The New York Herald Newspaper, November 23, 1854, Page 2

AMERICA FOR THE AMERICANS, The Hou. Henry A. Wise and the New American Party. Guovenstee C. HL, Vinorta, Oat, 20, 1454. ‘To vax Eprrors or Tue, Ricuoxp Exqrinee:— Grwrimnx—On the eve of leaving Norfolk last week, I received a resolution of a democratic committee of Nor folk county, calling on those who are spokea of as nomi noes for the office of Governor, to say whether they are members of what is called the Know Nothing organiza- tion. I replied very briefly to the int tory address ed to me, that I was not s member of that orgsnization Having previously prepared a statement of the reasons for my opinions ou this subject, in reply to other qu: tions from another quarter, more fully presenting the issues, candor and common honesty compel me to give | them to the public. While I cannot allow myself to seek a nomination for the high office of Governor of Virgini 1 will not permit my name to be presented by my friends 10 the approaching democratic convention without dia- | closing my sentiments on any subject in respect to which Tem called on to make a declaration. You are, | ‘therefore, af liberty to Laeteoer a accompanying paper. | ure Fes) it a Fam, yours reepecttullY) ewey A. WISE. Ovxy, Naar Oxancocs, VA., Sept. 18, 1854. to —- ——:—_Dear Six—I now proceed to give you the reasons for the opinions I expressed in my letter of | the 2d inst., as fully os my leisure will permit. Tsaid that I did not ‘ think that the prosent state of afairs in this country is such as to justify the forma tion by the people of any secret political society.’’ The laws of the United States—federal and State laws | and lows. If the Archbial might say te John— “Late rey Betton; as ‘ie nalaae be tree His person safe; his property secure; Ais houre as sacred an the fane of heaven; Watching, unseen, his ever open door, Watching the realm, the Spirit of tho Ls Hie fate determined by the rules of righ His voice enacted in the common voice And general suffrage of th’ assembled realio No hand invisible to write his doom; ‘No demon starting at the midnight hour, To draw his curtain, or to drag him down To mansions of despair. Wide to the worl Disclose the secretaof the prison 3 And bid the groanings of the dungeon strike The public ear, Inviolable preserve ‘The sacred shield that covers all the land— The Heaven-conferr’d palladium of the isle To Briton’s sona—the judgment of their peers; On these great pillare—freedom of the mind, Freedom of speech, and freedom of the peu, Forever changing, yet forever sure— The base of Britain rosts’’— Wo may say that our American charters Irave more than confirmed these laws of the Confessor, and our people have given to them ‘‘as fré@, as fulland as sovereign a consent!’ as was ever given by John to the Bishops andthe Barons at Runnimede, the field ‘‘ of freedom,’’ to which it was said— ** Britain’s sons shall come, Shall tread where herves and where patriots trod, Yo worship as they walk |’? Iu this country, at this time, does any man think any. thing—would he think aloud—would he speak anything, would he write anything—bis mind is free, his persom is safe, his property is secure, his house is his castle, the spirit of the Tawa ia ie body guard and hia house-guard; the fate of one is the fate of all, measured by the same common rule of right; his voice is heard and felt in the general suffrage of freemen; his trial isin open court, confronted by witnesses and accusers; his prison.house has no secrets, and he has the judgment of his peors: and there is nanght to make him afraid, so long as he respects the rights of bis equals in the eye of the laws Would he propagate truth—truth is free to combat error. Wonld he propagate exror—error itself may stalk abroad and do her mischief, and make night itself grow darker, provided truth is left free to follow, however slowly, with her torches to light up the wreck. Why, then, should y portion of the people dosire to retire in secret, and cret mcens to propagate a political thought, or word, or deed, by stealth? Why band together, exelu- ore of others, to do something which all may not know of, toward some political end? If it be good, why not make the good known? Why not think it, speak it, write it, act it out, mly and sloud? Or is it evil. which loveth darkness rather than light? When there is none cossity to justify a seerot association for political ends, what else can justify it? A caucus may sit in secret to consult on the general police of a great public partys That may be necessary or convenient; but that, oven, is reprehensible if carried too far. But here is proposed a great primary, natural organization. In its inception— whatt Nobody knows. To do what? Nobody knows. How organized? Nobody knows. Governed by whom’ Nobody knows. How bound? By what rites? By what test oaths? With what limitations aud restraints: No- body—nobody knows. All we know is, that persons of foreign birth and of Catholic faith are proscribed, and a9 are wll others who do net proscribe them at the polls. This is certaimly against ihe spirit of Magna Charta. necessity for suc nism to the ver coniparative nativ f American rights. Protestant strength at li ‘The s birth now in the United 8 0 her of nati rose nativity . (Query: by-the- e, what will “Know Nothings” do with ‘the’ an known!'’) The number of natives to persons of foreizn birth in the United States is as 8 fo 1, and_the most of the Iaiter, of course, rre naturalized. In Virginia the whole nuinber of white natives is $13,891; of persons born out of the State end iv United States, 57,502, making a total of natives of 87 nd the number of persons born in foreign countries is 22,053. So that ia Virginia the number of natives is to the number of pec- sons born in foreign countries nearly as 3S to 1. Again—The chutches of the United States provide ac- cdmmotations for 14,294,525 votaries; the Roman Catly lics fox but 667,823; the number of Votaries in the P7b- testant to the number in the Roman Catholic in the United states is as 21 to 1. In Virginia the whole number i 4:6, the Roman Cathpiles 7,050, or 108 to 1. The nuraber of chuzehos in the United States is 33,061; thotic churehes, 1,221—more than 31 to 1 are Pi . In Virginia the number of churches is 2, of Catholic churches 1s 17—more than 140 to 1. The whole value of church property in the United States is $57,328,802; of Catholic church property ix $0,206,765, or Oto 1. ‘In Virginia the whole value of church property is $2,856,076; of Catholic church pro: perty, $126,100, or 22 to 1. in the United States there ars four Protest either of which is larger than the Catholics ‘The Baptists provide secommodations for, ‘The Methodists for. " ‘ ‘The Presb terians for ‘Tue Congregationalists for. persons Aggregate of four Protestant sects The Catholics for, Majority of only four Protestant sects: 9,804,250 Add the Episcopalians for.... ss... ‘643,508 Majority of only'five Protestant scots....... 