brewster, and others, acdressed the meeting. NEW HAMPSHIRE. POLITICS. SPEECHES OF MESSKS. BELL AND HaL®, THE NEW UNITBD STATES SENATORS, ON THE ISSUES OF THE Day. In pursuance of # call signed by leading prominent members of the free soil party of the State of New Hampehire, a very large, intelligent and most respect- able audience, comprising members of the Houss of Re presentatives and Senate, the Governor and Council, and teveral hundreds of the ladies and gentlemen of Con- cord an vicinity, assembled at the Depot Hall, ta Uon- cord, N, B., on Wednesday evening, the 27th, at eight o’clock, to hear ths Hon. James Bell and the Hun. John P. Hale, the new members elect to the Senate of the United States, express their views upon the great questions now agitating the public mind, Mr, Rollins, of Concord, in behalf of the Committes of Arrapgemente, reported the names of the following gentlemen as officers of the meeting:— PRESIDENT. Joel Eastman, of Conway. VICE PRESIDENTS, John Clough, Enfield, J. ©. Tilton, Sandbornton, Nathaniel Wiggin, Dover, ‘Wm. Tenney, Hanover, Albert Smith, Peterboro. SECRETARIES, J.C. Abbott, Manchester, —R. C. Stevens, Meredith. Mr. Eastaax, on taking the chair, returned his ac- knowledgments for the great honor conferred upon him, and said be would not detain the audience by any lengthy remarks, for he was well aware that the large and en ‘thusiastic audience present had assembled to hear the very dittinguished gentlemen recently elected to seats in the Semate of the United States, It was great cause for congratulation, in the election recently heid by tho Legislature of New Hampshire, that they had etested two distingulshed gentiemen who will reflect so muck honor upon the State, and whose sentiments were #0 nearly in accordance with the sentiments of » vast ms jority of the people of the State. (Applause. ) After briefly alluding to the question of the prohi tion of slavery in New Hampshire, the Chairman con- cluded by introducing the Hon. James Bell, Senator elect to the Senate of the United States, who spoke as follows :— HON. JAMES BELL’S SPEECH. Tn compliance with what is uaderstood to bs the gene: wish, I come before you to say something upon the great questions which now engage the public attention. It is hardly necessary that I should discleim any parpose of ‘assuming to direct public opinion, or of giving counsel to the many intelligemt, well informed and able men whom I now see betore me, I feel my own incompe. tence to any such attempt, and propose no moze thaa to express fresly and without reservation my own coa- clumons, hoping that they may be found in the main not to be in conflict with those of the enlightened pso- ple of this State. There oan be no difficulty im the se- lection of topics, since no mam of common observation can fail to discover at once those which at this time on. gross the attention of all men who feel any concera for ‘he welfare of the country. I propose to speak of the Policy of extending the boundaries of our country by conquest or purchase, of the project of establishing in our unsettled Territories institutions modelled ir those of the slaveholding States, and briefly of the hunt of the internal dovslopemeat ot ihe souatey ant ment rel of and of free labor—subjecta, as timately aad closely s gianes. On most of these questions I am - dent teh yon Wil ogree with vos @lst et meet wawiee, ® ther, rare 80 comprehensive as to embrace everything which we—l meen the great meso of tre people of thie State—have learned to love and reverence, we must retarn to the original wise sad com- prehensive scheme of pubiic policy ‘who founded our present system ‘Must dintrast those wro would persuade us that the great principles of interval and foreign policy heid by ‘the fathers of the republic might eutlice for 4 small na- tion in ite infancy, but thet we ehould now discard them as unfit for a people #bieh haa assumed ite posi- tion on the theatre of the world ae @ first rate power They hold out to us, instead of bealthy and peaceful growth and progresy, 11 our social condition and ai- vepcement tuwards s higher and truer civilzation, a commending p)sce ip the scale of nations, to be won and waiuteined oy war end diplomacy, foreign couquesta and segrencisement at the expense of neizhboring mations, and, a8 directly connected with trese, the expansion and predominance of the system which reste aa ite basis upon sérvilelabor. Now, it is well knoen—aclear his- torical fact—that every Jeading man woo, among those who established our government, with Washington at their head, and acting ia this as the true representatives of the American people, he:d our true policy, mm our re- lations with ail nations, to be one ot peace, founded onthe most exast justice, and of just commercial intercourse. they ‘held that we sbou'd as @ ma- ticn cechme any participation beyond this \imit, and any entanglement in their affairs. They could sot bave con- otived of it as possible that taking republi:an Rome, with all ber injostice and Fepacity, as our moiel, we should become a conquering people, end that we should Tesch at length tbat poiot that our neighbors should oread all contact with us. Still less couli they have conceived that coaquests would be sought for for the purpose of extending the sreao! slave labor. They, as 4a it can bo most clearly and abundantiy shown by his- torical evicence, regardei slavery as an evil, upfortu- wately introduced into this coun! by no fault of ite people, and which was to be tolerated and endured be- cause buman wisdom had discovered no means for ite extirpation. They would have been struck with aston- ishment at the suggestion that it was to be encouraged —to be fostered—that foreign acquisitions were to be made for its support