The New York Herald Newspaper, June 24, 1854, Page 7

LONDON AND PARIS CORRESPONDENCE, ech of Kossuth on the Euro- pean War. p Mexican Bond Holders in London, and the American Appropriations, THE VERY LATEST, &., &e. bey ‘The United States mail steamer Union, Captain dams, arrived at this port at 9 o’clock last even- g- She reports heavy westerly winds nearly all Passage. Her news was anticipated by the janada, She reports speaking the steamship Baltic, hence br Liverpool, on the 10th inst.,at 10 A. M., in lat. 5 N., lon. 27 35, The Union left Havre the morning of the 7th , and called at Southampton in the afternoon of he same day, to take on board the English mails ind passengers, The royal mail steamer Avon arrived at South- fmpton on the Sth from the West Indies and Gult Mexico, with specie valued at $2,000,000. A public meeting was about to be held at South- impton to raise a testimonial to Capt. Fitch, of the Vashington, for his gallant conduct in saving the ngers of the Winchester. Donua Valerie Gomez, from Madrid; Nori Baraldi ind Graziana, from the Italian Opera, Paris, are ong the passengers. These artists form a part Maretzek’s operatic company, which will shortly ommence the season at Castle Garden. Our London Correspondence. Lonvoy, Friday, June 9, 1854. he Ei Minister of War—Duke of Neweastle —Sir George Grey—Royal Congress at Tetschen in Bohemia—More Shilly-Shallying—Denmark Tranqual, $c. In the House of Commons, last night, Lord John tussell gave a half and half explanation of the de- jision come to to entrust the War Department to a pecial minister. His explanation was not quite sfactory as regards the financial department of he new ministry, the budget of which he said would ome under the general expenses. Nor did Lord obn inform the House who is to be eur Minister of War. Tt seems, however, that it has been left to the thoice of the Duke of Newcastle to select the War Colonial Department. His grace will select the ormer, In that case, the Colonial Department will, pall prebability, be handed over to Sie George brey. The Six Million Exchequer Bond bill has been ead a.third time. The present Europeam war—for though the fight- ing takes place chiefly on Turkish account, yet all the States of Europe are connected with it, more or ig the most extraordinary war that ever took place. There appears to be a general secret under- tanding that lack of energy is to be the order of the Hay. One would have thought that things had gone ofar that two great nations like France and Eng- and would have ere this presented a cartel at the ord’s it, demanded positive answers from Aus- aed I yall tue Hossian ports in die Black Mid Balle Rea, Wok a bit of tt Dimutz. Austria has sent a milk and water eum- ons (sommation is too strong a word) to Russia, has attained, at the same time, leave from the te to occupy the Turkish provinces of Albania, tenegro, Herzegevina, and eventually Servia. e there, it will be a difficult matter to get her seit, fi da treey wil eniy sock her own intcroste, nd declare again Russit if indispensably neces: Set at cette ae ise hi t the news that o King of Prassie, 20- by M. Gerlach (decidedly Russian, ) and in Ambassador, has suddenly left lin for Tetachen, 3 small wate: place in Bohemia, here to meet the Emperor of Austria, and, though not known, very likely the Czar himself, incog. The ' of this conference wil!, of course, be food for peculation for some time. i tleg despaveh ‘fom Comenharen states hat the th of June itudes aagombled. Our Paris Correspondence. Panis, Thursday, June 8, 1854. Speculations as to the Varna Plan of Campaign— dts Probable Objects the Isolation of the Russian Army and a Naval Advance on St. Petersburg— Our Minister at Paris in fresh Perplexities— State Questions not the only Troubles of Diple- macy—Suicides on the Increase among the French fron by an American Engineer for the Defence of Cronstadt—The Court, §c., §c. Among a lively and ingenious population like that of France, all sorts or Speculations are afloat to discover, if possible, the secter pf the campaign, which is presumed to have been détermined upon jat the meeting of Omer Pacha, St. Arnayd and ‘Lord Raglan, at Varna. The press, it is true, dare not utter a syllable without authority, but a French- man’s tongue is almost a match for the censorship; and from the boudoir to the Boulevards, from the 'purlieus of the palace to the cuvriers ot the Porte St. Martin and the Faubourg St. Antoine, that Garuly member, is, at the present moment, in viva- ‘cious agitation. All France is, in fact, a soldier, While in America lisping hopefuls are taught the ‘equal rights of man, and in England they are taught nothing at a1, in France the youthful Gaul steps the gardens of the Tuileries and the groves of the Palais Royal, girded with a sword and armed with a fasil. "The fature hero may be seen any day marshalling his men, selecting his ground, flinging up his re- doubts, oharging to the onslaught, or defending to the death whether in after life he measures the Appian way of bis loved Paris, ribboned, and starred, and gilded, or opens a brilliant magasin on the Boulevard, ike M. Frogé, the eminent tailor, he has his opinions on military affairs in general. It was indeed a remark of the soldier Napoleon, that his peasant soldiers scemed, by a sort of intuition, to ave an acquaintance with the great principles on which the most scientific military combinations often turned. “Frequently,” said he, at St. Helena, he * ene of these men, from some uncontrollable impulse suddenly rush forward, and seizing my bridle hand, whisper, ‘Sire, you must occupy this or that position, or your flank will be turned,’ and straightwa; back again would the heedless fellow run, a8 shunning the very echo of hisexuberant mother wit, and often it gE that the a was either really vew to me, or one which [had partly formed in my mind, and was about to act upon.” ‘The preva'ling conclusion seems to be that the in- tention is, if possible, to isolate the Russian armies; and it is thought will be done by a general move- ment on Silistria while a naval advance will be made on St. Petersburg, cutting off the Russian force which is in Finlond—that Austria and Prassia are to keep an eye on Polarid, and that if the fortress , of Silistria, lately so wonderfully aided by the rise of the Danube, can hold out for the seven weeks first aesigned as the duration of its resistance, the French and English troops will before that time * have been enabled to unite with Omer Pacha—that this personage would probably in @ month have 25,000 of the é/ite of the French army on his left, and 15,000 of the élite of the English army on his right; both in immediate and close conjunc- tion, and ready to co-operate with him. In other words, there would thus be inthe fleld , an army of the allies at least 120,000 strong, ready to advance to the relief of Silistria, Much importance is laid upon the late dispatch of Admiral Hamelin, as showing the great cugies that have already occurred in front and rear of the Rassian army; and it is even thought, that the Czar had better see to his communications with the Cas- pian Sea in case of difficulties. These are the ru- Minations current at the Etat Major in the Place Vendome, with Nay n’s famous column before q members to prighten their intellects, Such, too, HE RECIPROCITY