10,447,848 ther of In Virginia there are five Protestant sects, ei which is larger than the number of Catholics in the Stat Catholics. Major Or bearly 08 to 1. Thus natives are to persons of foreign birth :— lo the Enited States : seuss In Virginia, as The Protestant © os S40 to 1 hurel: property ia the United jolie church property sees Otol Latte 1 which Is larger by a majority of sect smallor, by a ma- there ave five Pret er of Catholics in tant sects, each larger ate, 4 a ty of numbers aad of é Protesiants, to fear from such and naturali citizens?! What is master mas y to resort to se- wealth, of natives ar minorilies of Cathe! is the necessity for th cret organization against svch a minority? I put it fuirly; Would they organize at all agninat the Catholics and naturalized citizens, it the Catholics and nataralizod citizens were in the of numbers and of Wealth, or If majorities and minoxities were reversed: To retire in secret with stich a maj oes iL not con fess to something which dares pot subject itself ta the scrutiny of inowledge, and woukl have discussion know sothing of its designs and operations and ends? Cannot the Know Nothings trust to the leading Protestant churches to defend themselves aud the souls of all the saints, and sinners, too, against the infuen Vos? Can’t they tris: to th natives to guard the iand of the great A:nerican Pr say in their behalf, that the P combined, ure net onc or in the work for the m than are our Epis- copal, Presbyterian, Bantisi, Methodist, Luther and Congregational clerzy They are, @ whole, churcit tant, wilt they are sealour, tucy watohful, they are organize:|, they 1; however divi by seotari her against Pay aad learned and active, ond too, a8 any bro hood of monks, They ‘nced no uch political oxgaalza- tion to defend the faith. Are they united they favor or countenance it among their flocks * what ond? Im the name of their religion, I ask th ‘Why not rely on God? And do the Know Nothing gine that the pride and love of country are so dead in native hearts, that secret orgauiszations are necessary to bewet a new-born patriotixm to protect us from foreign trfluence? Now, in —- of our poople, I = tat no n earth are more powseased with na. Honality ey passion than the freemen of the | triotism more than war. | long as the memory of George Washi: Ss "eta ot Pebruary ‘ad United States of North America. Nowhere is the Mlial and domestic tie stronger, nowhere is the tie of kinship more binding, nowhere is there more amor laca—the love of home, which is the surest foundation of the love of country—nowhere is any country’s romance of history more felt, nowhere are social relations ou a better moral foundation, nowhere is there as clear identity of parentage and offspring, nowhere are sons and daughters so “educated to liberty,’’ nowhere have 7 ee le such certainty of the kmowle’ge of the reward nowhere have they such freedom of self-government, no- where is there such trained hatred of kings, lords and aristocracies, nowhere is there more self-cependence or more independence of the Old World or its traditions—ia word, nowhere is there a country whose people have y birthright a tithe of what our people have to make them love that land which is their country, and that spot which is theirhome. I am an American—a ian, Prouder than ever to have said, “I am 5 Ro- ‘So far from Brother Jonathan wan’ ing & feeling, he is justly suspected abroad of a The us, little too much’ pride and bigotry of co 4 lution and the last war with Great Britain and the late conquest of Mexice found us not wanting in the sentimentality of nationalism, Though so young, we have already a dialect and a 3 our customs and ourcostume. A city dandy may have his coat cut in Paris, but he would fight a Frenchman in the | cloth of his country as quick to-day, as a Marion man | ever ulled the x of # Tomer musket against a red- lishman 1776. And peace has tried our pa- What people have more rea- son to love a country from the labor they have bestowed upon its mt by the arts of industry? No! as lives—as long a 4th of July— coat as there shall be a 22d of 4a long as the everlasting mountains.of this continent stand, and our Father of Waters fiows, there will be fathers to hand down the stories which make our hearts | to glow, and mothers to sing ‘Hail Columbia’’ to their babes; and that song ix not yet stale. There is no need | to revive a sinking patriotism in the hearts of our people. And who would have them be selfish in their freedom? Freedom! Liberty! selfish and exclusive! Never; for it consameth not in its use, but 18 like fire in magnifying; by imparting its sparks and its rays of light and of heat. Is there any necessity from abroad for such secret political organ tions? whom, Cra igh what, is it levelled? Against foreigners by When we were as weak as three millions, we relied largely on foreigners by birth to defend us and aid us in securing independence, Now that we are twenty- two millions how is it we have become so weak in our fears as to apprehend we are to be deprived of our liberties by foreigners? Verily, this seemeth as if Know Nothings were reversing the order of things, or that there is anot and a different feeling from that of the fear arising from a sense of weakness. It comes rather from a proud consciousness of overweening strength. They wax strong rather, and would kick, like the a grown fat. It isan exclusive, if not an aristo- crotic feeling, in the true sense, which would say to the friends of freedom born abroad:— “We had need of you, and were glad of your aid, when we wero weak; but tre are now so independent of you that weare not compelled to allow you to enjoy our republican privileges. We desire the exclusive use of human rights, though to deprive you of their common eujoyment will not enrich us the more, and will make you ‘poor indeed !?”” But not only is {t levelled against foreigners by birth, but against the Pope of Rome. There was once a time when the very name of Pope frightened usas the children of the nursery. But now, now ! who can be frightened by the temporal or eccle- siastical authority of Pius IX? Has he got back to Rome from his lateexcursion? Who are hi> bodyguard there? Have the lips of a crowned head kissed ie big too fora century? Are any so poor as to do his Italian crown any reverence? Jo not two Catholic powers, France and Austria, hold all his dominion in a detesta- ble dependencyt ‘What army, what revenue, what diplomacy, what church dotaination, in even the Cutho- lic countries of the Old or the New World, has he? Why, the idea of the Pope’ repay as that of a thi unpowder plot. I would as soon k of dreading the ghost of Guy Fawkes. No, there is no necessity, from cither oppression or weakness of Protestants or natives. They are both free and sirong: and do they now, because they are rich in civ and religious freedom, wish, in turn, to persecute and exclude the fallen and the down-trodden of the ; earth? God forbid Fecond.—But there is not only no necessity for this secreé political organization, but it is against the spirit of our laws and the facts of our history, Some families in this republic render themselves ridiculous and offen sive, too, by. the vain pretensions to the exelting acct- dents of birth. We in Virginia are not seldom pointed at for our double F. V.’s of ancestral arrogance. whoever thought that a protension of this sort was soon to be set up by exclusives for the republic itself? Some of the ancient European people may boast of their toplasts,”” and of their being themselves “antochton: that they lad fathers and mothers from near Adam, whom they can name as their first formers, and that they are of the same unmixed blood, original inhabi- tants of their country, But who were our protoplasts? Fnglish, Irish, Scotch, Germans, Duteh, Swe Swiss, Spanish, Italisn, Ethiopian—all peo tious, tribes, complexions, languages and re who ‘alone are “antochtones”” hero in North America? Why, the Indians, ‘hoy are the only true natives. One thing we have, and that moro distinctly than any other nation: we bave our “eponymi We can name the very hour of our birth as a people. recur t Itway be herd to fix anno mundi, or the year of Neal's flood, or the building of Rome. Rome may have her Julian epocha, the Kthiopians’ their epocha of the Abyssines, the Atabiats theirs of the flight of homet, the Persians theirs of the coronation of egerdis; but ours dates from the declaration of pendence among the nations of the earth—tho 4th dsy of July, A. D. 1776, As @ nation we are but seven- rs of age. Manya personis nowliving who é before this nation was born. And the ances thin people, about two centuries only ago, were ners, every one of them coming fo this country to away from the sborigines, the “ antochiones,’* session of it by authority, either directly _ of Papal power. His Holiness the r of all the i We need ¢ Pope and Mother Church, took possession orth America, to have and to hold the same to their and against the heathen