and perpetuation—and this ingr-at part by the blood and treasure of those who would reg«"d its exietence as a eS national misfortune and wroug. Least of all could they have anticipated that this sys- tem was to become > and, emboldened by sus cess, to sttempt, after having exhausted their own por- tion of the common ert, of the mation, to seize by surprise upon that part which, by legislatton and the common consent of the whole country, had been obtain- ed for settlement by the redundant popalation of the free States But all this and more has been attempted, and with success. Ifit shall wholly susceed, a reat civil revolution will have been effected in our pub- ic policy and in the whole character of our government. Thus farits advance, sometimes stealthily and by al- most imperceptible degrees, and sometimes by belt and open and well-timed demopatrations of rorce, can de dis- tinctly traced, If we would not see this revolution con- summated, we must not only resist this attempt to cbange the character of our government attempt to render everytning subordinate to the Southern or- ganization of society, but we muat insist that what has been accomplished in this direction shall be undone Our claim shoula be for redress for past wrongs as well as security for the future. What, then, cao be done in the way of redress and of’ self- cefence? Does ing remam for us but to unite in ® most rmined opposition to avy fur ther attempt at the acquisition of foreign territory, whether on ite Southeru trontier or ia tne West Indies? And it ia clear that that resistance will be unavailing, if not made pow and at once. Look at the attempts to spnex Cuda—devised ae a mere executive measure. m»liions offered for ita witout tne slightest ttempt toconsult the public opinion, with as perfect ignorance of the voice of the people as haviag mate control over its rulers as could have happen: under the government of Nicholas or of Alexander. And have we really nothing to do with the maiter bat to furnish the means? And is this the trae theory of our government? Can the executive, without consulting ‘the wishes of the people, bind us tothe payment of sume to immense, to be drawn from the hard earnings of the poor an well as the rich, to purchase foreign ter- ritory, which a large proportion of those who mast bear the burthens incurred by its acquisiton, believe will be ep {unmitigated curse to our country? §Would acy ruler of any other government calling itseif imited or constitutional, have dared to have ventured im this way upon a messure #0 mowentous in its conse- quences? I will not pause to ask a»y man who believes in the right of mem everywhere to cootrol their own affaire—tne Eley ot eelf-governmeut—bow he can advo cate the trensfer of a million of people, without ashing of obtaining their cossent, to a foreign country, with whore language, institutions and manners they have nei- ther acquaintance nor sympathy. We cen all judge for ourselves whetber this people, whether of 5; pcr er foto freena ep “NSE Lmerican citizens, Such a ares’ sore. 3¢ Fucteeefnl, must ixevitabiy be foilowed not Snly’by introducing amongst us discord and dissension, im its most embittered forms. but by « great and dan- gerovus incr in our military and naval estebdlisn- ments, and a corresponcing increare of executive power. Looking at the consequences of almost unmin. gled evil that are sure to result from such 2 measure, con the worst +newy of this country invoke upoa it a heavier miefortune than to have a people roalien in race ana feeling, so unconjenial in everything, cast upon us asa burthen and asnare? And where will thestichlers for a strict and literal interpretation of the constitution find spy werrant in that instrument for this increase? Acquisitions made by conquest, it has sometimes been said, are legitimate, vecause conquest is a common iaci- dentof wer; but there is certainly no provision in the constitution which confers this power of the indefiaite extension of our frontiers by purchase When Louisiana ‘Was so acquired, it was lees an exercise of a constitu- tional right, than an avowed overleaping of the consti- tutional barriers, justified by the necessity of the case 4nd if that prececent has been followed in a few other instances, they capnot avail to change the criginal or. ganic law of the country. Our system, as we all know, does not, like that of Kngland, rest at its basis ou prescription and usages—one growing up almost imper- ceptibly after another. It is, on the contrary, a writter form of government, conferring well detiued powers, and ia oncbangeabie except in the manner provided in’ the instrument iteel A dark and portentous day it will surely be fcr this country, and fraught with the untold evils flowing from civil discord and strife, when, in d ce of the wishes of large cla: of our people, their means are, without constitational rignt, thus opplied to purchase the territory of a foreigs nation, That it would be perilous to the union of the States, may be an argument of no weight with many of its advocate, There ta some reason, indeed, to fear that disunion ix the very result at which some of th im who favor thie measure, and that they urge on this syrtem of buying and conquering everything within our reach, this side the Isthmus at least, as the most ready and direct mode of effecting From what it merely proposed, Jet me pass to the great act of aggression already perpetrated upon Northern ri nd the sen. timentof the free States—the Ka is audience, I ass does not requi to satiefy them this convictions upon this poi asI trust, strong, and immoveabl What is now demanded, then, fo much argument as action, firm and decided ‘We do not, it T conceive aright, believe that there ever was any fair semblance