QUESTION iN ENGLAND, | is the gossip of the guides; and similar opinions have Leen dro from Baraguay d’Hilliers now freed from n Official responsibility. But “im rebus bellicis maxime dominatur fortuna,” and the wisest speculations are vain when the swell of a suddenly convert the machinations of one side, all to the advaat of the other. Mr. Mason, the Minister of the United States is— to turn to another subject—just now the object of unfeigned sympathy. With that simplicity of mind so worthy of.an ho- nest republican and’ true believer, the honorable | gentleman bas, doubtiess, been .in the habit of thinking that the more numerous “ the olive ving “* Happy,” to ery * Wretched is the man | that hath his quiver full of them.” So, at all events, | we must presume, thought Madame Hoillieg the | respectable landlady of 38, avenue Gabrielle, wherg the American Mi ment for himself, his wife, and five children. A mon- strous family, however, in the landlady’s opinion, accustomed to the spare lgpseholds of her compa- trietes, whose younger scions, from some mysterious causes, seldom exceed two or three. But one day, when the sun was shining brightly, aad the whil whiskers and ample features of Mr. Mason were glistening with unwonted liveliness, a carriage by the cheery aspect of the weather, was there to see. Down rolled the steps of the voiture de place, and out bounced a blooming cherub, the miniature portrait of the United States Ambassador, then ano- ther, and then another, till the number amounted to five; who, to make Madame Hiuillier’s assurance with saw something else; she saw Mr. Mason actuelly conduct the new comers into his apartment, and heard orders given that the last five olive branches should dwell together, in unity with the former five,and then Madame Huillier’s wrath got the better of her. She pro- tested that her chairs, her beds, her fanteuils and her house were let to cai five, and five only— nay, she swore in broad Gallicap, that she would not stand it; and r Mr. Mason, with all the mingled cares of diplomacy and matrimony on his head—unaccustomed to the lingua franca—unable to express the troubles of his affectionate heart— was seen for days i haped wandering about the back streets of Paris, his olive branches dangling at his heels, seeking for shelter and a home. Oh, cruel Madame Huillier! But I rejoice to say that fter innumerable difficulties and most ruthless re- fusals, Mr. Mason hasfound repose in the solitude wi espa ulage ye tics ai e 8} ies , he breathes forth the SOrrOWe of a man Ea naa at reatness thrust upon him. I do not mean that family great- ness, which caused his extradition from the avenue Gabrielle, as that would be to reflect en Mrs. Mason, the excellent and valued partner of his joys and ‘woes, but doubtless the bushy Minister often thinks that President Pierce was more kind than wise when, from among all the citizens of America, he called upon him to watch her interests and repre: sent her dignity at the Court of the Tuileries, where ian families are thought as great a bore as a heavy minister. The frequent suicides committed in this city are besoin» most glaring feature in the French cha- racter. Not a day passes but that the columns of the daily journals have two or three to record, and the touching air of romance which is cast around the narration, it is to be feared, does not tend to mitigate the evil. For instance, to-day we have the following:—Ernestine, a young woman of an ap- pearance singularly sia ss has been carry- ing on a liaisom with a journeyman printer in Faubourg St. Martin. She had suspicions of his fidelity, and at once-furnishes herself with a pan of charcoal and a pint of brandy. Having carefully closed her bedroom and guarded against the admis- sion of air by sheets and blankets attached to the doors and windows, she lights Pe deadly fire and swallows the lethean spirit. due time, one river, or the shadowy mist of a vaporous fog may | | branches round about his table,” the happier and | wealthier man was he. But, unfortunately, the French, to whom he is an accredited ambaaaa- dor, have odd, and certainly very improper notions | to grow, it became an ber on this head, aud seem much inclined impiously to | ern ter had hired an apart- | drove to the door,and Madame Huillier, attracted | doubly sure, were at once received and welcomed | thatthe proposed aim has , open arms by their benevolent father. But the | andlady i for this very purpose. There is the answer. pecadent of the great political drama in the East. ‘he firet is, that the duty of an act of political mo- rality never can be neglected with impunity—(hear, | hear)—that every such ne; in fraught with the | necessity of atoning it, with sacrifices increasing om by step—(hear, hear)—which, however, never remedy the evil, unless the wrong occasioned by that neglect be redreased. (Cheers.) In politics a fault is equivalent to a crime, and therefore no false political step can ever escape puaishment. The second axiom is, that not every alliance is advan- | tageous; that sometimes to have one enemy more | is the surest way to victory; and sometimes to have | one ally more the most positive way to ruin—that | to entangle oneself with an unnatural alliance and | to neglect natural ones eqpally dangerous, Allow | me to illustrate these asgertions by some pertinent facts, From the time ‘hae Russia commenced ary maxim of weat- olicy that Turkey ia necessary to Bui 5 the royal psalmist’s benedicite, and, in ‘lieu | But England and France committed the mistake not to comprehend that a freo and independent Poland, and a free and independent Hungary, im their turn are indispensable as well for the existence of Tur- key, as also for that higher European aim for which the existence of Turkey is thought to be neceasary. (Cheers.) Instead of comprehending that troth, they bave erred in two things: that the despotic ruler of that azomalous compound called, collective- ly, Austria, is to act a3 a barrier against the pre- ponderance of Russia, From that error Austria be- | came the pet of many of England’s ministers and Parliament; but not ‘of the people. (Hear, hear.) Of this I myself, my own humble self, am a living testimony. And happily ministers, whatever be their personal merits, and M. P.’s assing, the people remains. (Cheers.) The quedion is, which are right—tbe pespls or the government? In my opinion, facts are the best criterion of the soundness ofa policy. Ifa certain line of policy had fall and free scope to exert all its efficiency, then, if we see been attained, we may say that the Rolicy has been a sound one. But when we see that just the contrary has happened, we must judge that the policy was a wroug oue. That is clear, 1 think, Now, I ask, did all the fond- lings and pettings of Austria prove efficieut for the aim of securing the independence and integri- ty of Turkey, or of checking the preponderance of Russia? No, you are now compelled to go to war Now, ux government to per- such a fair trial, and for God’s sake don’t allow sist in a course which has which has pet 80 eminently wrong; nay, which has proved itself subservient to the growing supre- macy of Russia. Right about, policy turn upon its heels, That would be good sense. But to persist obstinately in marching in that direction that would be something other. And again, I say, it is a fact