The New York Herald Newspaper, June 20, 1854, Page 1

WHOLE NO. 6509. “NEWS BY TELEGRAPH. HIGHLY ‘NTERESTING FROM WASHINGTON. Revelations as to the New Tariff Bill. ‘SPEECH OF SENATOR SEWARD ON THE VETO MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT. t ‘ , REORGANIZATION OF THE NAVY. A Disputacions Contest in the House on Personal Matters. Mike Walsh's Citizenship Contested, DREADFUL OUTRACES AZ POTTSVILLE, Horrid “Murders in Massachusetts, &. &, &. F: Washington, “THE NEW TARIFF THE ADMINISTRATION AND THE COMMITTEE OF WAYS AND MBEANS3—THE BIG AND LITTLE ORGANS OUT OF TUNE, ETC. Wacuixaton, June 10, 1854. The last number of the Union, in alludiag to our dos- patch of the 14th, giving a synopsis of the bill which the Committee of Ways and Means have directed their chair- man to report for a modification of the tariff, says:— The attempt of the Washington correspondent of the New York Henarp to place the Committee of Ways and Means in a hostile attitude to the administration is appa- rent enough. We speak of what we know when we say ‘that this effoct must fall far short of its object; for the ‘Committee of Ways and Means are on the best possible terms with the administration of President Pierce, in- cluding the Treasury Department, and any effort to pro- ducea different feeling will result in extreme failure and Mefeat. It is evident that our despatch contains some unpala- table truths, or the organ of the administration would committee in a hostile attitude to its patrons, then to ,turn prophet, and assure tho public our “effort” would result in “extreme failure and defeat.” What we said was:— It was evident in the discussions in the committee tbat the administration ad shifted ground, and were de- ‘rous that no action shouli bs taken, so as to leave an accumulated surplus in the treasury; but some of the members of the committee were determined that the ad- ministration should stand sqaare up to their own recom. menaations, and that the matter should be presented to the House, so that the country would be able to judge hat sincerity there is inthe ery of economy which ir. Guthrie harped upon in his ‘report. It is believed ‘tue chairman of the committee (Mr. Houston) is sincere, and that he will not consent to play second fiddle to the other end of the avenue. Our opinion ia, that the bill stands no chance of passing this seasion.’ Its introduc- ‘tion will probably kick up a very pretty excitement. The Union declares it ‘speaks what it knows”? when it asserts that the committee are on the best terms with the administration, including the treasury. This may or may not be true, but we assert what we bnow when we state that our information is of the highest character; ‘that gentlemen in the Committee of Ways and Means, ‘who, from their personal relations to the administration, ‘are regarded not only by the committee, but by the House, as the personal organs of the government and ef the Treasury Department, threw cold water upon every occasion upon the effort to decide upon any mea- gure for a reducticn of the tariff at this time, We havea high respect for these gentlemen, and do not desire to ‘be compelled to name them ; but if the organ continues to contradict our statements, thus specifically made, we Will ‘give the wames, not only of these gentle men, but also other facts which will prove beyond aD doubt thet Mr. Houston’s honest determination Mto do hts suly as chairman of the committee has caused him to be regarded with anything but ami- cable feelings in certain quarte: The evening organ of the administration has already attempted to depreciate Mr. Iouston’s services in counection with the bill, and ‘we have seen no attempt made by the Union to notice When the bill is reported, it will be seen whether the ariends of the administration will rally to its support and press its consideration. ing to be understood in any way as en- |dorsing the x crits of the bill, we reiterate, that but for the determnine:d exertions of Mr. Houston and some other _aembers, the subject would have been allowed to slum- ber in committee; and whilst the Secretary of the Trea- sury would have received the credit of being exceedingly anxious to lower the tariff, the committee would have een held responsible for its inattention to the recom mendstion «{ the Sreasury Department. Meantime the surplus revenue wonld continue to increase, notwith- standing the apparent exertions of the administration. Ifthe commitice are enabled to report, then all this hamDug will be knocked in the head; for it will then be demonstrated that the administration is not desirous, at this time, of encompassing any measure which will ro- @uce the revenue. ‘We think, wnder all the circumstances, it would be un- wise and impolitic in the extreme, at this juncture, to e4optany modification of the tariff. Whilst a European war is raging, and our relations with Spain and Mexico are in an unsettled condition, it is no time to experiment ‘upon the revenue. But we desire there should be no eoncealments in the matter. Let it be known that the ad- tninistration have shifted ground, and are not now dosi- rops of carrying out Mr. Guthrie's recommendations, aude at the commencement of the session. And let it also be understood that Mr. Houston’s determination to bold the administration responsible for this failure to ef- foct a reduction of the tariff has created a feeling towards him which is anything but friendly. CONGRESS.—THE NAVY BILL. gota Indian treaty regarding a transfer of land. midate of Angust. morrow. THIRTY-THIRD CONGRESS. FIRST SESSION. Senate. Wasurvatox, June 10, 1854. ‘THR FLOMDA INDIANS. * The Chair presented a communieation from the Inte- Department relative to the removal of tho Florida Indians. NOTIONAL ARMORY IN NORTH CAROLINA, Also one from the Navy Department in relation to the ‘establichment of a National Armory, noar the coal felds printed. CLAIM YOR INVENTION OF A BATTRRING RAM, Mr. Sewn, (free soil) of N. ¥., presented the memo- tial of a citizen of New York, claiming to be the inventor of a battering ram of most tremendous force, thirteen of them being capable of defending the coast from Maine to roxas. ‘THE ASSAY OFFICE IN NEW YORK. Mr. Fra, (whig) af New York, presented the memo- ial of the Comnfbn Council of New York, against the re geal of the existing law relating to the assay oflce in city. PRIVATE BIL}. PASSED, Mr. Masox, (dem.) of Va., reported a Bl for the relief "OE Capt. E. A. F. Lavellette, of the navy—and the same was passed. selecting new sites for bridges on Adopted. THR NAVY DEPARTMENT. » On motion of Mr. MALLORY, (dem.) of Fla. the senate x ee bill reorganizing the Navy Department. ALIORY moved a substivute for the bill, which | agreed ‘The bill was thon read a third time, and its passage ed till to-morrow. THE ANNUAL MEETING. On motion of Mr, Dovaras, (dem.) of Il., the bill changing the time for the annual meeting of Congress vow the first Monday in December to the first Monlay October, was taken ‘aot be at such trouble to imagine we desired to place the | ENDIAN TREATY RATIFIED—THE ADJOURNMENT OF ‘The Senate to-day in executive session ratified a Minne- ‘There is not the slightest indication the House will concur in the Senate resolution for a recess, notwith- sianding the assertion of the associated press reporter. From present appearances, there is more probability that an adjournment sine die will take place about the Mr. Mallory will press his naval bill in the Senate to- of North Carolina. They were referred and ordered to be — MORNING EDITION—TUESDAY, JUNE 