of argument to sustain this most ini- quitovs measure. There was, it is true, as in the whole history of the world there always have been in like canes, pratexts more or leas plausible put forward, with the hope of palliating the enormity of the act. Excuse me in glancing a moment jome of them, im order to determine if I am right in ‘ing to them this epitbet. The great grourd of defence, and almost the only ground, which is urged in this latitude, isdrawn from what is denominated the sovereign right of the people of the Territories to shape their own institutions as they may choose. Itisastanding phrase; but let us see whether in its application to this case it is not also a hollow and unmeaning one. Now, no man who looks at this bill, and the Jaws of the country, can deny that if Congress have granted the settlers the sovereign right of logs izing slavery in it, it has, by some Strange ovorsight, failee to confer upon them any other right 8 sovereign te 5 ey can choose for themseives none of the igher Territorial officers, and they can pass no law that Congress cannot immediately alter or repeal. mataee may even blot it out of existence as a Territory, at their pleaeure; or they may divide it mto two Territories or annex it toanotner. Where, then, is its sovereignty? This defence ot the bill, drawn from the propriety or necessity of enforcing sovereign powers upon the people ot the Territory, not only has no foundation in fact, but ia not—it cannot be used in good faith on the part of thore who ure it, jamie wey op § this verritorial bill and ite history. The argument lacks truth for its founda- tien, and it therefore lacks good faith and honesty, Thore who passed the Kansas bill never intended t clothe the people of the Territory, while it remains such, with the power of excluditg slavery; and, according to the construction current throughout the South, it con- fers pone. When ceasing to be a Territory and becom- State, the people may elect whetber slavery shall ¢ of its institutions. But ere that time the ques- tion will be irrevocably settled by the course of events. If slavebolders, who, up to that time could not have deen excluded, shall then constitute any considerable proportion of its population, it will be found impracti ble to get rid of the blighting institution which they bave introduced. Look at one convincing fact. In esch branch of Congress, when this bill was pending. an amendment was offered, Cred im clear and explicit terms upon the people of the tories, the right toex- ciude or to admit slavery, and it was voted dow: by the friends of the bill, both im the Senste and the se; and leacing Southern statesmen, im the debste, repudiated the idea that the People of the Territory ot an any such power. They meant to confer no such privilege, but their purpose was to open wide the coor to slavery, we!l convinced that no vote of the People, whether of the Territory or of the State, when it oo but an actual demonstration of it. Does some friend of this bill now oy) say that he has read it, and that it does give to the people the power of which we have spoken? 1would say to him: My friend, they are deluding you with a nice and ingenious phrase. That phrase is quali- fied by » proviso, which all the virtue out of the tbat the true sovereigns of or rs or,purchased by their United States, should strip to shape its cestinies for tae which eee was excl with @ knowledge of its destination could justly com plain that bis tights as one of the sovereign people were invaded. He would go vovusterily, with a huow- ledge of the future institations ot the country. If oe preference was for © country. where slavery should ‘exist, be could, of courve, turn to any of the vast and fertile regions of the south, which are still unsettled, This was the ancient, the safe, the only ststeaman- Ike principle—that on which our fathers have actad since the establishment of our goverament. We with the ordinance of 1787, and adrered to the ssme pr nciple till this attempt was made to changeit Syall ‘we Lot. discardmmg this inoovation, return to the old ‘tire honored, well. approved system of oar fathers? or rball we follow sm the patn of thoze modern politicians who, avoiding apy c-mmittal upoo th 8, which they ra- as a most delicate and dangerous questioa, would pid the representatives of the prople “ab fica govern: ment” on this great subject, and throw its determins- aon upon the decison of the tracsient and accidental settlers mm the Territory or State? Woald it not really be better fer the peace of the community to leave it to be decidea by the casting of a diey We should at least epeape from the force and fraud which, under this kind of legislation, are lisel- even to decide the result What more astonishing exhibition of folly can be con- ceived then thie scheme of sending ioto the seme Terri- tory the partizens of the slave and the free system of society, to figbt the mutter out between them at the Dallot doxer 0 perchance w'th arms in their hands? You are to inciose the lists, Jead im the combatants, sound the trumpet, and leave them with embittered pas- sions to carry on the contest for posseesion of the sail. Certain itis, thac whichever way it may result, the cause of pesce, of ony among the States, aud of good government, is sure to sutfer. Even ia early ages —even in the very dawning of civilization—this matter was better uncerstood. We read that when there was strife between the herdsmen ot Abraham aad those of Lot. one of those boly men said to the other, ‘Let there ‘be no strife between thee and me. Separace thyself from me. If thou wilt take the left band, I will go to the right; if thou depart to the right hand, I will go to the Jott.” All experience, s@ well as the nature of the case, shows