forever! Aud now al- ready their descendants are for excluding foreigners and | the Pope’s followers from an equal enjoyment of the pri- vileges of this same possession. > strange i# human history. Christopher Columbus ! Ferdinand and Isabel- What would they have thought of this, had:they foreseen it when they touched a continent and called it theirs, in the name of the Holy Trinity, by authority of the keeper of the keys of heaven and of the great grantor of the emplre and domain of earth? What would have become of our national titles to the northeastern and northwestern boundaries but for the plea of this autho- rity, valid of old among all Christian powers ollowing the discovery ant the posscssion of the country by foreigners, in virtue of Catholic majosty, came the settlements of the country by force and coi straint of religious intolerance and persecution. tans, Huguenots, Cavaliers, Catholies, Quakers—ull caine to Western wilds, each in turm persecuted and peraceut- ing for opinion’s’s Opprersion of opt was the t odious of the abominations of the Old World's dex- potism—'ts only glory and grace is that it made thou- ands of martyrs. Itdelnged every country, and talnted th f every clime, and staindd the robes of right- of every sect with blood—with the blood of human sacrifice which was honest and earnest io its faith—the hypocrites and. hinds of profession alone escaping the swords or the flames of persecution, The plonies were blackened by the barnings of the stake, blood of iatolerance. The Revolution made a new era of libecty to of the liberty of conscience, If there ia aay cesenee in Americanisin, the very salt wherewith it is savored is the freedom of opinion and the liberty of conscience. Is it now proposed that we shall go back to the deeds of the dark ages of despotism?—that this broad dawn—the nd, still unoceupied in than half of its virgin soil, shall no longer be an asylum for the oppressed that here, ay elewhere, and again, ay of cld, men ehatl be burdened by their births. 1 chained for their « ions? I trust secret buried aiust the spirit of saity of the ought with dgment of the peers, man dignity aud hun try left them were thoronghly taucht the f self-governmeni—t igns, and the ve bad once tasted mad: ve or hereditary. Th don trained them to har thew every sterner yirtu , igue nee, self-denial, fortitude, and arms—cautious, conrageous, generous, trusting in God. They had to fight men-a wad diana, just, In from Philip, on Massachusetts Bay, to Powhatan, | River of Swans. to red And they had an un subine, with its teeming towering mountains, anc nye all things, they needed , more fellow-settlors—more foseievo ate, and to aid them in the task of foune empire set Lofcre them, to open the forests, to lev lulls and raive up the valleys of agiant new conatry: Well, these foreigners Aid their task like men. §ueh nm work ! who can exaggerate it? They did it against all odds and in spite of European oppression. They grew thrived, watil they ich enongh to be" taxed. y were’ told taxation was no tyranny. But these foreigners gave the world » new trath of freedom. Tux- ation without representation w any. The attempt ¢ it vpon them, the least mite of ff, made them © that they would give millions for dofe not one cont for tribute.”” "That resolve drove ¥ of war, and they—fi ad all—took the continent God alone oncese- Declaration of Independence t show whether foreigners, of aay and all st fresh from Europe, ould ve trusted on t and liberty. One of tho frst of prevent th obste Another comp! vain (o “ British b “We have appealed to their nimity, and wo have co i common kindred, to diravow thors warrpations, They, too, have been Gent $0 es voice of consanguinity. We muat, therefore, aegui coanity Rentch donaunces Gur separation, end hold them, aa we hold the rect of mankiad, onomiss in rar, in peace, Gionds.”" lance, | influence at this day is as propos: | Bat | no fable of a wolf to whelp us into existence. | Puri- | céald be their | their | x | There is proof, that nativiem can't be re- was his bona fide intention to become a citisen of the nat inandiate he. Sulton of: Gols BGS. WH thay “at ipa oe Wi fall a whole "s oe to ramon vehoniate, ate ~ Fede gly ag aa | kindred a apy or Boy ¥ | trouble, just aa kinahip fails families and individu- , whereof auch alien may at the time be a citisen Protestantism! forbid it! | als in the trials of life. or sul Uf anything wos eee otis fols ged foreit sarthien | i Bij satiny litem Stan nnmeants-ak: dle dectenationy Second. That be shall, at the time of his application | wae ever blatant, even—it was with a firm rel ‘the fon of Divine Provi- | to be admitted, declare on oath or affirmation, before | quote from # mighty British pen:— der.ce, we nee ae each other our lives, our some one of the cow foresaid, that ho will su “lt gave a ‘hty impulse and increased activity to fortunes, and our honors.’’ the constitution of the United States, or that he ab- it and ing! p satiated she Inert sane of scons 4 There was there was a firm reliance on the | solutely und entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance prejudices: shout Europe. same one God; there was mutuality of pledge, each to | and fi ‘to every foreign prince, tate, State, or | coneussion was gem but the shock was greatest in | the other, at and there wasa commons stake | sovere! whatever, and ly, by , the | this country.” (Engiand.) tatoticstll av a | of sscrifice—** honor.”’ And who cian ite, State or sover whereof he was it down the full abuses were they? Hancock the Puritan, Penn the fore a or subject; which proceedings shall be | centuries at # blow; beaved the ground from under the } Quaker, Ru ‘Huguenot, Carroll the Catholic, | recorded Wy the clerk of the court. feet of bigoted faith and slavish obedience; and the roar | Lee the Cavi , Jefferson the hb 4 Third. t the court admitting such alien shall be | and a of ontuloge, loosened from their ace: | representatives of all the # and the signers repre- | satisfied that he has resided within the United States | hold, might be heard like the noise of an angry sea, and | sentatives of all the people of a! jonies. | five years at least, and within the State or Territory | has never yet subsided. Germany first seer a Ob! ‘did not that ge’? bind | where such court is at the time held, one year at ast of misbegotten fear, and gave the watchword; bu' them and us, their heirs, forever to Faith and Hope in | and it eball further appear to their satisfaction that du- | land joined the shout, and echoed it back with ber island God, and to Charity for each other—to tolerance in re- | ring that time be has behaved man of moral | voice from her thousand cliffs and eragyy shores, ina ligion, ate ey ? fm political freedom? Down, character. and louder strain. With that cry the genius o' down with any nization, then, which ‘denounces’? | of the U: Great Britain arose, and threw down the gauntlet to the a ‘separation’ ® between Protestant Virginia and | and ha nations. There was a mighty fermentation; the waters Catholic Maryland—between the children of Catholic | the a were out; public opinion was in a state of yal Carroll and of Protestant Wythe. There the ¥ liberty was held out to all to think and speal thetrath; names stand er among ‘the signatures,” and I Fourth. That in case the alien! applying to be admitted see’ hes ore ear their spirits stirring; their hearts will redeem their {‘ mutual’? pledges with my ‘‘life,” | to citizenship sball have borne any hereditary title, or full, and their hands not idle, Their eyes were 0} my Shas and my ‘sacred honor,” ‘so far asin | bee f any rent oars eg a dha i oreaangapiied bak So eee Len Sate a © cot wie ad from w! je came, al addi know ith— | 5 ‘Sint thet sane = er oegh that “foreigners”? | above requisites, manke an express ‘renunciation of his | might make them free. The death-blow which had been | and Catholics both entered as material elements into _ title or order of nobility