20, 1854, Mr. Honrer, (dem) of Va., moved to amend the bill j by inserting ‘November in place of October. He suid | that Congress was composed principally of farmers and Jawyera, and both these occupations were very basy in | October. | Mr. Dovaras said the object of the bill was to equalize | the sessions of Congress, instead of having one session | nine sponths and the othen three, as at present. | Mr Cratos, (whig) of Del., advocated the bill. | Mr. Mason, (dem ) of Va., Cd pan He thought its | practical effect would be to prolong “short”? seesions. | Mr. Dovozas raid he haa another bill establishi | the rule that toch houses shall be long sessions, ad | journing in May. | Mr. BaYaRp, (dem.) of Del., said, all efforts to shorten the ressions cf Congress would prove fruitless ualess per diem compensation was abolished and an annual salary fixed for members, It had been clearly shown that Congress covld do as much business ia a three | months session as in nine months, | The bill was then postponed, and 1 THE VETOED INSANE LAND BILL | token up. Mr SEWARD snid—Congress has passed a bill by which ten millions of acres of the public domain are granted to the several States with unquestioned equality, on condi- tion that tuey shall accept the same and sell the Inds at not less than one dollar per acre, and safely invest the gross proceeds and forever apply the interest thereon to the maintenance of their indigent insane inhabitants. This bill is a contribution made trom a peculiar natioual resource, at a time when the treasury is overflowing, to theStatcs, Itismade at the suggestion and, it is not stating the case too strongly to say, through’ the unsid- ed, unpaid, aud purely “disinterested influence of an American woman, who, while all other members of socie- ty have been cecking how to advance their own fortunes and happiness, or the prosperity and greatness of their country, Las consecrated hor life to the relief of the niost pitiable form in which the Divine Ruler alllicts our common humanity. The purpose of the bill has eom- menued it to our Warmest and most active sympathies, Not a voice bas censured it in either house of Congress. It is the one only purposo of legislation sufficiently great to arrest attention that has met with universal appro. Daticn throughout the country during the present Kes- sion, It: cems as if some sad fatality attends our publi action when the measure is singled out from among all others to be baflled and defeated by an Execu- tive veto. Such, however, is the fact. The bill has been returned by the President with objections which it is now our constitutional duty to conrider. I shall confine myself to the consideration of these objec- tions alone, and-shall not look backward to objections made in previous discussions here, nor dwell upon any that have been raised since the ‘eto message was re- ceived that are not contained in that document. Five ears of congressional discussion has exhausted the sub- Ject, so far as all other objections except those of the Yrevident are concerned. In considering the President's message we are struck with the fact that it is desultory, iMogical and confused. While commending the purpose of the Lill, the Proident denies the expediency of the | measure, ‘and denies, also, the power of Congress to adopt it.’ It is impossible, however, to separate the ar. gument directed against the expediegcy of the measure from the orgument against the power. So the argument against the expediency rests chiefly on an assumption that the measure is a usurpation of power, while the ar- ment a the power repose chiefly on the inex; iency of its exercise. Thi is important, cause the confusion I have déscribed impairs’ th force of the argument, and because, moreover, Con- gress’ may well confide in their own couclusions as to the expediency of a measure, while they are bound to pay extraordinary respect to xe. cutive suggestions impugning its constitutionality. 1.40 not stop to demonstrate the correctuess of thi critici-m. Every senator who has discussed tbe me on cither side, bis betrayed, I think, an embarrassment } resulting from it. In the ‘second place, the mose seems to me, Ido not say disingenuous, but siogularly unfair and unjust in the statement of the question. The bill copfines itself to a single purpose, viz: that of aiding the States in maintaining one peculiar class of destitute Fersons by an appropriation of equal and just proportions of the public domain, leaving all other objects and all other sources of public wealth out of view, and abstaia- ing altogether from in‘erference with the ‘States in the J¢:formance.of that one.duty but the Pretident is noljcon- nt to state the question thus. He approaches it by an induction. It cannot be # question, he says, that if has the power to make provisions for the indi. gent insane without the limits of the District, it has the same power to provide for the indigent who are not in- rane, and thus to transfer to the federal government the charge of all the poor in ali the States, After amplifica. tion of this proporition, and without argument, the Pres- i ent arrives at the statement of the question before him, and he anvouncesit in these words, “Tne question present: ed, therefore, clearly is upon the constitutionality and pro P tty of the federal governmont assuming to enter into a voveland vast field of legislation, namely, that ot provid. in for the care and suppori of all those ataong the people of the United States who by any form of calamity become ft objects of public phi You need only place this statement of the case by the side of the President's own stutement of the provisions of the bill, to enable you to see that it is Asgrantly erroneous and unjust But Iwill illustréte it directly. Congress does, in un- questioned conformity with the Constitution, exercise ‘ome powers in the States, which are concurrent with similar powers enjoyed by the States themselves. Thus Congress establishes, here and there, throughout the States, hospitals for sick and disabled seamen, [3 that eqnivalent to assuming the support and care of all the poor on land, ss well as sea, belonging to the States’ Congress establishes lighthouses, and constructs harbors of refvge, within the States, and provides regulations for the construction and management of steamboats, on navigable waters, within the States. Is that equivalent to usurpation of entire control over commerce and navi- cation within the States? Congress distributes seeds and treatises on agriculture. Is that equivalent to an usurpation of jurisdiction over agriculture throughout the States? Congress discriminates by bounties, draw- bucks and duties, so ax to favor agricuiture, the fisheries and manufactures. Is that equivalent to an assumption of supreme ‘and exclusive power over all those great national interests? — Con- gress prescribes regulations for the militia, and fur- nishes to the States arms, ammunition and ordnance for the equipment and exercise of the militia. Is that equivalent to an usurpation of the entire support, control and direction of the armed police of the States? I your attention next, sir, to the fact that this message presents unfairly the relative stractures and characters of the federal Union and of the States. The President saya, are we not to prone to forget that the federal Union is the creature of the States, and not they of the federal Union; and again he says that the independent and so- yoreign States united themselves for certain specified objects and purposes, and for those