thet the yeomen of the free States cannot and will not engage in agriculture in a country where slavery prevaile; though on the oth+r hand, it 1s quite true tbat the free States are extensively ‘peopled by emigrants from the South. To those who choose tu leave that institution behind them, as they leave the other peculiar laws and systems of their native States, Kapeas and every free Territory and Stace is of course open; while there wno from choice cr bre Sr neces: sity ave wedded to toat system, may take the other hand to Arkansas, to xas, or to some other of the and fertile regions whica have long since been assigned to them as their share of the common inbertance of the States 1} will add no more as to the justice or the eon of this measure The great question recurs, What remedy remains ror those who regerd it as an unmitigated act of injustice and folly? sre they to acquiesce? Are they to listen to the counsels of those who tell them that it is an acoom- iehed fact, and that we can do nothing but submit / Never, I hope and trust, never shall we listea to such councils, or treat them with anything but scorn. To follow them is the very way to invite further - sion It ia Ike saying to me, w! rofian, with by some stratagem. ha! taken what is mine, fake no attempt at re- covery or redress” If we wish the same attempt re- Bewed in the care of Cuba, of Uteh, and wherever else, from one end of thie broad land to tbe other an oppor- tunity may occur, then acquiesce; make no attempt to right this great ‘wrong, but permit those who have done itto reap ita full fruite in quiet and security. Do we pot all believe that this very aggression was invited by the fact that cur resistance, in other instances, had been Bot yen fos late, but too transient? But the idea is apd ely Cieseminated that we cannot refuse to a7- mit any Territory as = State, however zepognant it may be to the principles of justice of right. The strange poeiion is taken that the constitution binds us to it every Territory that may apply in the reacribed mode, and that we have no right to lok at ie institutions, or to consider the fitness in any reapect of any such Territory to be admitted imto th ion as on associate of the existing States. But is this anytoing more than one of thore ded constitutiona: pria- ciples which, though mo where found on the leaves of ‘that mstrument, are regularly anoounced whenever an important point is to be gained by it? Look atit for a moment in the sober light of reason. The constitution wisely provides that new States may be admitted—not that they shall be admitted—not) ding the facts in their history, or in their condition, wnich may render their admission into the Union an act of gross injustice towards a part of their associates. As the y bas always exercised the power of establishing and changing the limits of Territory which may after are be cet ee soni meron ee phate plasansey om ~ 3 $m Gest ive boondaries, or on thet of Delaware, enla ing or curtailing its boundaries at their pleasure, it can not, surely, be said that the inhabitants of any particu- lar Territory can, a8 8 matter cf right, claim to be ad- mitted toa community of rights with the old States Will apy man contend that we must take not -only Mormons, but Chinese communities and Incian tribes, living on our territory, into our partuersbip, whenever they shall ask for it? And have we ro right, inany case, to prescribe the termes of ad miseion? Ie there any other ground on which we can etend as true and consistent men, than this: that as our boi Send resistance to this iniquitous measure was uns veiling, and chiefly because it was effected by a kind ot surprise, its op] 1s being taken at a disadvantegs. ite originators shall never, 50 long as we can prevent 1¢ by our opposition, reap any of the advantages from it for which they seek? 1s there any other consistent and manly course to be taken’? Is there any other that will avail anything to stay the progress of further aggres- ne? On brag tense then, let us stand. Admit no State from @ Territory with slavery as one of its insti tuticns, trom which it was excluded by the Missouri compromise. Restore that compromise line whenever it shall be im our power to effect it. Restore it in ite full integrity, not Recause we seek for triumph, but for justice and tecurity. Does some good man say this wi'l endanger the Union? I reply that the Union is as dear to meas spy man. I look upon its preservation 98 of inferior im ce to no work of merely human origin. Much bas been and much should be yielded to its pre servation. And it is because it ie dear to good men, Decause its preservation is an ob ect of such tranecend- ant importence, that I would insis: that each section of our country should do full and exact justice to ihe rest. In no other way can that Union, in my humble judg. ed. lam ready to resist any encroach. ‘hts of the South. With their peculiar ‘we have nothing to do. They are reaponei- , and not the people of the fr wrong hss been done to them, let the: in respect to the grest wrong dome to free States, Jet that aleo be re the most scruputous and exact the rights of the other, the rd on eitner side, to ey may be secure But while the aggressive spirit urges our to make pew conquests by the exercise of the national ape nd to extend by any and all means the revion in which their peculiar form of society predominaien, as long as strict justice does not govern each sectioa in its dealicgs with the otber, there caa be no secarity for our continuing together as one psople. I have eaia that much has been yielded for the preservation of the Union In their different appreciation of the danger that threatened it, some men at the North yielded be actions which other good d true men tl ave