that Poland had to be quar- tered and the very constitutional existence of Hun- gary had to be abolished to make that overwhelming preponderance possible. These two unjustifiable Crimes have been the ste) ing atone to the growing ascendency of Russia. that be a tact, ‘fon it is likewise a fact that if Poland would still exist, and if Hungary were free, neither Turkey would be in danger now, nor Russia would be overpowerfal. (Cheers.) Now, if that be a fact, then help Poland and help Hungary to be what they oughtto be, and your point is gained. (Cheera.) If not not. There is no shuffiing of the inexorable logic of events. There is the finger of the abot it. Turkey alone— the acknowledgment is {due to her perspicuit; and good sense—Turkey alone did comprehend that truth both as to Poland and as to Hungary, Aslong as the Sublime Porte was left free to follow its own impulses, there never has been a constitutional and anti-Austiian movement in Hungary which the Turks have not supperted. And as to Poland, so much was Turkey anxious for the maintenance of the Polish nationality that, up to the partition of Poland, there moatnely was one treaty concluded | between Turkey and Russia whereby the Turks did not stipulate for the independence of the Polish na- tion. Look to the third article of the treaty of Falezi, to the first article of the first treaty of Con- stantinople in 1712, to the twelfth article of the second treaty of Constantinople of 1720, and you will cee what care Turkey took to have it stipu- lated that the Czar never should appropriate to himself Sayiping of the Polish territory, nor in apy way interfere with the affairs ai overn- lene, Let your of her female friends calls, and Decnring alarmed, has the door forced, when the poor girl is found calmly reposing on her couch of som is placed, as if it had received her last gaze, a daguerreotype portrait of her lover, and on the table beside her are the following words addresséd to him:—“I am about to die. Pardon me, as I do you. Youhave made me suffer a the last three weeks. Adieu!—take care of the little dog !” The said little dog being a present from | and Europe together We are to have another conference like that at | the man, which the poor loyelorn creature had taken } Poland and Turkey departed once from that wise the precaution of securing in a room adjacent, that | policy. Poland, at the time when the Turks, sup- it might not be injured by the fumes of the charcoal | porting one of the national movements of Hungary, she had prepared for her own @eath; and not a day | advanced co far as to besiege Vienna, in 1683, then passes by but similar incidents occur. Imay remark that marriages are not frequent wth the working girls—the ouvriéres of this me- tropolis—except as a species of commercial specula- tion. They love, and as is seen, love passionately, and apite of prayer or sacrament, without Veep unite themselves to the object of their affection. For atime all goes on well—the peculiar custom of liv- ing in flats and sets of chambers in large houses, reserves, if necessary, the externals of society from injury, but the thing uire any super-refinement of delicacy. In the Horning, each resorts to his or her occupation in their respective magasin ; and in the evening they meet again, to form their petit ménage, with ail the regularity and sobriety of married life. If this con- aclimax. The little one is immediately—comme & et nurse, and the partnership is amicabiy disso eis be each party contributing towards the necessary ex- pensez. Hen woman has by no means lost caste, and probably soon after makes a marriage de convenance, while the gentleman seeks his fortune elsewhere. An American engineer has invented an apparatus for obstructing the passage into the port of Cron- stadt, which the Emperor of Russia, and his son, the Grand Duke Constantine, have been inspecting. It consists of a square wooden frame-work, filed with enormous stones, and presenting sharp stakes aticking out, and coming to nearly the level of the water. It is said, however, that the immersion of these machines is a difficult matter, and that itis not probable they will answer their purpose. The Czar’s visit to Cronstadt does not appear to have improved his spirits. i ‘The court of the Tuileries are in perfect seclusion at the Palace of St. Cloud. The weather has been fitful inthe extreme. After eight and forty hours of incessant rain, it has left the atmosphere so cold and winterly that fires have been kept burning in private dwellings and many public offices. 2 The building and demolitions of Paris are in no wise interrupted by the warlike state of affiirs. One would rather suppose that the Emperor's sole off quietly. Great mul- | Phabitude du pays—packed off to a now'rite, OF Fhe Court was absent, bat aan i x mission was to erect a new city, so unremitting is the labor. Kossuth’s Speech at Sheffield. ENGLAND'S POLICY IN THE PRESENT EUROPEAN WAR. On Monday evening, June 5, a public meetil was held in the Music Hall, Sheffield, at whic Kossuth made a speech. ¥ Kossut said—I felt it my cued to accept the honor of your invitation, because I thought it due from me to do what I could for Poland. (Hear, hear.) 1 considered it a solemn duty on my part to bear testimony by my presence of the community of the cause of Poland and that of Hungary; to bear testimony by my presence, that 1 take our cause to be the same. (Hear, hear.) Nothing else would have induced me to rise once more before an Li assembly. I get a fever at the very idea of gg speeches again; but if you command me, sir, to submit to the habitual rules of the occasion, then yon must give me authority to be rather free and tre than to be flattering. (Hear, hear.) J will I will speak calm words, but I will speak of faults in the past and of present duties. Still, 1am glad, sir, to see that you have carried three resolutions, without interference on my part. What is there re- «when unexpected, I rode around the camp, would | maining for me but to try {I can establsh sympa-| wonkl have teen the duty of England to prevent thy, and it may be strengthen you in the determina- tion to act energetically and consistentiy, accord- ing to the spirit of those resolutions which you have carried spontaneously. Sir, there has been, perhaps, neyer a political problem the solution of which would be so clearly and completely defined by historical precedents as the Oriental question. In this you will agree with me if you will recollect that ‘the supremacy of Russia against which, and the independence of Turkey for which, you have taken up arms, is not a fea sprung up over night. It is an old one, remounting to centuries, but especially to the battle which the heroic Charles XII. of Sweden lost at Pultowa, in 1709; and to the second fact, that the Grand Vizier, Mehemet Baltadshi, bribed hy the blandisbments and the diamonds of Cathe- rine, let escape Peter the Czar at Falezi, in 1711. Since that time there has been a continual concate- pation of the same drama going on. The partial conquest of Turkey, the subjugation of the inde- pendent Tartars of the Crimea, the dismemberment of Poland—Finland torn away from Sweden—Na- poleon’s campaign to Moscow in 1812—the occupa- | tion of Moldo:Wallachia, in 1848, and the invasion | of Hungary in 1847, are all acts of the same drama. The history of those