only, thereby imply- ing that the States are still entirely sovereign, while the foderal government is a mere confedoration, and not equally tovereign within its sphere. Now, no one ever thought that the States were creatures of tho federal Union, but it is equally true, in my judgment, that the feieral Union is not the creature of the States. Both are States connected with, and yet independent of each other. Each of them was established directly by the people, the several State governments by the people of the States respectively, and the federal Union by the people of all the States. Each is shorn of some of tho attributes of sovereignty, and each is supreme within its sphere. once more, the message is unfair, in drawing into the discussion And discussing whether a power to the bill cas be derived from the eighth section of the consti- tution, which gives Congress the authority to lay and collect taxes, duties, imports and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and welfare of the United States. No member of Congress has ad- yocated that principle since this bill was inaugurated half a dozen years ago. The principle is obsolete, if it ever nad been advocated. No statesman has advocaied itin or ‘out of Congress, for a period of forty yours while, there- fore, the President's exposition on that subject, may serve to raise prejudices against the bill, it is quite certain that they are foreign from a consideration of its merits. If it shall seem to you, Mr. President, that the criticisms I have oflered on the message might have been spared, I hoye it will be a sufficient defence, to say that those cri- ticisms dispose of two thirds of the entire message of the President, and leave only two or three points in the whcle cae to be examined. In the manner I have de- seried, the President reaches at last the principal ques- tion, viz.:—whether Congress bas the power to pass this bill,’ by virtne of the third section of the fourth article of the constitution, which is as follows:—‘‘Congress shall baye the power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States, and nothing in this constitution shall be so éOnstrué te prejudice any claims of the Unked States or o ti ular Mate.” The President denies thet th! contsins the power claimed by Congress. Now it is ap- parent, first, that ‘the land appropriated by the bill is part of the territory or other property of the United tates, secondly, that the term to dispose of in- clades any way and every way by which Congress can divest the United States of those lands, whether by sales to States or individuals, or by gifts to States or indivi- and upon the States, and is therefore constitutional, un- less it ean be shown that the absolute power contained the constitution which inhibits the proposed disposal of them. The President soys there is such an inhibition, with the sixth article, which is as fellows:—‘ To wit, all a’ bts contracted and engagements entered into before Fog the United States as under the confederation.” —- brings: this connection a provision hare of the public domain of the United States, to it, all the lands within the territory s0 ceded to the any of the before mentioned pur , OF disposed of in bounties to the officers and soldiers of the American fit and use of such of the United States as have become or shall become members of the federal alliance of the o respective proportions in the general id . diture, and'shall be faithfully and bona ain bes of e, Tho President adds here the object for which these landa are to be di of is clearly set forth, and he adds, tion in favor of the contemplated grants, but furnish the strongest aut ity against it. | quoted from the third section of the fourth article of the constitution, vis. ‘And nothing in this constitution duals. The bill apportions and bestows the lands among in that section is limited by some other provisions of and he finds it in the last clause of the section colla the adoption of this constitution, shall be as valid din the deed by which Virginia ceded United Staton, and not reserved for or appropriated to army, shall be considered a common fund for the bene. said States, Virginia included, aceording to their usual for that purpose, and for no other purpose whatever. | that the provisions recited not only contain no implica: amine this argument, and remark shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States of or any [ideas State, have no applica. | tion here. We know wrically, and from the com- mentators in the that there was at the } ime of the adoption of ‘the constitation, uncer. ' the of tainty about Dounda: lines bet re Bh undary 4 ween course their respective ceded by the soveral States to the United States, and also that ail of the States interested in the said domain had not executed deeds of cession at the time the consti- | tution was framed by the convention; and we know from the same evidence that the clause relied upon by the President was designed merely to save any such rights or titles which bad not been and which should not be ceded to the United States, and alsoat the same time to save just claims which te United States had by, or inde- pendent of, such deeds of cession. Now, it is absurd to say that the bill before us Prajudiced any olaim of tho United States, for it assumes that the property disposed of is sxelusively the property of the United States, It is equally absurd to say that 1¢ prejudices the claim of any particular state, for no State has laid any claim, or cam vy any claim to the lands in question isposes of the st pj. oved limitstion in the third section of the fourth article public domain. It isin these words:—‘all debts, contracts | ‘and engegements entered into before the expiration of this constitution sholl te as valid against the United States under tbix constitution, as under the confederition. It in satisfied by plying it to the then exist ng public | debt, and to the then existing treaties. We leara from | the /tderalis: that it was so understood by the framers | cf the constitution. Mr. Biadison recites it in the fifty- third number of the Federatist, with this remark— this can only be consicered as & declaratory proposition, and may have been inserted, among other reasons, for the action of the foreign creditors of the United stat not be strangers to the protended doctrine that 6 in the political form of society has the ma- ect of cissolving its normal obligations.’ There ig, thep, no Jimitation or qualification of the absolute power of Congress to dispose of the domain contained fa he covstitution itself, Nur does the provision contain: ed in the deed of cession from Virginia affect it. Let us now concede that the constitutional power to dispose of the publie domain is affected, and even controlled by the deed of'cession from Virginia, There 1g nothing in the (ill which conflicts with that provision. The provision is only this, that the lands ceded by Virginia shall be con- sidered a common fund for the use and benefit of all the States, ¢ faithfully and tona fide disvosed of for that purpose. The bill under ‘considersiion does consider the ten millions of acres a common fund for the use and benefit of all the States, | and does faithfully and bona fide dispose of it for their common and equal use aid benefit. But the president argues that the public domain, or the pro- | ceeds resulting from the sale of it, and not expended, cannot be apportioned among the States, but must re- | main acommon fund, which, as it has been pledged | heretofore and is now pledged, so hereafter it may azain be pledged for public indebedness. But this argument proves too much. Tt woull invalidate all grants of | unty Jands in consideration of past services in the military service of the United States, and it- would equally invalidate all eae for the construction of ca- nals apd raiiroads; neith¥t of which modes of disposing of the public lands has the president condemued. The Prcsigeat seeks to extricate himself from this dilemma py raising a theory which has no foundation in the Con- stitution or in any contemporaneous exposition of it, ‘and justifies the grants for the construction of railroads and canals, upon the principle that the United States nay lawfully give away one portion of its lands without consideration for the purpose of thereby enhancing the value of what remains; but it is apparent that the con- stitutionality of a grant is thus made to depend upon the fact that the value of the land given away is not more than the increase of the value of what remains, and so that government must necessarily raise the price of thé lands retained to the utmost of their increased value Such a course is never pursued. The government which should pursue it might act as a prudent landhobier, but would at the s .me time act ar an oppressive and tyran- nical ruler. This theory that the government must act a8 a prudent laudholder seems to me altogether fanciful. It is not capable of universal application at all plices and under all circumstances, A prudent laniholder might give away ove-fourth of his land in some places to enhance the value of the rest, and at other times half, and at other times three-fourths, but_not where and always the same proposition. But there is another consideration which is fatal to the theory. The policy which a prndent landholder might pursue, merety 88a landholder, to incroase the value of his estate might be altogether inconsistent with the policy which a great, rich and beneticent government ought to pursue to in- crease the wealth, the greatness and the strength of a nation. Many a pradent eoeriatee, has changed his allegiance to save his domain, and many brave people have sacrificed their domain to save thelr Liberties, ‘The United States are not mere land owners. They are a State, a politics] State. They are indeed a landholder, and they ought to be a prudent one, but landownership is the lowest of their functions, and land speculation ought to be the last which they should assume. Without tracing further this new and idle theory of prudent pro prietorship, it may be dismissed with t xo remark: First, that it rests altogether upon the restraining provi- sion contained in the deed of cession from Virginia, which applied only to the original domain of the Unit and not to those portions since acquired. See fhe fen millions of acros apportioned by this bill ace vir- na. regions subsequent ire and entirely distinct frou that original adn ‘The President’s next objection is, that there is an act of Jan. 28, 1847, which pledges the sales of the public lands for payment cf the debt contracted in the Mexican war. { reply first, that that debt is virtually paid, inasmuch as we have a surplus revenue constantly accumulating, and are buying up the stock in advance of its maturity at encrmous premiums, and the creditor who complains of this bill may at once receive payment in full, Secondly. that pledge was never understood to prohibit judicious ap- propriations of the public domain, and the objection, if ood against this bill, annus all the lawa by which we have given homesteads to the survivors of all our wars, as wellas those by means of which we have procured capitalists to cover with a network of railways the broad region which stretches from the base of the Alleghany mountains to the Mississippi river. The President ex. presses deep concern that this contribution by the fede- Tal government to the States should impair their vigor and independenee, but it is not easy to see how a contri- bution which they are at liberty to reject, and which they are to apply to a necessary andto a proper purpose of government, in entire independence of the federal gov- ernmeng, can wound their self respect, or deprive them of any of their attributes of sovereignty. ‘the President, moreover, is deeply affected with an ap- prehension that if the policy of this bill should be pur- sued its noble purposes would be defeated, and the foun- tains of charity within the States would be dried up. ‘The President must not needlessly afflict himself in this wise on the score of humanity. Experience is against his fears. Every community that has received from the federal territory or property military bounties or pen- sions, is at least as brave and as patriotic as it was before. Every community that has received from the same sources contributtons for the purposes of internal improvements, are more enterprising than before every community that has received aid for its schools of learning, has been rendered more zealous and more munificent in the couse of education. Thus, sir, bave I reviewed the President’s objections. In con- elusion, itremains for me to express the opinion that, ‘as in the carly days of the republic, there was a sch ofa latituainarian construction of the constitution, which school was quite erroneous, #0 also was there a school whose maxim was strict construction, and this school have accumulated precedents and traditions equal- ly calculated to extinguish the spirit of the consti- tution. Circumstances have altogether changed since that school was founded. The States were then rich and strong—the union was poor and powerless. Virginia loaned to the United States a hundred thousand | dol'ars to build their Capitol. But the States could not enlarge themselves. They profes-ed respectively either no public land at all or very small domains, and ts such domains they have added nothing by purchase or con- quest. Charged wi-h all the expenses of municipal ad- ministration, including the relief of the indigent, the care of the diseased, the education of the peuple, and the removal of natural obstructions to trade and intercourse, they reserved, nevertheless, only the power to raise revenues by direct tax: ation. One which always was and always will be regarded with jealousy and dislike. The Union, on the contrary, by conquest and purchase, has quad- rupled its domain, It is in tho possession of super- abundant revenues, derived from that domain, and from importa upon foreign commerce. Contrast the meagre saftries of the officers of the States with the liberal onea given by the Union. Contrast the ancient narrow and cheerless Capitols of Annapoles, Harrosburg and Albany with this magnificent edifico, amplifying itself to the Korth and the South, while it is surrounded by gardens, traversed by spacious Avenués, and ombeliished with foun. tains and statuary, and you see at once that the order of things has been reversed, and tends now not merely to conciliate but to consolidation. I know not how others may be affected by this tendeney, but T confess that it moves me to ¢o all that I canrby a fair construction of the constitution, not to abate the federal strongth nor diminish the majesty of the union. but to invigorate and randise the States, and toenable them to maintain a equilibrium in our grand but exquisitely contrived political system. Mr. CraY, (dem.) of Ala., got the floor, and the bill was postponed. (A VESSELS REGISTER GRANTED. Mr. Brxsawiy, (dem.) of La., reported a bi Russian ister to th built brig Ai by piv came ot