in the court to which his appli- struck at scarlet vice and bloated hy; loose our Americanism. But before the 4th of July there | tion shall be made, which renunciation shall be record- | tongues, and made the and love tokens of Po- were laws passed of the highest authority, to which this | ed imthe said court. Provided that ‘no alien who shall be | pish auperstitions, with which she had benighted her secret organization is i & | ee _—< citizen, denizen ae. Ce Ay Reger salewees aa cocueaee sbominations with people, On the 12th of June, the Convention of Virginia or sovereign, with whom y sl neck: ° be at’ war at the time of his application, shall then be 6, ‘ passed n “declaration of rights."” Its fourth section de- j care, “That no en. oe fist of means sutiiles Se usive or emoluments or pri from | Salts’ Galt commence. ot abe which not descendible, neither ought the offices | trate, tho Korie Rothtog orgeateri act laim joes wr rf for tHe “native born’? “set of men’ to be entitled to exclasive privileges from the community as against nat- uralized and Catholic citizens; and thus, b; birth, to inherit the right of election to offices of magistrate, legislator, or judge, which are not descendi- vie They set up no such claim for the individual per- tai rs enna onal hing aoe ow: claim, fain iv! ty to offices. ay Siecrpaniendon not violate the 7th section of this declaration of rights, which forbids ‘‘all power of suspending Jaws, or the execution of laws, by any au- thority without’ consent of the representatives of the people, as injurious to their rights, and which ought not ‘0 he exercised?”’ When the laws say, and the representatives of the people say, that Catholics and naturalized citizens shall e tolerafed and allowed to enjoy the privileges of citi- zenship and eligibility to office, have they organized a ceeret power to suspend these laws and to prevent the execution of them, by their sole authority, without con- sent of the representatives of the people? ' This declara- tion denounces it as injurious tothe rights of the people, and as a power which ought not to be exercised. ° Again: Does not this organization annul that part of the cighth section of this declaration, which says:— ‘That no man shall be deprived of his liberty, except by the law of the land, C eeetine of his peers’? this don’t apply alone to liberty—the om. of the body from prison—but oman shall be deprived of his franchises of any sort, of his liberty, in,its largest sense, except by the law of the land or judgment of his peers—the trial by jury. Has, then, a private and se- cret tribunala right to impose qualifications for office, and enforce their laws by test oaths, #0 as to deprive any his liberty to be elected? in: Is this organization not an imperium imperio inst the 14th section of this declaration, which “That the people have a right to uniform government, and, therefore, that no government separated from or independent of the government of Virginia, ought to be erected or established within the limits thereof.’ It is not a government, but does it not, will it not, po- litically govern the portion of the belonging to it differently frem what tho ion of the plo not be- longing to it are governed by the laws of Virginia ? Again: It does not adhere to the «‘justice and modera- tion’? inculcated in the 15th section of the declaration. And lastly, it avowedly opposes the 16th section, which declares:— “That religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and convic'ion, not by force or violence; therefore all men are equally entitled to the free exer- cise of religion according to the dictates of conscience; and that it is the mutel duty ef all to practise Christian forbearance, love, and charity toward each other.” But this organization not oaly contravenes the rules of our Declaration of Independence and rights, but it is in the face of a positive and perpetual statute, now made a part of our organic law by the now constitution —the aet of religious freedom—pnssed the 16th of Do- cember, 1785. Against this law the Know Nothing order Attacks the freedom of the mind by imposing civil ‘in- capacitations.” It thas tends to beget habits of bypo- crisy and meanness; it attempts to punish one religion and to prop another “by coercion on both body and mint it assumes dominion over the faith of others; it ‘sets its own opinions and modes of think- ing ax the only true and infallible;”’ it makes our ‘civil ‘hita to have a dependence on our ae opinion: it “deprives citizens of their natural rights, by proscrib- ing them as unworthy the public confidence, by laying son native born, he upon them an ineapnetty of being called to offices of | trust and emolument, unless they profess or renounce this or that religious epinion;’”’ “it tends to corrupt the iples. of that religion {t is meant to encourage, by with a monopoly of worldly honors and emolu- nts thosa who will externally profess and conform to * it locks confidence in truth, which “is great and revall,”’ if left to herself: that she is the proper snd suffictent antagonist to error, and has nothin; fee from the contilet, unless by ‘human interposition ‘disarmed of her natural weapous—free argument and it withdraws error from free argement and and hides them in secret, where they become ‘ous, because it is not permitted freely to con- vathet it : tetit not besaid that this iz a restraining statute nyo government, sud isa prohibition to “levislators lers, civil as well as ecclesiastical.” If they even ‘roined by this law, @ fortiori, every private or- order, or individual, is restrained. The will hardly pretend to the power to do the government itself and legislators, and rulers, as well as ecclesiastical, dare not do. If such be their pretension, they claim to be above the law, or to, set upa ligher Iaw—then, sic volo, to compel a man to frequent or support any religious worship, and to en- force, restrain, molest, or burden him, or “to make him to suifer’ on account of his religious ‘opiniors or belief, or to deprive ren of their freedom to profess, and by ar- gument to maintain, their opinions in matters of religion, and to make the saune diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil eapacities. No, when our constitutions forbid the legislators to exercise a power, they intend that no such power shall Le exercised by any one. Not only is the law of Virginia thus liberal as to re- ligion, but also as to naturalization. So far as Know Nothingism opposes our naturalization Jaws, it is not only against our statute polisy, but against Americanism itself. In this it is especially anti- American. One of the best fruits of American Revolution was to establish, for the first time in the world, the human right of expatriation. Prior to our separate ex «tense as a nation of the earth, the despot- + isms of the Old World had made a law unto themselves, whereby they could hold forever in chains thoso of man- ind whi ft 0 were so unfortunate as to be born their sub- spect to birthright and right of expatria- ‘duty of allegiance and protection, and the n crowned heals held to the ancient dogma: “Once a citizen always a citizen.’’ If a man was so mise- rabloasto be bora the slave of a tyrant, he must re- main his slave forever. He could never renownce his ill-fated birthright, could never expatriate himself to seck for a better country, and could never forswear the allegiance which bound him to his chains. He might emigrate—he might take the wings of the morn- ing ond fly to the uitermost parts of the earih—might cross seas aad continents, and put oceans and rivers, and Iskes and mountaions, between him and the throne in the shadow of which he was born—ond he would, still, but drag a ‘lengthening chain.” StI tho, despot!s him asa subject slave. If America beckoned to him to fly to her for freedom, and to give her the ug and the strength of his right arm to help Hage preportions end to work out her ve tyrant had to be asked for passports n to’ expatriate. But they came—lo ! laws encouraged them to come. Be- alit * encurraged immi- ssity a8 weil as a policy of the n the Revolution the king's forces blood im the eclonies under the nalways a citizen.” They were ng for Us, because thoy were once was obliged to hold hostages to ation of this barbarous doctrine of , and our indepen- pelied to re- 0, though we were bora his en Wo Carte 10 Our separate ex- ¥ lied on to recognize the same odious xim, still adhered to by the despots of Europe, “Once iven always a won.’ Subjects were still told that y Should not expatriate themselves, and America war wagned that she should not saturalize them without the consent of thelr monarch masters. Spurning this dogma ond the tyrants who boasted the power to enforce it, the Ti power w he convention of that formed sed Constitution, he Congress she | tule of ‘The grand destin: and permiss: whole country | bung some of the e app At ins nt thy we we a oumerates, € power to¢stablish s uniform wos, to any by pills Inw to all bined courts, “Your dogma’’— en always @ citiren’-shall cease forever as tes of North America, We need popu- roots ovr rough places, and to make our ed places alraight; but, above and beyond that licy, we ore, with the ‘help of God, resolved that this new and pinot laud sball be ono vast saylum for the op- pressed of every other land, now and forever.’? That ia my reading of Our law verty. Those born § age might taise their They might and show selves, fly from slavery and chams, nae one of them—come to our country i» oy. might forswear their allogt rcs i cepota, and be allowed hore to take. an oath :o ‘erty and ber v freedom, and they should not be pursued od an traitors, When they came and swore : country should be their country, we would profect (hem as if in the country born—as if pativer—t.e., as oaturniized citizens, they should be-ovr cifizens, and be entitled to our yy mn, And 6 was in conformity {o the only true idea of “ns. turslization,’? which, according fo ity legal as woll os ia etymologics means “when one who ix an alien is made ral wubject hy act of Inw and consent of the sovereign power of the State.” The ronrent of our sovereign power ix written in the eon: tution of the United Blates, and Congress at an carly day efter ite adoption passed acts of naturalization ‘The leading statute is thet of April 14, 1802. It provided that any alion boing ® freo white’ porsom may be ad- mitted to Lecome a ciliren of the United Biatos, or Any | of Chom, on the following condition, and not otherwise :— | Firat, That ho shall hiave declared, on oath or affirma- tion, bofore the Supreme, Superior, District, or Circuit Courts of some one of the Fiates, or of the Torriterial Gisteicia of tho United States, or a Circuit or District Court of the United Statos, throe yeara (to yoars une of May 26, 1624,) wt Icast bofere his edmiaston, it Ho! every cowith ust ex- | ana services; | of virtue of | ‘it pnrsue Lim, find and bind | admitted to be a citizen of the United States. ‘The act baa other provisions, and bas since been modi- fied from time to-time. This statute kad not operated a legal lifetime before Great Britain again asserted the dogmas, ‘Once a citizen always a citizen.’’ The base and cowardly attack of the on the Chesapeake, at the mouth of this bay, in sight of the Vir was of right to seize British subjects from on board our men-of-war. The star- spangled banner was struck that day for the last time to the detestable maxim of tyranny, ‘Once a citizen al- ways acitizen.’’ It must not be that it was right of search They arrogated to ives the prero- tive to search ouf decks on the high seas, and to seize of our crews who were born in British dominions. In 1812 we declared the last war. For what? For “free trade and sailors’ rights’’—that is, for the right of our naturalized citizen sailors to sail on the high seas, and to trade abroad free from search and seizure. They had been required to ‘‘renounce and abjure’’ all ‘ iance and fidelity” to any other country, State, or sovereign, and parti der which they have been natives or citizens, and we had reciprocally undertaken to protect them in con. sideration of their oaths of ince and fidelity to the United States. How protect them? By en- abling them to fulfil their obligations to us of allegiance and fidelity, by making them free to fight for our fing, and free in every sense, just as if they had been born in our country. ‘Fight for us they did; natu- ralized, and those not naturalized, were our crews. ‘They fought in every sea for the flag which threw protec- tion over them, from the first gun of the Constitution i frigate to the last gun of the boats on Lake Pontchar- | train, in every battle where “ Cannons’ mouths were each other greeting, And yard-arm was (rie peng ‘That war sealed, in the blood of dead and living heroes, the eternal American principle— The night of expatria- tion, the right and duty of naturalization, the right to fly from tyranny to the flag of freedom, and the recipro- eat duties of allegiance and protection.”” And does a party—an order or what not, calling itself an American party—now oppose, and call upon me to oppose, these great American truths, and to put America in the wrong for declaring and fighting the last war of independance against Great Britain Never! I would as soon go back to wallowing inthe mire of European serfdom. I won't do it. Tean’t do it, No. Twill Me down and rise up 4 native American for, and not against, these imperiah able American truths. Nor wilf any’ true American, who understands what Americanism is, do otherwise. I put a ense: ‘A Frassian-born subject came to this country. He complied with our naturalization laws in all respects, of notice of intention, residence, oath of allegiance, and proof of good moral character. He remained contina- ously in the United States the full period of five years. When he had fully filled the mcasure of his probation, and war concummately a naturalized citizen of the United States, he then, and not until then, returned to Prussia to visit an aged father. He was, immediately on his return, seized, and forced into the La litia system of Prussia, under the maxim, ‘Once’ a citi- zen, always a citizen !'” There he is forced to do service to the King of Prussia to this very hour. He protection to the United States. Would the Know No- things interpose in his bebalf or not Look at the prin- ciples involved. We, by our laws, oncouraged him to come to our country, and here he was sliowed to become naturalized, and to ‘that end required to renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to the King of Prussia, and to swear,allegiance and fidelity to the United States, ‘The King of Prassia now claims no logal forfeiture from him—he punishes him for no crime—he claims of him no | legal debi—ke elaims alone that very alleginnoe and fi elity which we required the man to abjure and re- | nounce. Not ouly s0, but he Linders the man from returning to the United States, amd from him to swear to the United States. The King of Prussia cays he should do htm service for seven years, for this was what he was born to perform; his obliga tlona were due to him first, and his laws were sirst bind. ing on him. ‘The United States say:—True, he was born under your laws, but he had a right to expatriate him. self; he owed allegiance first to you, but he had a right to foreswear it and to swear sleaiae to us; hee laws firet applied, but this is a case of political obligation, not of legal chiigation; it is not far any crime or debt you claim to bind him, but it is for allegiance; and the claim you set up tohis services on the ground of his political obligation, his allegiance to you, which we al ved him to abjure and renounce, is inconsistant with his political obligation, his allogiance, which we required him te swear to the United States; he has sworn Gdelity to us, and we have, by our laws. pledged protection to Such is the issue. Now, with which will the