events offer such a clear indi- cation of the Policy required on the occasion of the present war, that if its monition be disregarded we may predict with perfect certainty that your cause must be unsuccessful, and that your sympathies will be in vain, Gentlemen, in the public life of nations never eat is accidental. There everything is cause and effect; and whereas like causes produce like effects, it is only from the practical lessons of history that we may learn what faults we have to avoid; and what means we have toemploy, and what course-we have toadopt. Now,there are two axioms expecially poiated out fer the prengat ogcagion, by tag - leath, On her bo- | that republic. (Cheers.) deal during | Ruse! too perfectly & /a mode to re- | Christian not less than now, probably more, because nection, as it too frequently does, has not come to a | tians, but whose rougion is fot violent end, the birth of a child brings the affair to | despotiam. (Cheers.) However, ment of the Polish nation, but unite with Tur- Key for maintaining the igh and independence of hat isa memorable fact, gentlemen, worthy to be remembered just now when you have yet achoice in fixing upon a course for the present war. (Hear, hear.) Had this policy always been acted npon consistently and reciprocally would never have grown dangerous to the world, nor would Turkey have been in danger now, ith it. Unfortunately, both it was Sobieski, the gallant King of Poland, who saved the dynasty of Austria in that war. Woe to the memory of that woeful day! On that very day the fate of Poland was sealed, and the basis laid for the decay of Turkey, and for the growing ascen- dancy of Russia. Had Sobieski then taken te Hungarians and the Turks for allies, instead of allying himeelf with Austria, Poland would be exist- ing, living, free and independent, and Hungary also would be tree, and both, in my opinion, would be —I speak these wordsnow upon calm reflection—the crescent has always proved more Christian, as re- spects Christian toleration and freedom of con- science, than the cross in the hands of certain dy- nasties—(loud cheers)—who call heaps chet Gospel, Sobieski, resort- ing to the unnatural alliance with Austria against bikini} and Turkey, then deprived Turkey of the strength necessary to make effective her solicitude for the independence of Poland. As to the house of Austria, whose history is but a record of lies and broken oaths and violent ingratitude, it rewarded Polani by assisting in the crime of the partition. Turkey, also, did once depart from that wise’ policy. It was in our own late straggle in 1848. Then it not only did not support us, it did not even maintain the neutrality of its territory. It rather allowed the territory of the Turkish provinces to be usurped, and the means of transport and provisions to be made sub- servient to Russian aggression. And look, scarcely five years have passed since, and for that one fault Turkey has now to atone by a supreme struggle of life and death. You may see by these two facts what it isto make unnatural alliances, and what it is to neglect natural allies. Yet as uo fault in poli- tics ever can escape punishment, England itself is obliged to share in the retribution, because in 1848 England also had its share in the fault, if it be not more than a fault, as you will presently see. The Czar did occupy im 1848 Moldo-Wallachia—he did violate the integrity of Turkey—he did trample upon its independence. In a word, he did every- thing which his having repeated now again has aronsed, alas! cyen too late, your indignation— into war. Nay, he did more; he carried on war against the very Turkish territory, and yet the Eng- lish government advised Turkey then not to go offi- cially—these are the very words—not to go into any hostile collision with its stronger neighbors for the maintenance of its neutrality. (Cheers.) Oh, I bave seen the wisest and the best of Turkish jee tear their hoary beards in despair, and weep itter tears over the fatal necessity of having had to yield to this advice of England. (Cheers.) Had that advice not been given, you would have been spared all the dangers and sacrifices of the present war, for on that very day that that advice was given, the present war was born. And yet England did not even stop at that one step of untortuiate impolicy. When the Czar of Russia had ee a his ambitious crime of armed interference in Hungary, he did it by not only advancing one gigantic step in his ambitious carcer of supremacy over Murope, but wie cially prepared his present blow by usurping Turkish territory. You remember in what manner the English government met that tremendous blow. It declared solemnly officially that her Majesty's government did not consider the occasion one that would have called for any formel expression of the opinion of Great Bri- tain on the subject. Why, the imperious necessity of the precent war shows that, not for any sympath for Hungary, but in the interest of England, it that Cangerous encroacoment by arms. (Loud cheers.) Instead of that, they ‘had no opinion to express on the subject. Why, in my hamble opin- jon, that was a manifest encouragement; it was a let- ter of impunity granted to the Czar for encroaching upon the liberties and independence of Earope. But, gentlemen, you are now wondering, when you hear that the Czar finds somewhat cn and unexpect- ed the affected solicitude of England for what it now calls ‘the independence of nations.” Why, he had done all these things before. He had done worse things, without baying met the opposition of Eng- land—nay, having further the encouraging as#u- rance that England had no opinion to express on the subject. And ret, gentlemen, the danger, aud the pieent war with it, could have been prévented withont any sacrifice on your part, Atan early period of our struggle, I sent a goyern- ment sgent to ‘England to apply for _ the mediation of Englard. Englan d but to speak thus to Austrial:—‘‘We desire you to settle on equitable terms your any with Hungary: we cannot allow the neutrality of the Turkish territory to be violated, and its provinces to be usurped by Russia,’—and the question would have been settle atonce. Austria could not have helped yielding, and we, who were certainly a modest and peaceful ] ecople, would have been then well contented with | Eeeping our laws such as they were. AndW had even a precedent for my application for the media- tion of England. England had already, on a similar application from Hangary, in revolution, negotiated yeace between my nation and Austria. It was in Tis and England’s honor was pledged in guaran- pean transaction, And still, do remember | mind that a fault repeated with conscious what was the answer of pple itation becomes a policical crime.