register to the mel mame of Abby Francis. vane PENSION AGENTS ACCOUNTS. The bill for making provision for Paying all, persons who, since 1836, have acted as for paying pen. sions, and preseril 4 manner for the settlement of their accounfs hereafter, was then taken np. (whig) of Go., objected to the bill. because all deposit banks who paid pensions to set Mr. Toomns, it would I ‘up claims. ‘Mr. Dope moved an amendment, excepting banks, bank agents and officers, and private bankers, the benefits of the bill. Mr, Hox1kr moved to lay it on tho table. Agreed to. ‘Tho bill granting a pension to Urban Stull passed. yo bill granting a pension to Urban ; Ten House bills relating to Territories received, taken up, and referred. After a short executive session, the Senate adjourned. House of Representatives. Wasmaton, June 19, 1864. PERSONAL EXPLANATIONS—THE TENNERSER DELEGATION. Mr. Cuurncuwsit, (dem.) of Tenn., made a personal ex- Pianation some time ago, when he addressed the House on the Nebraska bill. He thought proper to allude to the course of a known candidate for the Presidency (Senator Bell) in reply to his colleague, who had attacked the author of the bil ag a Presidential aspirant. What he the | ssid was of public notoriety. titles | of ‘alt to an interest in the unoccupied domain which was | e sixth article has manifestly no relation tothe |~ | bis speech soatiered throughout Tennessee. the subject. THE NEW YORK HERALD. PRICE TWO CENTS. It had been published in o the daily. payers. ho add was of « political character. Every point he made on Colonel Bell bad been sustained:—lirst. He present atthe eaucus; second. He was appointed on the comuiftes by the cau. cus; third. reap vote stauds recorded der the smand- | ment that reped °\, 256 Missouri Compromise, as shown by the Senate i\ «ts of 18th February last. What he said was solely@& to public facts. He was aot disre- spectful to that gentleman who had receives bie (Church - weil’s) remarks 48 harsh and offensive language, whic were ft not ‘or the Senator's age, he should treat dille ently from what be would now. That lauguage would be discourteous in @ member of the House. tuch l dignified Sevator—(laughter al stump orator in Tennessee, where there is much freetom of speech, It was false that he (Churchwo!l) made the | first revelation regarding the proceedings of & caucus | relative to the Nebrasks bill, with which Mr. Bell’s name | had be@n associated, and which had given rise to the ilis- | agreeable controversy. He bad used hard ant offensive jangungy, but bad withdrawn it all, and oombs | told Mr. Bell in debate, be bad carefully avoltel denying any statement the former made. Mr, Churchwell vindi- eaied his course, ray question of veracity between himvelf and Mr Rell had been fully sustained in all he had stated ona vious occasion by both Messrs. Badger and Toombs, in the Senate - Mr. CAMPBRLL, (free oil) of Ohio, arose to a personal explenation... He found himself alluded to in a speach of Mi. (| PIWHin fie Lad listened to that speech, but | did not hear¥is name mentioned by that gentleman,’ Ho wished to wk him whether he actually made such per- sonal remaris, or whether he merely inserted them for the sake of ‘perfgting his argument in his printed re marks? It wae thie stated flint four of the gentleman’s collergnes voted littoniats ap Messrs. Gid- dings and ( ted, he wishei to know Whether the gentleman used these words on the floor or no Mr, Cavrcuwait—Whother I did or not, Iam responsible for the language Mr. Canpumt —Did yeu or not? Mr. Cuvxcuwsi1—One thinks be heard roe use it Be Camrenit—The gentleman does me and his col- leagues injustive. | don’t care what he says about mo in T have always avowed my principles with regard to the institu. tion of #)a.ery andevery other question. 1 know very great offo t sas made t) brand General Scott au an ado- | litienist throughout the South. On the eveof the Prosi- | dential election there appeared in the Washington | Union a fubrication, over my signature, in which | it was siited I had’ had a private conference with | General Scott, the result of which was that he | would u® bis icfluence to repeal tho Fugitive Slave | law know this fabrication was circulated abroad irTennessee. I apperl to my friend (Mr. Cullom) | to say wiether ‘his is not the fact. [Mr. Cullommbowed | assent.) This impression having been made in the South, the genteman assumes that Lam an abolitionist, and | asxociats me with his colleagues to injure them. Iam | unwillisg that friend or foe shall have injustice done bim, Mr, CHURCHWELI—I do not desire to misrepresent any | man. ‘Mr. amprmi1—I only judge the gentleman with making wilfulmisrepresentations; but he does injustice to his colleagues. | My drat vote was given for Hency Clay, and my Jest for General Scott; in the meantime, I never voted any but the whig ticket. ‘Mr. CHURCHWRII—Did you not vote against the Fugi- tiveSlave law ? Mr. CAMPRELI—T did, and 60 did every whig, with three exceptions, on this floor, fromthe North. Did not South- erp men vote against the admission of California? I de- aire to ack my colleague (Mr. Giddings) whether he, as the gentleman saya, came over and congratulated Mr. Cullom on the conclusion of the last named gentloman’s speech ngainst the Nebraska bill, together with the abolitionists and free soilers. Mr. Grnpixos, (abolitionist,) of Ohio.—T cannot speak as to the time Mr. Cullom’ made his speech, being in Ohio at the time. (Laughter.) Mr. Camrssit.—Dia you not congratulate him by tele- beng Grpixos —As I have said, I knew nothing about the speech except what I saw in the newspapers, I could have no commusieation with any gentleman on He Answer the question. i my colleagues (Mr. Smith) My. Camvuxit.—And the gentleman says that Mr. Ger- rit Smith and others congratulated his colleague. I ask fhe gentleman from New York whether he congratulated ir. Cullom. Mr. Gunurr Surry, (abolitionist, of New York,—I did not, (Laughter. Mr. Casrsnit.—Now comes the point. In Mr. Chureh- well’s speech he is printed as saying to Mr. Cullom— “Giddings and Campbell and others of the stripe did con- gratulate you.” Laid not hear a ayliable of that, and I ask whether the gentleman uttered the remark on this joor. Mr, CnuRciwsit.—The gentleman is jealous of the repu‘ation of my colleague. When I made the allusion to my colleague being congratulated, I meant nothing Gisrespectinl. I said he was congratulated by gentlemen of the Giddings stamp. 1 would have sworn | saw the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Campbell) congratulate my coll Mr. 1Z—Did you any that in your speech? Mr. Cavrcawet—I Tink Y aia Did you not say in a syeech last session, if a law were passed repealing the fu- aitive slave law, Generel Scott, would not veto it ? Mr. CamPrmit—The gintlemen will not find me avoid- ing any question, Idil say I believed General Seott en- iertained the whig doctrine as to the veto power, and if Congress passed a lav repealing the fagitive law he not Veto it—and I think go still. Tnot only voted agaivstit, but spit on chat platform now. Mr. Cotuom, (whig) »f Tenn.—My. collengue said that my speech was receivel with much éclat by abolitionists. I pronounce this untrue. ir. CHURCHWELI—I sid such men as Giddin sons of that stamp, and th» speech shows thi Mr. CutioM said—Mz. Giddings did not congratulate he had been President, and per- me. You then said Mr. Gerrit Smith did. I said in re- ply, you were equally unfortunate. It wae then my colleague remarked, ‘men of that stripe.” I could have told him that Mr. Campbell did not congratulate me. Mr. Cavroawait.