thought should be resisted. The Sor cleimea e enactment of a law which certainly was strin; , harsh, and opposed to the free spirit ot the common law, and which great numbers of our people regarded, in its probable worsing. cruel and barbarous, Upon the point of yielding to this exact.on, public opinion in the ree States was, of we all know, eomewbat divided ‘Those who were inclined to yield to it, to avoid what they regarded as worse, were more influenced by thecon- sideration, the implied and the express pledge, that this wae the last and final pomt on which they wou!d be asked to yield anything on the subject of slavery. The whole ‘territory wee already partitioned out—rights every wnere Gefined. They suspected notieachery. They were mis- led ond dectived, Does aay man auppose that, with the whole history of this transaction before them, they wil! grent apytcing, support any system to sustain the South, but their strict constitutional rights? We will say to them, ‘We gave you by law facilities and advan- ‘tages greatly, it may be, to the disadvantage and wrong of the poor fugitive from slavery, on the pro- mise that aggression should cease, That pro mise has not been kept, and hencsforth you must content yourself, so’ fer as depends up- on us, with your naked constitutional rights.” And on this ground we are, in my humble judgment, to stend, regardiess not merely ot the temporary repose, sure in such case to be followed by a more violent agi- tation, but equally regardless of any party tie which would force us to ® tame surrender of our rights. if apy perty, no matter by whet name it may be known, shall attempt to restrain our tree action, and to counsel us to submission, its bonds should, in my judgment, be instantly broken asun: (Applause) ‘Mach better would it be to recognise no connection with any party, Bat orgapizstions can be found or established, if it should be seen that in this wey men of the same senti- ments can act together with the greatest energy and ef: fect. But to any existing party which attempta to con- ‘trol our freecom of speech or action on this subject, we msy well say :—‘‘In respect to this th: you have nether right nor power. It is not so nominated in the bond.” (Applause.) Party organizations are eatab- lished for convenience, in order to a more united, effi- hose opinions oleae cient action on the part of wi harmonize; but the principles of justice tality ped on no such foundations of tO them? Good and true men can at any time unite under name and organization, which may enable them to act with the greatest unity and effect, fApplanse.) Directly with the topics which I have been discussing are the me Megs pen thrown in the way of labor. Those who rely on the production of raw by, the unpaid labor of perfectly horizontal tariff; but the founders of our overnment certainly ¢id not thus construe the system one powerlees ‘or good, and only efficient for wrong. The wasting away of the great resource of industrious clastes, by sweeping gronts of tne public isnds, and inviting over @ promitcious fo- emigration, is directly connected witn the * to which 1 have adverted. It has Talie) in the cases of indrviduals, are reacy to squancer 19 the proportion that th-y have mace rspid acquisition tp some mode aside 'rom the or- oipsry ;ursuite of industry, The possession of the fer- tile unsettled lands of t country is, as we are all are, one of the great facts which distinguistes our country from most other civilized countries. Much of our prosperity is to be attributed to this source Itis vhs great fund serving for ® constant protection to the industrious, Jaboring classes. While it remains unex: nced, the yeoman, tne independent freebolder canaot be recur fo the beter of the he ape it rates nt insurance againat the redus- jon ot the Trice, of labor as in countries less fortunately situated, minimom amount wheh will supporc § It ts not necewary to dwell upon its importance, though it bas too oftea deem uverlooked in estimating our national advactages. Spal it be hept for the use of our own people? Shatl not provimion be made that the inbadjtants of the ol: 4 ap well oe the new, spall participare in all its adv tages? Ur are we to bestow its choicest portions indie- crimipately iy apy Joreign population that may seek our sbores? admission of foreigners, after a most mapfficient probation, to the political rights of ¢.tizeas, de doubtlest part of the same policy, having its fouade- tons in wapt of due regard to the rights of our orn ple. Should the voice and vote of the rreemaa of jew Hempebire, trained from hia youth in the theory end practice of our republican institutions, be neutrai- ized by thatof the man who a few short yesrs back was the tubject of some European despot, and whu kaos little or nothing of our institutions—who bas nothing of our pride love of countey —our veneration for its great and good men, and the inetitutiobs they founded? Will the saort pe- riod of residence required 4 our laws suttice to make patriots evon of the most enlightened of these strangers? And how long will it require to make Americans ia senti- ment apd knowledge of the masses of rude and uneda- caied men who come to cur shores in the hope of bet- tering their corcition? Dothey not almost uniformly either contound hberty with an unbridiea license te do whatever their prejudices and passions may prompt, or act asthe blind instruments of those who cootinue to take uncer their control their judgments and con- sciences? The time wnen the condition and circum- stences of our country seemed to require that emigra- tion should be encouraged y ‘every boon, has certainly parsed by. We shall not, I trust, refuse a refuge to geod men, of whatever class, who may be driven by op- pression from their