— to my pplication for the mediation of | Eug- And no fault in politics Pp and {and in our time of The answer was, “ Her { none ever will. ber inexorable fate, Majesty's government can receive no communica- } which ides over the logic of events, will not tion remoting ny ae the diplomatic or- | always [eee to limit the expiation of political Et eure" Rate | otal a aa bi ¥ a8 2 an indering na\ treated by \l that Hungary in whose battles fy . alliances, and courting unnatural ones, there may be Fa) other evils in store of retribution, than a doubled income tax, or an augmentation of the national debt, though this already be not a slight matter any how.” And really,gentlemen, to no people has the course fo be followga been more clearly traced, by recedents, thaa to Tagland on the present occasion. you want 16 fo fix in your minds, with ser lous precision, the alum which you desire to attain by this war. Be notjeonteutto shout—* We fightiagainst the freedom of the world, your own e and po- sition op today, bad been at stake. (Cheers.) And mark still that progress, When I,a3 ohief magis- trate of Hungary, applied to England for mediation, I presented an opportunity to your government to spare you in the inevitable dangers of the comin, war, Did Task your money—did | ask your blood 7 Not a shilling ; not a drop—only one word—(loud cheers)—oneé word, which, without the sacrifice of one shilling, and without the shedding of one Png ~epotism—we fight for justice—we fight for the lish drop of blood, would have spared you the pre- | jos of Burope’’ That's all very weil said, sent war. (Cheers.) That word wastefused. We | bot if your national policy does not ‘wnswer that were sent insultingly to the doors of the Austrian minister. It was certainly a signal compliment, but you have now to pay forit in yourfblood in tor- rents, and your money in innumerable millions. The saying, it is mere lip-worship. Liberty is « high and sacred name; still not so high and sacred as the name of the Almighty, and yet this very name is taken often in vain, Define what you mean by storm has coms home to yourselves, and it hangs | that liberty which you intend to tight for. You like a black cloud over Westminster Mal! and Down- = 2 tain thegindependence of Turkey. You wish he inordinate ascendancy of Russia. a. good; but how’ in what manner shall this be achieved? This you must define. Have you defined this’ Then you can but come to the fame conclusions to which I come, and they are the following:—If you mean to tight for freedom you cannot side with Austria’ He who sides with des- patie Austria, sides with despotism. (Applause.) if you mean to fight for the ag and independence of nations, you cannot side with Austria. Austria is the impersonified violation of the rights,and indepen- dence of nations. If you desire to vanquish despotism, oppose liberty to itand not Austria. Austria is des- potism. (Loud applause.) If you desire to secure the independence ot Turkey, do not hinder the indepen- dence of Hungary; and asa means to this effect mind not to prevent Turkey from taking the Hun- garian nation for an ally, a8 your government was ing street. (Cheers.) Now, I would ask you, gen: tilemen, shall it be recorded in history that it been the hereditary policy of England to share in the guilt of Austrian despotism ¢ With these warn- ing facts of history before your eyes, will you per- sist in the false policy of courting Austria—that Austria which already has been so mischievous, and the alliance of which, be ye victors or vanquished, could be but fatal to you? Only please to consider how this mischievous policy embarrasses the ac- tivity of England's course ‘already at the present moment, If there ever was a truth striking beyond Saye adepated, such is the truth, that, ex- cept Finland, it is only in Poland, and by Po- land, that Russia is ‘vuinerable. Bombarding Odessa, Sebastopol, Cronstadt—taking Russian pelea burning the Russian prizes, burn the ursian fleet, it you can get at them; nay, burn- ing St. Petersburg itself, may be all te noisy, good | and is preventing at Constantinople. (Hear, hear; food for newspapers, but merely palliative, nothing | and cheers.) If you mean to check the prepon- of permanent effect, may perhaps, { derartce of Russia, you must help Poland to re- themselves burn St. Petersburg as they burnt Mos- | construct itself sn independent nation, or elxe Rus- cow once, You will be none the better for it. If your purpose is to fight and vanquish Russian des- otism—if your aim is to check the ascendancy of ussia—if your aim is to reduce the overwhelming reponderance of Russia, it is in Poland; it is by oland that you must act—(loud cheers)—or else you will never attain your aim. To you the recon- struction of Poland isto an independent nation is not an act of compassion jurking somewhere behind the screen of future diplomatic arrangement at the end of the war. To you the resurrection of Poland is an urgent, pressing, strategetical, tactical neces- sity at this very moment. To you the resurrection of Poland is “not only a rational aim in this war—it is a means indispensable to attain- ing apy rational end at all, Now you are at war with Russia; therefore it is certainly not for any fond indulgence for Russia” that England has not yet done that which justice, right, the expiation of former faults, and the wisdom of present necessities advises to do. Such an. indul- gence would be weakness, bordering on collusion; Toadness bordering on ridicule. How is. it, then, that these gentlemen are still standing here (point- ing to the Polish refugees ipyeail) to plead for the cause of Poland before a Sheffield audience, instead of being landed from English war steamers in Samogitia, and calling from their native soil brave Poland to resurrection and liberty? (Cheers.) Why isit? It is out of sheer complacency for Austria and Prussia. Your government knows very well that the pulsations of a national resurrec- tion cannot be restricted to a toe, or pay cree limb, but must spread to all the national body. Your government Knows well that the mere recon- struction of what is Russian Poland now would be mere moonshine, andas Austria and Prussia hold pat of the plunder which will have to be disgorged to make again an denen any Poland, then out of re- ‘ard for them, but chiefly for Austria, you still neg- lect to do that without which you cannot succeed in your war. Be forewarned, people of England, be forewarned. cok to history. There in the mirror of the past your own future is dangerous. Remem- sia’s preponderance will not be checked. But I do not say, “re-construct Poland,” [ say “help Po- land to re-construct herself,” There is an essential difference, Nations manufactured by diplomatic treaties never Lave lasted, and are of nouse, (Ap- plause.) A gift of to-day may be retired to-morrow. “Who would be free, themselyes must strike the blow.” (Loud cheers.) Therefore, if you desire to see Poland re-coustructed an independent na- tion, help Poland by fighting for it. To adjourn the question to some future diplomatic manu- facture at the end of the war, would bea great mistake. It would compromise, not only the issue, but also the operations during the war. Besides, who knows how matters will stand at the end, should England neglect the means indispensable to success ¢ And] was saying help Poland to recon- struct itself an independent nation, She whose ex- istence is depending on foreign protection, is not independent. Nations must know to stand by themselves. and having friends for neighbors, united to them by community of interest—neighbors with whom they form, one for another, a reciprocal bar- rier against foreign aggression. Therefore, please to mind this, a patch of land, invested with the name of Poland would not be a reconstruction of the Polish nation. It would be a mere fiction—nothing else. Only Poland can be Poland—nothing less. (Applause.) Whoever remembers 1848 