—My colleagae (Me Smith) thinks he heard me mention in my speech Giddings and Campbell. Did not abolitionists and free soilers congratulaie you on your speech? Mr Currom—TI am plad you avk the question. T have seen it charged in the Union newspaper. 1 boldly an- nounee, if abolitionists and free svilers congratulated me Tdo not know ft to this day. But men from the South congratulated me; gentlemen from Kentucky, Mississippi, South Carolina, Georgia and Virginia. (Laughter. Several members endeavored to raise poiuts to termi- nate these proceedings, bift they were overruled. Mr. Taynor, of Tenn. having been called on, said his recollection was identical with Mr. Cullom’s. Mr. CamrBeLt.—These things in the printed speech are not true, Mr. Cacrcnwent —Point them out. Mr. Caurneui—The allegation that I and Mr. Giddings ! congratulated Mr. Cullom is not correct. The same as } to Mr. Smith of New York. I studiously and purposely avoided even bringing my face towards Mr. Cullom when he delivered his speech, believing that an effort would be made to put my distinguished friend in a false post- tion at home, Mr. CavkcHW+11—The direct point raised is that I did not use Mr. Camptell’s name in my speech. I have been - informed by a colleague (Mr. Smith) that he heard me. | I cannot be mistaken as to the subscription to Mr. Cul- | lom’s speech. I find the names of Messrs. Sumner, Sew | ard, and others of a like stamp, on the list. Mr. Curon—My speech hada much larger circulation | at the South than the North Mr. Coorcaweii—Admitting the fact, Ido know that fifteen thousand copies of it were circulated at the North. | An intimate friend of Mr. Seward took five thousand copies. I have been astonished at the extraordinar, course of the gentleman this morning. He and my col- league have endeavored to catch me ina trap. I repeat, that genilomen of a like stamp with Mr. Campbell did | congratulate my colleague; and I am well satiated, gen- tlemen from the South did not congratlate him on the sentiments he uttered Mr. Curro“—I require proof of the fact that free soil- ers and abolitionists congratulated me. I know of none. Bs CuurcnweLt—] point to the gentleman from New ‘ork, Mr. Sack (whig)—TI have ever been a whig of the Hen- ry Clas. stump, and one of those who supported him in the Pliladelptia Convention til Gen. Taylor was nom!- nated. Mr. CHURCHWELI—T ask my colleague whether Messrs. Matteson and Morgan did not congratulate him? Mr. CuLtom—I don’t know. Mr. Marrrsoy—I was in Utica at the time. (Laughter.) Mr. Cuurcnws11—Well, then, nobody congratulated him. (Renewed laughter. Mr. ones, (dem ) of N. ¥., amid the confasion, rose to a question of order, wishing to know whether it was Ee for any gentleman to poll thé members of the louse Mr. Bayiy, (dem.) of Va.—Is the morning hour out? . The SrraxkR—It has not commenced. Mr. MorGax, (whig) of New York—I thank God I had an opportunity of congratulating an honest Southern man. I never belo to the free soilers, nor tothe abolitionists, but ever been a whig of the Henry Clay stamp.’ (Laughter. ) Cavronweri—I have at last ascertained that my ras congratulated by at least one man. mt the gentleman from Illinois (free soiler) ‘ted him. Wasuncrn, (whig) of Ml.—I have ever been a whi of the Henry Clay school, and was in the convention that nominated him. Mr. Surmm, (dem.) of Tenn., having beon called on by Mr. Churchwell, «afd he heard his colleague mention the name of Mr. Campbell at the close of a sentence, having sat by him at the time. Some additional cross-firing took place, when the per- sonal expianations terminated. AN IMPORTANT QUESTION—IS MIKE WAISH AN AMERICAN’ ., stated that on Saturday he Mr. Staytox, (dem.) of 16 ies ree W. Isaacs and others, received a memorial with reference to contesting the right of Mr. Walsh to his seat, stating that Walsh is an alien, and asking for some order of the House by which that fact may be sub- stantiated. The memorial ix accompanied by a letter written by John Griffin to the Speaker of the House, and who desires it to be laid before this body. Mr. Griffin states that he ie a signer of the memorial, and brands Mr. Ewing, a member of the Committee on Elections, with being a traitor and a coward, in suppressing the firs memorial Mr. Orr, (dem ?, of 8. C.—I object to the reading of any document which reflects on a member. Me. EwinG, (whig) of Ky.—Iask that the letter be read. ‘The confusion was so great that several gentlemen ex- claimed loudly that they could pot hear a word. ig he would leave no adjourned | ¢ , the mantlo of protection over Walaa. Mr. Onn, with deference to Mr. Ewing, with ¢rew his objection |. Mr, Sraarow, | letter being re both Mr. Walsh and Cries ¢ of Ky , did not care about the reflected in yulcar language © ¢ Committee of Elections. rae i sas have it’ , (dem Las. —It wilt show the temper in | which the commoaication iv mae to the House, ad the Paper. ax a matter of justice, ought to be road. Mr ere roras eee Onis « pet of itread. It treate . Wal h as by av the committee 1 wi i part about Mr. Wain, who te ro eainate The letter from John Griffin was them read. The wroter says that Mr. Ewing has pleyed the traitor and coward, in stifling the contents of t at memorial from,the eountry ; that Waish is »oubject of Queer Vic toria’; that he and the other moimorialists aro rexly to prove it, but the Committee op Hections have fenind them the opportunity to do #: The miscreant Walsh was born in the land of Burke, Sheridar’ and others, com- ared with whom Greece amd Rome ad no sup lackson never was ashamed of his Irish blood, bat W writer says he was among the-voters who sent agabond to Congress, believing him to be an-Ameri- by bir'h. He did not thint any man was ao base as to deny his birthplace. He bas got a cepy of the re ister of his birth and baptism, He notioed that Walsh his name in the blu® book as an American, ‘dem ) 1 Messrs. Ewing and Stanton, of Kentucky, oave thrown | Mr. SranToN, atter read ng the letter, said—Tho ant ior refera toa foriner memorial which was sentto Me. bia, | Dis 6 Meague on the Flection Committee. The com: osmined into the case, but found no proof of th: charged, and therefare asied and wore discharged [ the copaiveration of the subject. Subsequently saothr mracrial was transmit'ed by ono of the parties ¢ pteining two afidavits—one stating that he once met Walsh, and in conversation Walsh ail | weuld not acknowledge himself an Irishman, becvis \ some future day he would be mate Presilent of the United States, and the constitution aid not aliow any o-+ io! foreign birth to fll that office. (Laughter) Tao next offidavit is from Charlotte Mallorey, who «ays 8! weson a Visit to Irelond, where sho saw Make with | his mother. Mike wr ‘then six or eight yous of ae Subseqroutly ave mei them in New York. Mr. Stanton mintioned the fact that he had reesived » letter from George W. Tanaca, and in response, after consultation with the Committee on Flections, assured him if he would present « prima facie caso, they would act on it promptly, He was satisfied the whole matter Grows out of personal emaity avainst Walsh. ‘Tho mattor ought not to engage the attention of the House, ani for | that reason he moved thatthe Committee on Blections be discharged from further consiteration of Ube sadject. | Mr. Ewing, (whig) of Ky., said he did not expect to be called upon to make ans perdovel explanation, as the House, perhaps, was satiated with them this morning, but he would begin im the stereotyped