Know Nothings take sides? With the King of Prussia’ against our naturalized citizen and against America, or with America and our naturalized citizen? Mark, now, Know Nothingism is opposed to. all foreign influence against American institutions. The King of Prossia is a pretty potent foreign influence—he waa one cf the Holy Alliance of crowned heads. Will they take part with him, and not protect the citizen? ‘Then they will aid a foreign influence against our laws! Will they take sides with our naturalized citizen? Ifso, then upon what grounds? Now, they must have a good cause of inter. position to justify us against all the received dogmas of European Don’t they no other grounds thay those I have urged? He is our citizen, nationalized, owing us allegiance, and we owing lim protection. And if we owe him protection abroad, Decause of hissworn allegiance to ua ag a naturalized citixcn, what, then, can deprive him of his privileges at home, among us, when he returns? If he be acitizen at all, he must be allowed the privileges of citizenship, or Le will not be the equal of his fellow citizens. And must not Know Nothingism strike at the ve zenthip, or allow him to enjoy all its lawful privileges? IfCathclics and naturalized citizens are to be citi na and yet to be proscribed from office, they must be rated , as an inferior class—an cxeluded ‘class of citizens, “Will it be enid that the law will not make this distinction’ Then are we to understand (hat Know Nothings would rot make them unequal by law? Ifnot by law, how can they Pretend to make them unequal by their secret or- der, without Iw ard sgaiast law? For (hem, by secret combination, to make them unequal, toimpoze a burden or restriction upon their privileges, which the law does not, is to set themselves up above the law, aud to super- sedty by private and fecret. authority, intangible | and irresponsible, the rule of public political right. Indeed, is’ this not the very essence of ile ‘higher’ law’? doctrine ¥ It cannot bo said to be legitimate publi¢ sentiment, and the action of ite authoriry, Public sentiment, proper, isa concur: rence of the common mind iu some conclusion, convie- | tion, cpinion, taste, or action, in respect to persons or things subject to its public notice. It will, and it must, contre] the minds aad actions of men by public and con: ventions] opinions, Count Mole said that in France it was stronger than statutes, It is so here. That it Is which should decide at the polis of a Republic. But here is a secret centiment, which may be so or t the public sentiment.” Cendidate A ¥rotestant, and may concur with th be a Kno @ community, on every t proseribing Catholies aut iste B may i of this proscription alone, yet the Know Nothings aml a it it community on the J upon.no other subject: T hy their Aecrot hus i tts trin ion, allegiance. tion, but the equality of cilizensiip, and the anthority of public oan t. In the afair of Kosta. how did our blood rishtohis rescue? Diithe Know Nothings side with hosts, Why? Let them ask thems aud eco a Fearon Phere isno middie ground We murt either bh: Jet forsigners b send privilege If we abcliri ves for reapect to e naturalization me citizens on equal terms must oxclade thor ton laws we re or we naturelis 1 Ewropean dogma—Once a citizen always a ’ ¢ foreigners be naturalived, and do ‘ ty of privileges, we vet up to Hy’ opposed persons wl have citizen haree alterna ‘ibersl end and. tolerant ‘apean polley of holding the noses | ato tho grindstone of ‘yravny all their lives: or odious distivotions of citizenship tending to covia) and political aristocracy, 1am for the prosent laws of naturalization. As to religion, the constitution of the article eixth, section religious teat abel! ev a ited States, nvee, eapecially provides that no be req stred as sification to y office or public trust waver the United Statics, The of Virginia haa, from her carlieat biatory, passed Thexal laws, vot ovly towards nacuralizetion, igners, But have said esough to the epirit of AmevicanJaws and the true aenso of Arverie: Third othingiem is against (ho apirit of the A of Protcrtantism: Wiiet wee there Lo reform? Tet the mort fb extant enumerate what be 2s to have becn the abominationa of the Church of me, What would he say wera the worst? The acerets Jesuitiem, of the auto fe of the monasteries, and of (he nunneries, The private’ penalties of (he inguisi- scavenger’s daughter, Provoriptign, persecution ry, lotolerance, shutting np of the Book of tho a.” And do Protestants now meam to oul-Josuit ts Jeouite? Do they meaa to and not to be seen felt and not to be heard? put & shudder upon ty by the maak of mutes? Win they wear the Mo cowla? Will they infiel penalties a6 Cho polta wi cul reatoning together with their fellownat thw huatings? i preceribe?-—perscouts. Will they bloat up themoclvta in (ht bigotry which would born non cca formiste? Will they not tolerate freedom of eons but doom diasentera, in secret conclave, to 8 forfeit of civil privileges for @ roligigus dilfoycnce? Will ti . Jarly to the country, State or sovereignty un- | ndwehr, or mi- dis. | charging the allegiance and fidelity we required mm. hee—don't they perceiye—that they have | lity of citi- | eur with | voy, of with Hluleemann and Austriay | The translation of the Bible was the chief engine in the ‘at work. It threw open, by a secret 8) the rich | at any foo reasures of religion ps mo tee diets bea" inem bese athans to locked up as in ashrine. It vacated the visions of the | the whole ota conveyed the lessons of inspired teachers | canism ! to the meanest of the people. It gave them a common | the interest in a common cause. Their hearts burnt within tiving them common suhjectsof thought and feeling” ving them common subject , Semented their of character and sentiment: created endless diversity and collision of opinions. found objects to em their facal and a motive in the nitude of the consequences at! exert the utmost eagerness in the pursuit of truth, the most daring intrepidity in maintaining it. us ccntioversy sharpens the understanding by the subtlety and remoteness of the topica it discusses, and embraces will by their infinite importance. We perceive in the history of this period a nervous, masculine intellect. No levity, no feebleness, no indifference; or, if there were, it is a relaxation from the intense activity which give: tone to its general character. But there ia a grat prosching to piety, a seriousness of imp) sc'entious severity of argument, a habitual fervor of | thusiasm, in their method of handling almost every - Ject. The debates of the schoolmen were sharp and subtle enough; but they wanted interest and ndeur, and | were, besides, confined to a few. ae not affect the | general mass of the community. it the Bible was | thrown open to all ranks and conditions to ‘‘own and | re oe Pc Seen ea table of $oremtand we ae is | to the Revel 8. Every village in would pre- | sent the scene so well described in Burn’s -‘Cotter’s Sa- turday Night.” How unlike this agitation, this shock, this ig? 3 sea, this fermentation, this shout and its echoes, this im) E in pe ts brought here only groundless, but contradicted by the setilements and d Ise and activity, this concussion, this | nts? a nation © | general effect, this blow, this earthquake, this roar and | grow aswe have done under land | dashing, this lon rand louder stra: " this public opin- | laws of naturalization? They have not made arist fon, this Pesky to all to think and speak the truth, cies, Dat sovereigns, and sovercignties of the peop | atirring of spirits, this opening of eyes, this geal to know | the West. They have strengthened the stakes of —not nothing—but the truth, that the truth might make them free! How unlike to this is. Know Nothing- ism, sitting and brooding in secret to proscribe Catholics | and’ naturalized citizens! Protestantism protested against secrecy; it protested against shutting out the dominion, and multiplied the sons and daughters America, ‘so that now she can muster an army, maintain it, too, outnumbering the strength of invaders, and making ‘‘a host of freedom, w! is host of Goa!” light of truth; it protested against proscription, bigotry. | _ Now, ghall all this policy and its proud and haj and intolerauce.’ It loosened all tongues, and avert | iris Meteaas selde Sues aceon beeeiel Ga peiban bea the owls and bats of night with the fignt of meridian | of intolerance and exclusion? Shall the unnumbe fs the a t | sections of our public lands be fenced in ima cay. The argamend of Know Nothings of silence. The order ignores all knowledge. And its proscription can’t arrest itself within the limit of ex- cluding Catholics and naturalized citizens. It must pro- | Bcribe natives and Protestanta both, who will not consent | to unite in proseribing Catbolies and naturalized citizens. Nor is that all—it must not ont apply to birth and re- ligion, it must necessarily extend itself to the business of life as well as to political preferments. The instances have already occurred. Schoolmistresses have been dis- | missed from schools in Philadelphia, and carpenters | from a building in Cincinnati. Fourth.—It is not only opposed to the Reformation and | Protestantism, but it is Coptoed to the faith, hope, and | charity of the Gospel. Never was any triumph more complete than that of the open conflict of Protestants against the Pope and priestcraft. They did not oppose proscription because it wasa policy of Catholics, but | they opposed Catholics because they employed proscrip- | tion. “Proseription, not Catholics, was the odium to | them, Here, now, is Know Nothingism combatting pro- seription, and exclusiveness with proscription and exclu- | niveness, secrecy with secrecy, Jesuitism with Jesuitism, Toleration, by American example, had begun its march | throughout the earth. It trusted in the power of truth, had faith in Christian love and charity, and in the cer- inty that God would decide the contest. Here, now, is &n order proposing 10 destroy the effect of our moral 6x- ample. The Pope himself would soo be obliged, by our moral suasion, to yield to Protestants, in Catholic coun: tries, thelr privileges of worship and their rites of barial. Put,'nd, the proposition now is to fight the devil with fire,’ and to proseribe and excludes besause they pro- seribe and exclude, And they take up the weapons of | Popery, without knowing how to wield them half so cun- | ningly’as the Catholies do. ‘The popish priests are re- ed to see them giving countenance to their example, | ‘and expect to make capital, and will make capital, out | of this step backward from the progress of the Reforma- | tion. Protestantism has lost nothing by toleration, but } anay lose much hy proscription. | h.—It is against the peace and purity of the Protes- | (ant churches, and in aid of, priestcraft within their | folds, to secretly organize orders for religious combined | with political ends. The world—I mean the sinuer’s | world—will be set at war with the sects who unite in this crusade against tolerance, and freedom of conscience | and of speech. Chri.t’s kingdom is not of this world: | and freemen will not submit to have the Protestant an, more than the Catholic churches attempt to influence political elections without a struggle from without; aad iLe churches from witiin must reach a point when they must struggle among themselves, and with each other. Feace is the fruit of righteousness, and righteousness | and peace must flee away together a fierce worldly war for secular power. And the churches must be cerrupted, too, as evil passions, hatred and jealousy, and ambition and envy, and revenge and sti rise, and temptations steal away the hearts of votaries from the humble service of the ‘meck and lowly Jesus.’ Protestant priestcraft is cousta-germain to Catholic; and where is this toend, butin giving to our Protestant priests, the worst of hem I mean, such as will “put on the livery of heayen to serve the devil in,’’ a control or political power, and thus to bring about the worst union which could be devised, of Church and State? | The State will prostitute and corrupt any church, | and apy church will enslave any State. Corrupt our Protestant priests, as the Catholics have been, with temporal and political power, and they will be of the same ‘old lcaven’?—the same old beast—the same old | ox going about with straw in his mouth! And where will the war cf sects end? When the Protestant priests have gotten the power, which of their sects is to pre- vail? The Catholics proscribed, which denomination | mextisto fallY The Episcopal’ Church, my mother | church, is denownced by some as the bastard daughter of the whove of Rome. Is she next to .be put upon the list of proscription? And when she is excluded, how afe the Predestinarians and Armenians to agree among | themselves ¢ Which is to put up the Governor for Vir- ginia, or the President for the United States? Which is | to have the office nd how is division to be made of the spoils? Sir, this secret association, founded on pro- seripiion and jutolerance, must end in nothing short of corruption and persecutions of all sects, and ia a civil ar against the domination of priestcraft, Protestant or athelic! Indeed, is it so already, that 2 real reason for this secrecy is, that the priests who have a zeal without | knowledge against the Pope are unwilling to be scen in ! grants? Shall hospitality be denied to for Shall no asylum left open to the poor pressed of Evrope? Shall the clearing of our lands} stopped? Shall population be ted? Shall progr be made to stand still? Are we surfeited with py perity? Shall no more territory be acquiredt Shall H muda be left a mare clausum of the Gulf of Mexico, atti; ta the bands of Lapland: Cuba depot of do sition, o nd; of do nation over the mouth of the Mississippi, in the h of Spain, just strong enough to keep it ua for 80 strong maritime power to seize whenever they will qner or force a purchase; Central America in the way of commerce between our Atlantic and Pacific p sessions, lest foreigners be let in among us, Cotholics ‘come to participate in our priv! Venti, this is aystrange way to help en utions and to promote American progress. No, have institutions which can embrace a world, all kind, with all their , prejudices and i rovided we adhere to free toleration, But however diverse tna caching, F se With these laws, tho pri law of Christian charity anc Pp and glory and good of American institntio cease forever, memory of them will goad the affections.of their mourners. Selfishness, ut! selfishness, alone can enjoy these blessings without siring that all mankind shall participate in thelr g rious privileges. Nothing, ing is so dangerous them, nothing can destroy them so soon and soc tainly as secret societies, formed for political and wttl and the moment we dis} ligious ends combined, founded on proscription and tolerance, without necessity; against law; against ¢| inst the who fauth, hope ai spirit of the Christian reformation; scope of Protesjantism; against the charity of the Bible; against the peace and putit; the churche: inst free nt, by lea oligarchy and a union of church and State; against man esa; against national acquisitions; again American hospitality and comity; against Americ maxims of expatriation, and allegiance, and pro against American settlements and land ordinat againet Americanism in ee sense and shape | Lastly.—What ave the evils complained of, to make} pretext for these innovations against American polic as herctofore practised with so much success and aut cxceeding triumph? First.—The first cause, most prominent, is that then tive and Protestant feeling has been exasperated by t course pursued by both political parties in the last ral Presidential cam) y have cajoled and “hi ney-fuggled”’ with both clies and foreigners by birt} zed and unnaturalized, ad nauseam. Foreign and Catholics were not so mach to blame for that as bo parties. And take these election toys from them, does any one suppers that they would nct resort to so other humbr not another tebe now arising to down both of these pets of party? Ie not the donke; Know Nothingism now kicking-its heels at the lap of the “rich sh brogue,’’ and the “sweet Ge accent,”’ for the fondlings and pettings of political ties? fecond.