will ac- Kapetie my right to say that if there be one man all over Europe who may boast of having proved himself to be a friend of Poland, I can say so much, (Applause.) Now, I know, backed by some English statesman, there are some pretended diplo- matists, with Polish name, who are now fawning ou Austria, at Constantinople, with the purpose of gaining her over to their scheme of patching up | some portion of the quartered limbs of Poland. don’t know for what aim. Well, let them fawn! As to the form of government of reconstructed Poland, Thave certainly no right to interfere. It is the Polish nation alone which must be left free to decide this. It is meritorious in the party to which these gentlemen belong that, by calling itself democratic,it ber the canipaign of Napoleon in Moscow in 1801. | means aolemnly to acknowedge that it is the nation My brave friend here, Colonel Jhasz, was there. | at large Which kas exclusively to 1egulate its own (Cheers.) Napoleon undertook to check the grow: domestic affhirs. (CApplanse.) But, though I have no right to interfere with the domestic affairs of any for- eign nation, still, as.a true friend of Poland, I may Say so much, that such an idea of patching up one portion of Poland might well suit, perhaps some ry or party purposes; but the idea is neither ‘olish nor national. We have all heard of Poland bei artitioned by foreign powers, but { trust to Polish honor we never shall hear that that nation has lent her own suicidal hands to partitional body. (Cheers.) No, Poland only can te Poland; any miserable substitute would not even be an advantage to Europe, as, without foreign protection, it abso- lntely could not stand. And, again, please to con- | sider that if even such a Poland, as it should be, tween the three great despotic tria, and Prussia—a free coun- nd would soon perish again , Bat Poland, reconstructed with its national itory, and having for its neighbor Hung free and tnidepentiea) such a Poland thus placed, will be secure, independent, free, and an insurmountable barrier against Ruseia’s | encroachments upon Europe. (Hear, hear.) Thus oniy is Russin’s power to be reduced—thus only is ing ascendancy of Russia, just as youdonow. And with all due regard for the Lords Raglan and Marshal St. Arnaud, be it said the little cor- oral knew something about war. He knew that ussia, though not formidable abroad, is anything but weak in defence, He prepared a large army. The forces which he employed amounted to 10,000 men, 182,000 horse, and 1,372 guns. What is the combined Anglo-I'rench aay in the East when compared to this? A Chobham camp parade. (Laughter.) Napoleon knew that it is not on the sea thata decisive battle can be fought against Russia. He went on by land. He knew—and he marked well this fact—that without a large cavalry there is no, possibility of holding a bivouae for 24 hours against the Russian army, and he took care to have much of cavalry. The ca’ of his centre alone was 40,000 strong. How muc! ve you by the bye in the East? He did not even neglect the pitiful expedient to substitute for Polish nationality the idea of Polish legions, just as you begin to do in the East. Besides, he also looked for alliances just as you do, oly. less a politician than a soldier; he addressed himself to ‘is quarters. He ‘0 addressed himself to whom’ Austria and | Turkey to be eecured. If you wish Rt Pruesia, precisely as your government does, | croes the Pruth, and patch up some miserable s'a’v's | Only hé nna stropecr 2 gh the fi- | guo paper tresty, and then come home to sleep upen | delity of Austria «thin yor hbaye. faving Igurela, it sere better to go to sleep at once, | withont any Yau But if yon are earhest in the | profession of your Letter 4jms, then, in my humble | opinion, what you want is, first, to have the war popular with your own people. Now, either I am grossly mistaken, or else the case is all over Eng- Tand the same as we have ton witnessed fh | | Sheffield: the war is popular with the people of | England because it means to fight for freedom, and | it hopes that some real advantage may be brought about by the war for the oppressed nationalities. Lhave taken great care in ascertaining that fact, and tam perfectly convinced that it is only by titis reason that the war is popular among those who do not measure great objects with the short yard of | sma‘l party purposes; with all those who know of | some wise and nobler aims than to help either the | tories or the whigg to make political capitdl out of whatever object, aud with all those who bear not a sordid piece of coin, bat a sound heart, in their true < English breasts. (!.ond cheers.) Now, if England | ined by despotic Austria, and thus England | sacrifices Poland, and Hungary, and Italy, in my opinion, in the to: , it would be im; throw dust in he people. It wi d had to dispose of the very existenee of Austria, he just pardoned or caved her, and to make the alliance { sure, he married the daughter of the Emperor Francis pf Austria. Both Prussia and Austria yielded to the courting of the mighty Ciesar, became | nis allies, and sent two auxiliary armies to aid him in his campaign against Russia. You know the rest of it. Napoleon lost 552,000 men, 167,000 horses, and 1,222 guns. One of his dear allies betrayed him onthe battle fleld, the other compromised him by i y,and then both—one of them being his law-—turned against him, and sent him to red giant on the rock of St. Helena You have been told by niger ei your schools that it was Generals Frost F ine which defeated Napoleon. No; he was defeated by having taken Austria and Prussia for allies against Russia. You will uot doubt this fact if you will let yourselves be reminded only of the trath that without Polaud being a reconstracted and independent nation, xo expedition against Rus- | sia can succeed, the aim of which is to reduce the power of Russia to proportions innocuous to Euro- pean freedom. L repeat, that without Poland being | reconstructed an independent nation, no expedition | and the war w 2d to be popular. ( against Russia can succeed, the aim of which isto | What you futher w the suppoit of reduce the power of Russia to proportions innocu- | opinion abroad. You will lose it by t ous to Huropean tibertr. (Lkeers.) Now, would | potic Austria for an ally, because he who fig’ you think that Napoleon, with his comprehensive y side with Auctria figh 7 genius, did not understand that truth? Certainly | for Austria is to fight ap 1 " he did. How, then, came it to pass that he ad- | may caJi the word, thut isthe issue. (Cheers.) Wirt vanced against Russia without having, in the very | you further want is, if not co-operation, at oneet, reconstructed the independence of Poland? | good will of the Christian provinces of the Why, it was simply a tacit but necessary conse- | empire. Now. if you draw Austria to yourse! quence of his having taken Austria and Prussia for | Will drive Servia, Bulgaria, and, in all prob allies. To reconstruct Russian Poland has been till | also Wallachia, to the (zar. No Europear now,and will bein all future, a ridicalous compromise | who pretends to know anything abont the re between heaven and hell by which no soul isto be | tion of the world cun deny the fact that, in ail these saved. It would be asecond edition of the Cracowre- | Turkish provinces, Austria is by