form that he was a Clay whig, and had never been congratulated by abolitionists, and that Clay had not abandoned him on the slave question, as he was unkind enough to do with the gentleman from New York, (Mr. Morgan,) but bad achered to him through all the vieissitudes of his politi- col life. (Laughter ) He thonght his colleague erred in bringing these papers before the House, and further | erred in doing so without giving him notice | Mr. Stanioy remarked, it was firat suggested by the Speaker of the House. Mr. Ewin said he had no doubt his motives wore godd, but still thought heerred, I was asked, said Mr. E. by an eminent ex member of the last Congresa if I would | present the memorial from respectable persons? I pro- | mined to do.so. I xhowed the memorial to tho gentle- | man from New York most: interested, and he did not | represent the character of the signers in the most favora- bie entation was confirmed in a few | anonymous letter, signed “More which Tho'l up before the House, whose characters seem to awelland grow asthe writer ewelled with, indignation, growing large enough towards | the close for the sigh ofa commisson house. (Laughter.) | ‘The Committee on account of the circumstances, and on aceount of the unusual character of the memorial, ina | meeting in which I was not present, instructed meas the | original reporter of the memorial, to ask to be discharged | from its further consideration. In that report [ entirely concurred. Ina few days thereafter, I received a com- munication still moro interesting than those just read, from the remarkable gentleman, as ay. i from Kentucky ia pleased to’ call him, claims the ‘authorship of the others. Ietter he abuses me in the most deleatable orthography, taking great liberties with the names and fair fumes of the members of the committee, but still reater liberties with the king’s English. (Laughter.) have been waiting for her Majesty to avenge her ont- raged language, apd not till then shall T feel called upon to call the writer to account for culling me a liar. laughter.) It is a question of v nus. He says Tlied; Teny Fdidn't. (Re T hope the difficulty will be amicably and honorably adjusted, He also treats Mike, as he cnlls him, almost as rooghly reoms altogether a matter of private resentment, and the | committce not willing to be made the dupes and instru- ments of it, acted as they did The communication from ‘More than one Irishman’? states that they would not have betrayed the fact of Mike’s boing an Irishman, but for Mis having insulted thom in a private correspondence, &e. confess to the charge of having smothered this affair, and I think it ought to have remaine’ smothered. 1 will not detain the House by any further reference to an HE NATIVE AMERICANS. Their Rise and Progeess, and T.emperary Successes, The recent successes at local elections of the ma- | tive Americans, under their new name of Know | Nothings, has caused much inquiry with reg.\td to { their past history and probable future prosp Pots. | We ave given several articles in the HezaLp OB | tris subject, showing the history and effects of this | peculiar element in oar prlitics, tending to prove” that a party organized on the plan or principles of ~ fhe native Americans, appealiag to the prejudices | of nativity, religion, or race, must necessarily be brief in its cvatinuance, and can ouly be revived by the arrogance snd folly of naturalized citizens, in- | stiguted by American dsmagogues seeking offtte, oF j imbued with religious or other fanaticism. | Forthe further information of the readers of whe urject of Queen Vietoria, and says that | HBRAGD, we have teken tho trouble to compile, aa “a now present a variety of political statistics, with om * own reeollections of facts, relative to the native Aiericans as an organized party, showing thotr votes and operations st the suocessive elections im which thoy have perticipated em « pulitivut asa ciation, from their first organization in this pity, in 1835, to the election of Presiden Taylor, in 1848.- As we sthted in a former artiété, the native... American party originated as a distinct politioal association in this city in the'year 1835. It is trae that on former occasions there had been a jealousy existing between the naturalized citizens and the native voters of the party opposed to the prevailing democracy—particularly in elections for Aldermen of the city, and Representatives to Congress and the Legislature. The Trish adopted citizens were almost uniformly of the democracy attached to Tammany Hall, and although a few of their leadere —such as the late Thomas Addis Emmet, William: Sampson, Doctor Macnevin, and Dennis H. Doyle— were friends of De Witt Clinton; the Irish voters, led by Aldermen McQueen, John Lozier, Shivers Parker, and other prominent democrats of the bucktail or Tammany Hall school, supported the tickets nominated at Tammany Hall, and opposed De Witt Clinton and his political friends. It is a very common mistake to suppose that the Irish voters generally supported De Witt Clinton at elee- tions—the returns of votes in those times, from the Sixth ward particularly, show the contrary to have been the truth. In the times of General Jackson's presidency, when the Irish nearly unanimously supported the Jackson democratic tickets, attempts were made to excite the feclings of American voters against them ; but the attempt to create a separate organization ‘was considered too hazardous an experiment for the anti Jackson minority party to make, and it was | reserved for a mechanic of that party in this city te try the experiment in 1835. Under his auspices a Native American Association was formed, the prin- cipal object of which was declared to be the exclu- sion of persons of foreign birth from office. A small sheet called The Native American was published by this association, and a copy of this paper, printed: in 1836, we have recently examined. It contains am address from the association to the people of the United States, setting forth the objects and designe of the Native American Association, and showing the: | abuses which had grown up under the naturalize- tion laws, and the appointments of foreigners to office—appealing to Americans of both political parties to take measures to correct these abuses. In the autum of 1835, the whigs of this city hay- ing been disastrously defeated at the State election. of the year previous, were willing to withdraw from the political field, at the election for members of the Legislature, and for a member of Congress to supply a vacancy. The democratic party were divi- affair of hardly eufficient importance to occupy the at- tefieion of a single member. Mr. Laromes, (dem.,) of Va.