own shores. We will impart to them, at once, the protection of the Jaws and all civil rights, But political privileges we may rightiully with- bold till we are assured that they have become American in feebng as well asin country. (Appleuse.) The Cuamman then intrcduced to the meeting the Hon. Jobn P, Hale, who, amid great and prolonged a: plause, ‘took ine stand and addressed the meeting, substantially as follows:— HON. JOHN P. HALE’S SPEECH. It was wy fortune, fellow-citizens, a few evenings aince, to listen, in this hail, tos lecture from the distin- guirhed Senator from Massachusetts (Henry Wilson), in which he contrasted the America of 1775 with the Ame- Tica of 1855, and I doubt not, even to those who had ex- amined the statistical history of the country, that the contrast which he presented was etriting. But as our ghts are creatures of atsociation, while he dwelt ‘upon that theme, I thought that a good Lyceum lecture wight be written or spoken by a man who sbould take a narrower view, and contrast New Hampshire of 1855 with New Hampehire of 1845—(applause)—only ene tenth part of the time; and I thought, my frienis, there was no one who could occapy a stand point, and look at the subject in its strongest points better than the humble individual now before you. (Applause.) Ten years ago, in this very town, 1 was Salied upon by a few friends to d ran address here, and I bad before me, as I have now, the members of the Legislature, the Senate, and the Governor, I believe any rate, thone who stood behind the Governor, greater than he. Not very strongly sympathiztog with the views 1 was about to it, they stood looking upon me very much a8 a Judge looks upoa the prisoner who bas bad a trial, been found guilty by a jury, aad asked to say why sentence of death should not be pronounced upon him, dete beforehand to prosounce ths senterce of death, let him sey what he would. (Great laughter.) Tem years ago there was not to be found Ary the aoe “= es solitary Ba eo goed pe ities] character enough ‘0 preside at such a fa ‘seventeen years the breath of liber- waves party ‘bere, which bound hearts and consciences of the people. (Applaure.) But now the people have spoken out, and ES thyaldom, and trampled, Iho sasscony pee, Conde oie ott one crest aad iittis ment New Hempshire would have bound them, und come up peb' to the bread level of their own manbood, anda in the Cignity of their own understanding and light of their own consciences, declared apd vinaicated tneir right to indivicual judgment snd responsibility. ( Applause.) That is the contrast presented in ten years. ‘I'he ex- pression with which | shall greet you to-night, my friends, will be from the heert, ani that is one of gratitude and thanksgiving. If there ever was» pud- lic man upon the face of the earth who nad resson to bow down in gratitude before his consti- tuents, that man stands before you to night. 1 thank you, members of the Legislature—I thank you, people of New Hampabire, who have sent up these men by your votes; and I thank you, women of New Hampshire, for what I value more than votes—the sym- pathy with whish you have forwarded the glorious re- formation in this State. (Great applause.) And I thank, too, my political opponents. (Laughte: ‘ou, # man of much greater talents than I possess would deve sunk into insignificance, if it had not been for the pitiless peltings which the hired minions of a corrupt administration have bestowed upon me. (Applause ) Lactually begin to think that I occupy a position in the State something hke the tree in the orchard which shows that it bears the best fruits by having all the clubs thrown at it. (Laughter.) So much for what is per- sonal; and sow me come to the subject upon which I propose to speak. I want to speak of the past ition of New Hampshire, becaure I desire to contrast it with the preseat. What was the ‘onition of New emesis in times past? Anti-slavery! (3 1820, when the Missouri Compromixe was the great subject’ of discussion, the New Hampsnire Legislature 4 most stringent anti-slavery resolutions, by a vote of 198 yeas and no nays. New Hampshire fol. wed this same line of policy down to 1850, when it seemed asif the Legisiature thought they had parsed resolutions enough, ans it was time to stop. They were going 1ben to pats one for all, and that sould stand for all te past, and speak to the future. Here it is:— Resolved, That the people of this State are bound vy no compact, express or implied, t f the introduction of tlavery into territory now f d that they ave unsltern Diy opposed to the orection of any Territory without its pro- hibitiun by positive law. Upsiterable! That isa Lange which strictly belongs to the Most High, Everything alters but He. But tae New Hampebire democracy felt they had made such progress in grace as to bave arrived at sn unalterable state. (Laughter.) Now the very povition, which flies in the face of their unalterable sentimen's of 1850, they declare in 1851 to be the very best thing which could have been done. In 1854 cawe the Nebraska bill, wh :b parted notwithstanding the unalterable position of we ‘New Hampshire democracy, What did they say aboat it? They said that acquiescence was the very best po sible thing to be app! all the essences they ferred acquiercence. (Laughter.) I take iesue with them there. Asquiescence is not the thing we were sent into the world to learn and practice—ieast of all the people of New Hampsbire. Why do not they acqui- eace in the sterility of their soil? Talk about vexing the unwilling earth with ploughs, harrows and spade why not acquiesce, ) and let natare have her way? { suppose there were acqi ing pohticians in 1776 but you do not find in the history of the Revolution that the men who threw overboard the