far more hated than public, doomed at the very hour of its creation to | Russia ic. I want not toreasouon this subject. Tcan foreign dependence and reiterated absorption. Na- | point to the declaration of the Servian government, poleon knew this—he did profess it. But to recon- | addressed to Reschid Pacha, on the 17th April last- struct Poland, without Gallicia and Posen, its vital | There I find these words. The government of limbs, he could not, because he was allied to Aus- | S wriles to the Sultan's government:—*‘Even tria and Prussia. Thus this unnatural alliance de iting that the ( should attempt to enter prived him of the poesibility of realizing that mea- | Servia, we cun boldly m thet the en! of sure without which, in my kemble opinion, and | trivns woul be a ¥: wifortanate . have studied history, there was and there isa mad | - ary force whatever would be p ness in believing that Russia is to be vanquished. | io those of A’ ia rivian nation ent Mark this striking lesson of history well. You are | s: a mistrust, notte say pronounce in the same predicament; the situation is the s that the whole action of-the Serv the conditions indispeusable to saueccess are dagainst the Aus:rian troops, seme, the dangers of unnatural alliances the sain eicy of the nation would be emp! the only difference in the situation is thut Russia has | ‘his enemy, in wh shold the y» grown stropger in the meanwhile by your own | 0:3 ow, is that clear fault, and that you have not an army of 600,000 men | A in the field. If with ail these evicent practical warn- | th ings of history, Ungland stili persists in courting the | ix false favors of Austria, and thus persists in paraliz- | ¢ ing those (wo nationalities, without the co-pperation | var, of which neither Turkey can be conserved, nor Rus- Austria without! sia’s power reduced, nor a solid and durable Eu- | there. on the thes ropean peace gained. England will, md by step, | 150.000 men, i entangle hergclf into increasing difficulties, tumble | taking Austria fc from one false situation into another, as she has | to figt \s heen tumbling from the very be; tg up te the | Austria for an ally’ present day; und the end will ‘ain sacrifices, | opinion, is to enlist ruin and-heme. Gentlemen, I haye lately read in | the Polish and Hur the Fast day sermon of the Rey. J. Crompton, of | which the power Norwich, these words :—" The sins by which Po- | Hungory, withou land, Hungary and Jtaly have been sacrificed, | the doubtless are now come down upon England. | (ilea Tet us not disguise the fact, nov fritter it | into unmeaning phrases and Jip worship, but acknowledge that we have sinned by secing. in silence, mtg dove, and our brethren crushed | and liberty broken. Let us pray God that for our sins of national rigged and neglect of pub! duties we may not be punished by freedom suf- fering defeat in our hands.” (Loud applause.) Be- lieve me, there is profound wisdom in these truly | Christian words.’ The sins of Che ¢ are come | down upon England. In the case of the sin of neglect of the duty of politi the result of which had grown to such an jext that without redressing the Lita J done, you can entertain gc 8 el ay of success in your war. in the case of Hungary, that me peed has already drift ‘en pronounce And that § ¢ oecing Turkey to have 4 u further want, in my | side, heart and soul, | ations—Poland, without | not to be reduced; | i ther the integrity nor | of Tarkey is to be secured. | Now, of course, you will lose them utake Austria for anally. And what you | want is the slliance of Sweden. (Cheers.) py opinion there is no existing government, the | ance of which in the present war would be more atural and equally advantageous to you than that of heroic Sweden. (Cheers.) Now what is it you | | want in order to attain that end? You want togive | Sweden a palpab'e pledge that you are earnest in your intentions of reducing the overwhelming power of ssia so as not to leave it exposed to the revenge | of an overpowerful nejghbor, That is nota vain apprehension. Sweden has already once trusted its | fortunes to England. It stood by you to the last at | your worst momen nd in reward England left it in the mire; she tioned the loss of Finland. Now, ee fags vd you ae bag) hee e M4 of r impolicy. You | brave Sweden’ Bombarding Odessa, astopol, be Laine ih ad nig vel, Strong in | Cronstadt? That you may do to-day, and make ight and speaking to freemen, who will know | your peace, notwithstanding, with the Czar to-mor- ‘ar the truth, 1 exclaim—‘ Proud Ungland, | row, leaving Sweden exposed to hisavenging grasp. cz , from sheer complacency for | There is only one means, gentlemen, Call Poland to mind! five years a; tee of the rights and constitation of Hungary. "That has been done ina mere domestic struggle. Ours in 1348, according to the statement of Jord Palmerston, had the character of, and tho im- Ut pad the propoctioga o€ ga important Bure ‘ event the alliance be- | (o arms—(loud and prolonged cheering)—and, by ee ha aS calling it toarms, you yet ive a pledge to a e i aaary to Kurope’s t+ | that you are in earnest in the intention of reducing earthen hell ei & cian the same crror now | the power of }tuasia. (Cheers.) Call Poland to arms, ogi Belk te tee warning? Watery ; * pad vou will pave secared the alliance of krave wg: despotic Austria, thon event tht . tween Turkey and Hungary, historically proved to * With you, the opinion of the world that Me Austrian compound conspicuous by bravery and Dever wish to have a keting ded the: heart boul’ enthosisstlo for. the’? carer’ ett ame they were left to fight. But sly there i= the rub with England on present ocea- sion. If the dynasty of Austra will be againg you, the nations subject to Austrian oppression, and panting for deliverance, will With you, (Cheers.) If Austrian despotism will be against you, the freedom of the national allies will be Ou are really 0 m and independence of Buroy urity for the principle of despotism on the continent in one of its worst Ob) there is an immense power in that opilane (Cheers.) No Austrian alliance can comy for it. With this, and such allies on your side, you can- not be earnest in thinking Austria dangerous. Only look to Poland, and from Poland asross Hi and Croatia, down to Italy, and from Italy to Switzerland. Mind Switzerland, gentlemen. (Cheers.) No danger, gentlemen. The Austrinm dynasty, within three months, would vanish like a dream, amidst the exultation of all humanity, and to the lasting advantage of European liberty, im- compatibie with that dynasty. (Cheers.) Mog the danger is just the other way. Suppose Austria. should dare to join you sincerely—I repeat sincerely—against ‘the Czar, her saviour, ber de- liverer. Why, in justice we must own it would be, the most monstrous ingratitude after all. The worst of bandits, whatever they may be towards the rest of mankind, are at least ‘faithful one to the other. But vile ingratitude is the leading feature of the character of the Hapsburgs. Poland saved them—partition was the reward. Hungary gaved them—the abolition of religious liberty and the suppression of her constitution was her reward. Napoleon saved them, and he was sent to . Heleng in reward. I myself saved them. Yes, gentlemen, in March, 1848, and having had the power thus te speak to them, within the very walls of their owm imperial palace at Vienna, “ just to Hi and I will give to the House of Hapobarg. pense and security here at Vienna.” (Loud cheers Having had fis, pearer thus to speak to them— 1, unattended and alone, and they tre: ae cepting the offer of my generosity—who can of my right to say I had their existence in the hol- low of my hand? and from an excess of lo; r saved them—woe the day!