— Both partios have violated the clection la’ and laws of naturalization, in rushing green emigr: Just from on ship-board, up to the polls to vote. This, again, is the fault of both parties. And this confined chiefly, if not entirely, to the cities. It don! reach to the ballot boxes of the country at and not a drop in the ocean of our polit influences. New York, realli bom Baltimore, Cincinnati and Ne: Orleans, the abuse, I venture to say, don’t number, fact, five hundred votes, It is nof everywhere in a country of universal suffrage and of twent; of free people. And would perjury and frau tions be arrested by the attempt to exclude Catholics foreigners by birth from office?—or by extending the tation of time for naturalization?—or ing then turalization laws? Either of theso for the ror would multiply the perjuries and the frauda a1 foreign votes. ‘Then there would be a pretext for ob taini 5 by fraud and force what was denied under la By making naturalization rather to follow immediat upon the oath of allegiance, and that to depend on tl will aud the good character of the «pplicant, fraud ai rjury would rather be stripped of their pretexts. foreigners would be at once exalted im their self respec and dignity of deportment, right would enable them exercise the elective franchise in peace, and the countr} would escape the demoralization resulting from a vio tion of the laws and from the means employed to set nanght their force and effect. ; ‘oreigners Lave abused the protection of United States abroad. have. it was a violation of law. They cann ithont the want of care and vigilance in on plomatic functionaries abroad, a> n at home abuse our protection, and they are not alwa; their onion with this égtk-lnutern movement? Woe | woe | woe ! to the hypocrite who leaves the work of his Master, the Prince of Peace, the great High Priest after the order of Melehisedec, for a worldty work like this ! ) _ Sixth.—It is against free civil government, by institut- ing a sceret oligarchy beyond the reach of popular and | public seratiny, and supported by blind instruments of | tyranny, bound by test-oaths. If the oaths and proceed- | ings ef induction ef members published be (rue, they | punished for their crimen. bind the noviciates from the start to a passive obedience | —Catholica, it is urged, have been combin but to ono law, the order of intolerance and proscription. | and obered the of their bishops aud priests i Men are led to them by a burning eyriosity to know that | elections, and have been influenced in their votes, to they are toknow nothing! ‘The novelty of adinission grat extent, by religious and cxclusive consideration jes them into adherence. They assemble to take | If they have, that ie one of the best reasons why Pro . and pr ‘0 obey whom? Do the | testarits should not follow their example. It is evil, a1 will the ins hat the masses | the less there is of it the better for all. Lot. bi know whan! Where_is iho cen- | proscription belong to any sect rather than to Protes A prophet? tm New York? New {| fants. When they follow’ alleged Catholic exainp * Who knows that Know | which they arraign as dangerovs and misch nygicm “i by n cabal abroad? by a | they themselves { the of | on opal dangerous and mischievous, } course here. Is that | Filth —Cathelies and Catholic governments, itis a: | ror | contye in Virginia, If not, is it not warming that our prople in this State are to be averved by a sign from somewhere, anywhere else, to g0 for thio cr that weause, for this or that can- | dicate for election ¢ riers must have degrees | the uezrees azo nd lower, of course, and the | ki the rule to govern. Each degree F officers, and all the orders must be me cue. Now, how many persons contti- few of vhe highest functionaries, nobody yknows who they are, where they are, of them there are, They exist some: Their blows can’t be guarded agwivot, ter they strike, not like freemen, bot; bravely , but unseen, and to make conquest of igh | icrenta ate sworn to secreay, and te obey. They | Maguify (hcic numbers and influence by the very mystery cf theif organization, and the timid and the time-serving | Gy to them for fear of proscription, or for hope of re- word. They quietly warn aaa hot to stand in the of their axe, and friepds to apprehend th mo to save themselves by knowing nothing. cp their enemies, and some of t foffending them. Thpy a political and ehurch eration and respect as a powerto be ‘Thus, ina night, as it were, has an oli p in secret te control our liberties, to dic- es, to guide elections, and to pass laws. Wishing preares, too, Bul we caunot define sitions 9 single principle which we can say g» may nol disown and disavow, The pro- eon never gave out words more eabalistic— tch by sounds, aud sounding the very eppa- they really mean. When they have roen's 6 people's voi haliot command, how long will our racns vale, or property eecaret How Hars of the pen whon Liberty of con: birth is made to “make the mani’ food, who f¢ to oppose an cligarchy and loves not human rights well ¢ always excluded Protestan' cia! privileges in their coumtrie A eh have we gained upon them by follo ing the opposité policy? By tolerance wo have grown erveut ax now to make them feel the necessity to res; cur title to comity, and right to a separate eajoyment 0 the privileges of Protestants. Onr goverumaat ia. int yosing in that behalf, and I fear it will not Le assist any in its negotiations by the attempt here to prosoril CatLolics and strangers by bivth. Sixth. is complained ibat in someinstances,imNe: York particularly, the Catholics have been ai : elusive and anti-repudlican, in their attempts to con the public schools, and to’ exciads from thom the and open study of the word of God. How enn this bigotry be eubdued by bigotry, which tirce itself in secrecy ‘und proseribes a whe don't prq holiest There i th Proseription and prescribed for t { proseri} ding of the word. The disease wou! nine ~ Protestants, Catholics anc. all. open, lawful, and liberal meaas for either prevention or i Cf Hits ovihash aeons \ efficacious, ij right i from veligibus aad #0 poreats, gives ly applied. eventh.It is urged that Catholics recognize the ay uney of tho Pope submission to which might, under circumstances, be destructive of si aly it be #0, tore are worse cacts among Su it to ui am shan Kauow Nothin; rend not te assail, There at the Mormon polygamists ; there are the nec q ppiritual roppings ; ond there is a sect which aspires to destrey free government, bot the great all thot it inhobit—ho millennial Millori And Is about as likcly that the M:llorites will ret<he world o fire fn one day, a8 that Popery will ever be able break up or Sow down this Republic, The prophee mustall fail, oud Christ's domfhton upon earth wei ceuse, ond printing preases, oud telegraphs, and must be lost to the arta, and revolutions must ward, and the sby nrast’ fall and catch Kaow before the tires of Revelations are out, and the entches “Uncle Sam Yo, nO, no——there in ni plaints Which is noi pat andnoten error which may nob Be 60: by tl proper application oi the Inwfal authority at olr 70 wai Chout resorting ( he extraacdipary, extra * ‘onary, av sotl-Amerioan plan of a society of intolerance tnd proscription 1 belong fo & secre society, but for aa political Wit od Lo OUT PrOgTeRs a8. A HALON, 4 ver be made by purchase or con Catholics are in the bonastaties of an{rien for secely rg would notecek to rediclion over Chem (eo make them siaveg—to raise Uuelelasa of peraowk tobe emBluded from tc cocf arepublio, If nat for Yasir own rakes, for, fo er dhe republic we would gave ourscleen tron this example