tea in Boston barbor, and who resisted the stamp act, were acquiescing men, Acquiescence ‘was not the word you found upon the page of revolu- tionary history, but resistance. But it not worth while io pursue this train of thought much farther. [t ‘was not only the opponents, but the friends, of the #1. ministration who were beginning to feel that it was not ‘well to acquiesce in the encroachments of slavery. One of the most instructive things I have lately seen, is the resolution passed at the late Democratic vention of the State of Maine, held a few dayasince, In 1851 they undertook to express their opimen upon this Nebraska bill, and they had some acquiescers and non-acquies. cers in their convention. I understand that our democratic friends have in that State classed themseives into two classes—those that are sick, = ae ear are tad La tid m Thore that are sick enough, say they have enoug! of Nebraska, while others of them say that they are not qvite sick enough, and must heave one dose more. (Levghter.) It seems that m Maine there were enough of the latter class to pass the following peering by : tion; by i maintensnce o! will command the res} being undarstood the! Sntration Inexpensive cf 10 0 of tho Missouri compromise. The meaning of which ia:—Resolved, the democracy. of Fit consent to hows ee Oe ‘baptize ourselves in tho inten oO tw the a ae a ete (Qaughter) Took ‘as one of the most cheering signe of the Thie Tlook Spot not only teaches. us whet has taken ‘the opponents of the administration, but it Few new its triends look upon it. Wnen we cast our eyes over the free States, T confess for one, that the et is the most inviting and eeeecdak that I Rove yet seen. We have carried every free Stave in the ‘Union, with the exception of California, wherever the questicn of slavery @2' has and every State with that exception, has rendered its verdict in conden nation of the Nebraska measure; and the only consolation left to the administration is the {act that |. and all Thos our duty to be this -—; ences, of a1 civistone of true mep, and ip the phelapx, apd give end ot to work 10 work a8 Et gl care nob Gar the Retnooten ‘| man or t! pe name by which he has been call party Betlanee which he bas rallied. I pop Sd for. curity the e. I will say to ie) ive me thine- we will carry we have of coming bis‘ory we 6 be which our children and children’s cbildre: with upailoyed eatistaction, Let us write upom thet page thr word “Liberty,” to which we vledge ourselves to befaithtul Let it emo spurious liberty, but such a liberty as irikes crowns from the heads of Lyre or God, tired of the repested faslures which men have msde 1m all the pact, to establi-b government upon the foundations of humen hberts, had at last, here in tbis Western World, granted the bcon of ene more experiment. It has fallea ‘upon us to # tbat problem, work out that experi- ment, anc determine whether, indeed, the reward of a successiul contest ia to be ours, or whether the that deck the victor’s brow shall be with us or the minions of despotism. We live ata time when weare called ‘upon to cerry out the revolution which our fathers com- menced. They achieved s physical revolution, but it is left for us to secure and perfect the moral and spiritual part of it. They struck the crown from the of the tyrant. It is ours to liberate the slave from the chains ich feter him. 1 do not know that can do better, in conclusion, in ex pressing the sentiments that crowd upon my mind, than by repeating the language of one of our most gifted New and poetse—I mean the Quaker poet. Mr Heux then concluded by repeating Whittier’s in- vocation to freedom MAINE WHIG STATE CONVENTION. PORTLAND, June 29, 1855. The straight ont whigs met here in State conventior yesterday, and nominated the Hon. Isaac Reed, of Wal- doboro’, for Governor. The meeting was large and har monious, The retolutions are decidedly anti-Nebraska and anti-Kuow Nothing, and opposed to the present Liquor law, although im favor of stringent laws regu- lating the traffic im intoxicating drinks. The Hon. Geo. Evans and others addreased the convention. A Mormon Women. in Distress—The Work- Polygamy. [From theBe Louis News, Sune 26.) There is a woman now in St Louts who hae been made a victim of Mormoniem, to whom we desire to invite the attention, and in behalf ef whom we wish to enlist. the sympathy of the pbilanthropic. Her name is Urs. Pareons. Ten years ago she was living happily with her husband. who wa a clever shoemaker, in London, com- fortable in circumetsnces. and blessed with domestic peace. About that time the husband became a convert Yo Mormonism, under the influence of the preaching of the proselitss of the Charch of Latter Day Saints, who ‘were strolling over England and Wales. Of course, his wile receiveo and embraced the faith, too—the abomin- able doctrine ot polygemy being sturdily denied by ‘those who pretencea to oe the orthodox expounders of the creed Her busband abandoned his trade and turned preacher, travel ing over France and England to dissemi- mate the on coctrines. Of course the wife was left. pretty much 10 ehift for herself and her young child- ren. Thooge went on till she came % America, about a year sgo,en her way to U! with a eom- pany ot Mormon emigrants Her husvand remaised in rope to superntend the embarkation of other emi- ranis,and promised to meet her in St. Louis. When e woman arrived bere, she found no provision made for ber support, and no arreogementa for her passege acrogs the ins =She was therefore compelled ‘to seek employ ment to earn a scanty support for herself and her starving children. By stitching shoes she man- aged to live through the winter, and in the spring her busband arrives, and proceeded’ forthwith up the Mis- souri river to