—{ hope the letters road | ere will be excluded from the Congressional Globe. ! Mr. Hovstox—The gentleman from Keatucky has the power to do eo. The Committee on Eloctions were discharged from the | further consideration of the subject, and the memorial was laid on the table. ‘ATTARIVE BILL. #® Mr Hovstow, from the Committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill reducing and modifying the revenue, and | for other purposes. Mr. Ronmys made a minority report. | Both were ordered to be printed and were referred to the Committee of the Whole oa the State of the Union. ‘THE MEETING OF CONGRESS. ‘The House suspended the rules by 115 against 57, in order for Mr. Hilyer to introduce a bill fixing the time for the meeting of Congress on the first Monday in No- vember, instead of the first Monday in December. During the debate, Messrs. Hamilton, Barksdale of Miss. and Jones of La., objected to the bill. The time would interfere with elections in their respective States, the time being fixed by their constitutions. Mr. Bayzx called attention to the fact that by the con- stitution of the States the time, place and manner of holding elections for members of the House are pre- scribed by the Legislatures of the respective States, and not by the constitutional conventions. | Mr. moved that the bill be tabled. Negatived, 71 against 104. | Several ineffectual efforts were thon made to amend the bill, which finally passed, and then the House ad- djourned. | dutrages at Pottsville, Pa. THE CATHOLIC AND PROTESTANT IRISH AT WAR— ONE IRISHMAN KILLED AMD ANOTHER SHOT—A WOMAN'S. THROAT CUT—RUM AT THE BOTTOM OF IT. Porrsviti8, Pa, June 19, 1854. In addition to the murder of Mr. Kean,’in this city, on Saturday last. as before reported, we learn that a Pro- testant Triatman, residing at Westwood, was roused from his sleep, on Saturday night, olies, who had been drinking. by a party of Trish Cath fle came to the door, ant was struck with a bludgeon, and killed, and his wife | was maltreated. We also learn that,on the same night, on the Catawissa road, ahove Tamaqua, a difficulty occured between an Irishman and his employer. The latter was struck with a stone, and whilst The Trichman was in the act of re- peating the blow, his employer shot him in the arm, to cripple him. The ball passed through his arm and leg, but the wound was not serious. It is also reported that a woman was found near Tremout, with her throat cut All these outrages resulted from rum, and there is a very great degree of excitemont in this city and vicinity. A Drendfal iv Ga DOUBLE MURDER—SUICIDE OF THE MURDERER. ‘novipence, Juno Ii 54, A terrible tragedy occurred at Millville, Mass., 1 Saturday evening. “A man named Alexander Hewitt, be- ing jealous of bis wife, assaulted her with intent. to kill when #he ran to the house of Mr. Owen Brown, and claimed his protection, Her husband pursued her, armed with a pistol, and Gred twice through the window. Mr. Prown received a ball in his forehead, and died instan'ly. Mrs. Hewitt then ran out, and was followed by her has- band, who shot her in the back of the head, and then ercaped to the woods. On Sunday morsing ho came in and delivered himself up, but before doing 40 took a dose of strychnine, aud died soon afler. Sra. Hewitt still lives, but cannot long survive. Hewitt was subject to fits of Gissipation, and was in liquor daring the enact- ment of this dreadful aifwir. of Jewelry. Heavy Loss ot reinY, June 10, 1864, esiar of this eit, in crossing the Seho- eight miles above the village of 10- posi ry Toga box inthe stream. It contained Ree ott ied roperty, besides a large sum in promis- gory notes. The box was lost some time in May last, but Upto this time has net been recovered. Mr. 8. offers TOvard of $260 for tie recovery of the proporty. tal Ratlroad Accident. New Haves, June 19, Pay _ Wakelee, of Derby, aged twenty years, a fireman oa the ‘Naugatuck railroad, was killed this morning, near Seymour He was@ing the locomotive, and fell upon it, when the pin at the end of the piston entered his bowels end tore out his intestines. He survived only a few minutes. The Weather in Boston. Mi we x ‘Boston, June 19, 1854. ‘The weather today has been very warm and anitry. ‘At G o'clock this evening a refreehing thucder shower passed over the city. Morine Disasters. DENT KH SHIP CAPE ROUGE, bee been Norvouk, June 19, 1864. Rouge, from Newport, loaded with rail- Mod here’ tonday, with the loss of foretop- f Israel Stein, a p The ship Cay road iron, ai sane LLOS ASHORE. THR CRIP OAM uaetom, Jane 19, 1004, reviously reported ashore at Ocracoke, cates eter meprosts to be the Camillus, from Now York for this port, She is insured in this city. ded on the question respecting the chartering of new banks, and the radicals, or locofocos, made dia- tinct nominations for Congress and Assembly. The native American association seized the opportunity to bring forward tickets for Congress and Assembly, composed of whigs and seceders. from Tammany Hall. James Monroe, who had been Alderman of the Third ward, was their candidate for Congress, and Frederick A. Tallmadge, Clarkson Crolius, Jr.,, Anson Willis, and others, were on their Assembly ticket. The result of the election was unsatisfac~ tory to the whigs and native Americans, as their united vote polled felk far below the whig vote of the previous year, when Seward, the whig candi- date for Governor, received 16,692 votes in the city. The vote for Congress in 1835 was as follows :— Gideon Lee, democrat. Chas G. Ferris, radical Jas. Monroe, native A successful organization of native Americana took place at the same election in Brooklyn, by which a member of the party, John Dikeman, Esq., was elected to the Assembly from Kings county- He had acted with the democratic party, and owed his election to a union of the whigs and native | Americans in his favor, thus causing his election to the Assembly over the regular democratic candi- ' date. Thns, the first person elected to office by the ' native American party was a democrat of the old | gchool. It may be here remarked that it was the | early policy of the founders of the Native American Association to take their candidates for office alter nately from both the whig and democratic parties. But as their principal leaders were whigs, it be- came their evident intention to play into the hands ofthe whig party,and the whigs insisting upon their adoption of all their candidates by the natives, | finally led to the destraction of the original Native ‘American Association after the State election of | 1838, In April, 1836, at the charter election, the whigs refused to co-operate with the native Americans in the support of a candidate for Mayor of New York. ‘The whigs having nominated Seth Geer, the natives, t | through the chairman of thefr association, brought | torward Professor Samuel F. B. Morse, one of the inventors of the magnetic telegraph, as their candi- date. Professor Morse had not been knowa in our polities, but he was said to be a democrat in his feelings, and he was known to be decidedly opposed tothe Roman Catholics, and was author of a work attempting to show the intrigues of the Austrian government to promote the propagation of the Roman Catholic religion in the United States. He made but a poor ran for the mayoralty. The follow- ing was the result of the vote for Mayor :— (. W. Lawrence, (dem.) Seth Geer, (whig) Alex. Ming, Jr., (radical)... §. F. B. Morse, (native). - 16,101 5,989 2,712 1,490 Scattering .../66.0e0e ; 85 Total. ins aoe. ces Wein vo 26,877 In the Common Council the natives succeeded im securing some influence at this election, having, with the aid of the whigs, elected to that body as Al- derman and Assistant of the Thirteenth ward, Ira B. Wheeler and Isaac B. Merritt, and aided in the elec- tion of Frederick A. Tallmadge and Charles De Forest in the Righth ward, and other whigs in various wards, in consequence of which there was an equel number of whigs, inclading natives and democrats, in both branches of the Common Coun- fl, in 1836-7. ‘About this time the President of the Native Ame- rican Association, who was a prominent whig me- chanic of this city, visited Philadelphia, for the pur pose of effecting a political organization of the same kind in that city; but his efforts at that time wore not attended with any very satisfactory results. ‘The operations of the democratic party for and