—and, look tomy le _ ae Lala tied Pela ie ua iter, a3 I have explained in the beginning humble speech, Lord Palmerston’s diplomao; rel them—hated to the very heart,in rewal The hangman, Haynau, saved them—driven away im re- ward, The Czar sayed them—now, sup) they fight him inreward. (Hear, hear.) You must ae knowledge that that monstrous ingratitude cannaeé fail to push the Czar to double his energies in doings what, as Czar, would be lawful for him todo ing to the acknowledged laws of war; he will ad- dress himself to some of those nationalities, and of- fer his, and claim their, concurrence for pan- ishing Austria. A strange concurrence, yom will say. Strange, indeed. 1 tremble at the very idea of the possibility. But oti not a bit stronger than Eugiand per ing to fight for the freedom and fadepen oe Of Europe, and still taking Austria for Ma Ged (Cheers.) Now, will you think it so atrange that by England's impolicy, driven to extremes, there shall be no choice left but to compare Russian and Austrian certeany Perhaps there are to be found some who will think that if Russian despotism re sembles the bold violence of a political highway 3 man, certainly Austrian despotism might be com~. pared to the miserable business of a pote pocket, who occasionally gives a stab from (Laughter and cheers.) forewarned, of England, be forewarned. Though you cannot all the depths of the terrible feeling of seeing one’s self betrayedwby those who ought to have hel 4 England, by taking Austria for an ally, shows that it is not fighting for the liberty and isepeame ence of European nations, but for making Austriam obese and despotism on the Continent sure, if it is England that takes from the lips of the oppressed. the ripe fruit of deliverance—if it is England: whisk prevents Turkey from recurring to its natural allies. 80 necessary to Europe, and if it is thus that Eag- land drives some of the oppressed nationalities to des- par, then England will certainly have no right te lame them, if some of them accept the concurrence even of the Czarin delivering themselves fram Aus- tria. There is the real danger. Oh,it would be madness to believe that the oppressed nations will,‘in passive submission let pass such an opportunity—the provi- dential opportunity—of such a complication as the present is witbout trying to break their chains. One way or the other they must do it. They will do it. It rests with England to decide the direction. (Loud cheers.) Save despotic Austria you ought not—you cannot. There is no help for that ‘‘ sick man.” (Laughter.) But in one case, the fall of that execrated dynasty would freedom; in the other, it might profit Russia. There is yet another danger which England cannot if it takes Austria for an ally, and that is the danger of Austria's insincerity. But of this danger I will not spenk now. Perhaps I may do so soon in another place. (Hark The subject which has occu- yicd cor :tten‘ion this evening, is too great and too comprehensive to be disposed of on one occasion im all its bearings. And besides, I feel confidence in your own penctration, that you will understand that Austria which stands in history as the personifica~ tion of faithlessness and insincerity,even when i¢ had the choice of being faithful and sincere, in the present emergency must prove faithless and insincere to England, not only from its here- ditary nature, but from necessity. My words are not ed required to prove tbat which time ace and heaven and earth testify. Besides, i¢ not on the ground of Austrian insincerity that ed chiefly to place my aber of to-day. My argument is, that alliance of Austria with Eng- land would be unsound, unnatural, and subversive of any rational aim which England might rat contemplate to attain by this present war; and have only to add, that the worst of all possible alliances is that which must prove a sheer embar- rassment in case of victory—must prove a certaig danger and ruin in case of defeat, and which, besides, is franght with the danger of faithlessneam ity, and such is the alliance of Austrias Jand on the present occae have humbly to thank the 2 bei ed have : than an hour. a and cnsiaetic tor om d, and for the cause of ‘al. Stil I claim credi¢ »d to overtake your reagom heat. It is by I try to ard crce eer horered me with for me would wirh you to be of poor opt seed Hiberty in i have not ¢ i . {have done. [ have not recited a lamen- tution over my own country’s sufferin, 1 have eghen of Ss ghee honor and England’s interest. As to ourself I certainly am full of confidence; hap- pen what may, liberty shall rise from the immortal grave. (Loud cheers.) Remember that the Savior once rose murdered, but not dead: so I would, im conclusion, repeat the very words whiolr Sheffield has told me in one of its addresses in 1861 :—“There «afuture for every nation which has the moraf «reatness to love national virtue in corrapt times.” (Protracted cheering.) Our Relations with Cuba, an id (May 81) Correspondence ot London nderstand thut no further despatches have =o | leen received at the United States Legation respect- ing the Black Warrior affair, but that Mr. Soule ex- jects shortly to receive instructions on the subject. A rds the Spanish government, they have n@ Il instructions to Senor Cueto, their oy at Washington; and the matter will pra~ be settled by mutual concession, unless the are determined to have s dismisgal of General Pe- was not asked for by name by Mr. ‘ as the dismissal of all the au tics who intervamed in. the seizure of the Black Warrior was demanded, he was in- cluded as the chief authority. It is thougbt, ever, that the American government may be satis- fied with the dismissal of the custom authorities, who deserve punishment, not for seizing the Black Warrior when they did, but for econnivi at that steamerentering so many times before in. a. way, and thereby evading the transit dues, for they doubtless received a consideration. The great increase of the customs revenue at Havana sines General Pezuela’s arrival is considered by official persons here asa proof of the great amount of cor ruption that existed in that Hite ap of Cuba. The remission of the fine of $6,000, in accordance about it. af with the petition of the consignees of the Black Warrior, is considered here as a concession. On the whole, it is most likely that Cueto haa wer to arrange the affair, unless the par Fare pent on a quarrel, which, however, many persons here consider to be the case, The Gadsden Treaty. LAW QUARRBL RELALIVE TO THE SPOILS. {From the London News, June 8.] BEFORE VICE-CE yR SIR WILLIAM PAGE WOOR —w'GARES AND OTHEMS—THE MEXICAS BONDHOLDE: Mr. Rolt and Mr. Goldsmid moved ex te restrain the defendants, Messrs. Baring from parting with a sum of £7,090 dollars, ant a of lading for 7,000 dollars, whi come into their hands under the following circumstances, In 1946, | the various ¢! of Mexican bonds were —, ted into one bearing interest at five a perenuea WeCq, aad a certain portion of the Menican