the Mormon encampment Atchison, in Kansas Zerritory, commanding her to follow. Devoted im ber attachment to her brute of a husbaad, and trust- ing sincerely in the Mormon faith as represented to her, she embarked on another buat, and reached Atchison, in quest of ber husband. There she found him living in @ tent with two wom n, to whom he had been tually ‘‘nealed.”” Her feelings and condition may be better en. te eVRECOm mistresses and . she was spurned by him, who intimated that she must wbilt for berself. She represented her case to the ecatesiantical chief, orgies oe and a to see ber righted, but that pre: disciple told her that she war @ stifl-necked reprobate, stinking im the nostrils of every good Mormon. Aesrtbroken and spairing, sbe took her two children and made her way nee Spee five mes to ae where she stated er case to a generous citizen. promised to ot her with his life, ‘snd alied her in getting on board the X. Aupry, then om her way down the river. She had but three collars, whicb she offered to the captain for ber passage to St. Louis, but he, like a generous man that he is, brought her down for nothin, Information cf ber mtuation reached the ears of two or three charitable ladies of the city, who secured a place for her in the Home of the Frien: ‘and provid- ¢4 a temporary retreat for her children. Her situation is @ sad one, and she truly deserves the sympathy and assistance of her sex_ We trust she may receive it. She may be seen at the Home of the Frien }, and we sug- gest that the benevolent call there and hear the touching tale of iefs from her own lips. The Adultery frtais tin Cincinnati. CONVICTION OF TWO CITIZENS—ONE A MINISTER AND TEMPERANCE LECTURES. [From the Cincinnati Enquirer, June"26.] Our readers bave been a) of the arrest of two persons, one charged with i the other with for- nication, The whole affair has grown out of theabiuc- tion of a young girl, named Ellen Welsh, from the resi. dence of & gentieman named Billings, residing in Suttlor county, under whose charge she had been by twe Directors of the House of Refuge, Dr Cnarlea Grant, of this city, now s practitioner at the bar, was the gentle- wan charged with having, since the 25th day of May, unlawfully cobabited with her at the room of a certain Mary Jane Wiliams, on Vine, above Fifth street; while Mr. Jonatban P. Broadwell, another well known citizen, in copjunetion with Mary Jane Williams, was charged with fornication. The cases were set to come off before Judge Pruden yesterday, and the Court convened at too P. M. to try them. The first was that against Mr. Grant, charged with adultery. Ellen is an extremely good looking girl, seventeen ) ears of age, anc of preponsessing appearance. Dr. Grant is thirty-tive years old, but looks somewhat more ancient. He has, we believe, been rather an eloquent lecturer on temperance, besides having, at some previous epoch, been a minister of the pel. A jury was impannelled, but tne defendant, in coneequence of his lawyer, Mr, Hays, not being present, declined making any deience, No witnertes were called for the defence, and the jury retired. when, after being absent a few minutes, they came into court with a verdict of guilty, at the same time expressing their wish that the girl should be sent back to the House of Refuge, a disposition, however, which bad already been je of “her. ined passing sentence until the second chargirg Teesten rs Broadwell and Mary Jane Williams with fornication, was argument by Judge Spooner, who Cetence, and a charge to the jury by Judge Pruden, the case was submitted, when, after about a quarter of an hour’s absence, they returned wita a verdict of guilty. Judge Spooner hereupon made 4 motion for a new trial, on the grounds that sufficient testi had not been brought forward to substantiate 1 because the minds of the jury could rot bs said been bin ha inasmuch as most of the jury had served on the trial of Dr. Grant, which case was inti- mately,connected with that of his client. , Dr. Grant also applied for a new trial on grounds that be went into the case lacking both witnesses and coun- sel, and asserting that had he time he could have brougnt forward testimony to controvett that of Filen Woieh. He made an adie argument, but the Coart overruled the application; it thought a preety oe had been done the girl; the law must be vi snd society eee. ‘There wae no coudt but that, in league with the defend- ants in the other case, # systematic conspiracy had been gotte to get of the girl. After « few re- oar apeat tise wolent character of the House of Reta; the infamy of those who would abduct in- secentn therefrom, h the Judge said that bad the defendant taken a knife and pl it iato her heart, he would bave been more mercifnl. A sentence of twenty cays’ fg eg in ve capes was passed, , it togetber with a fine $150 costa. he motion for a the case of Jonathan P, Broadwe)l and Mery Jane Williams waa also overruled; the Judge remarking, also, thatfhe believed Fllen Wats! wes seduced througn the instrumentality of Miss Wil- liams. A fine of $100 was im} upon eachof the , Cefendants, who were also consigned for ten days to the ¥ dungeon. ‘ Judge Spoover immediately filed a bill of exceptions. The Court was crowded throughout the trial with 4 deeply attentive audience, The Turf. ¥ MASSACHUSETTS. CamerspGr TROTTING PARK, June 26.—Trotting match,, $3,000, play or pay, mile heats, in harness, W. Peabody named b. m. Flora Temple... 11 E, Goodwin named bl. h. Kaow Nothing 22 Time, 2:37-2:43, ILLINO!! CarcAco, June 26,—Parse and stake, id in five, toukeleton qieoas. BnicHton Coun: $1,260, mole heats, P. mw Wasnixeton Trormye Pa pie bees, best Ce in five, lean |. Bi name Sherm! Hiram Woodruff sanes Albany Girl... 12 ‘Time, 2:42 }4—2:43%{—2:44—2 4694 —2:46,