The New York Herald Newspaper, April 5, 1854, Page 2

nderstanding which Ri between themselves mui SIR G. H. SEYMOUR TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL. St. Pwrerssvr, Jan. 11, 1853. My Lorp—On the evening of the 9th instant I had the bouor of seeing the Emperor at the palace of the Grand Luchess Helen, who, it appeared, had kindly requested yermission to invite Lady Seymour and myself to meet the imperial family. The Emperor came up to me, in the most gracious wanner, to say that he had heard with great pleasure of her Majesty’s government having been definitively form ed, adding that he trasted the Ministry would be of long curation His Imperial Majesty desired me particularly to cony this assurauce to the Farl of Aberd with whom, said, he had been acquainted for nearly forty years, nd for whom he entertained equ! regard eem. His Majesty desired to be brought to the collection of his lordship. i You know my feelings, the Emperor suid, with regard to England. What I have told you before I say again; ! was intended that the two countri ald_be upon is wil con- terms of close amity; and I feel sure i tinue to Ms pribe wast You have now been 4 certain time here, and, as you have seen, there have been very few inis upon which we have ezeed) ou alee in upon almost all questions the same. eT peer ted that I really was not aware that since I had been at St. Petersburg there had been any actual disa- greementa whatever between us, except with regard to Louis Napoleon’s No. III., a point respecting which each government had its own opinion, but a point whieh, after all, was very immaterial. ‘Tie No lil,, the Exaperor replied, wo explanation; I'will, therefore, not touch upon the subject at present, "I should be glad, howe: t_you should hear what I have to say upon the question, and will beg of you to call upon me some morning when I am a little free from engagements. I, of course, requested that his Majesty would b8 good enough to lay his orders upon me. In the meantime, the =, went on to say:—I repeat that it is very essential that the two governments—that is, that the Toglish government and I, and I and the Eng- lish government—should be upon the best terms; and the necessity was never greater than at present. 1 beg you to convey these words to Lord John Russell. When we are agreed, I am quite without anxiety as to the west of kurope; it is immaterial what the others may think or involve a long do. As to Turkey, that is another question. That coun- try ia im a critical btate, and may give us all_a great deal of trouble. And now I will take my leave of you; which Vis Majesty proceeded to do by shal sery graciously. It instantly occurred to me that the conversation was ncomplete, and might never be renewed; and, as the tmperor still held my hand, I said: Sir, with your gra rmission, I would desire to take w great liberty y, his Majesty replied, ‘‘ What is it? Let me king hands with me yea Sir, lobserved, your Majesty has been good enough to charge me with general assurances as to the identity of views between the two Cabinets, which assuredly have given me the greatest pleasure, and will be received with equal satisfaction in England. But I should be particu- lavly glad. that your Majesty should add a few words which may tend to calm the anxiety with regard to the affairs of Turkey, which passing events are so calculated to excite on the part of her Majesty’s government. Per- haps you will be pleased to charge me with some aidi- tional assurances of this kind. ‘Tre Fmperor’s words and manner, although still very kind, showed that his Majesty had no intention of speak ing to me of the demonstration. which he is about to make inthe south. He said, howeve rst with a Kittle hesitation, but, as he proceeded,’ in an open and tating manner, ‘The rs of Turkey are in @ organized co’ ; the country itself seems to 1 will be a great misfortune, that England and Russia, should come to a perfectly good wud ose af- fairs, and that ne: i ch the other is Tobserved ina f his imperial. Maje: certainly the view ‘ d, as if pr hands a ceding with his re- man—a very sick misfortune “we have on o a bur cially bef y angements were made. But, however. this is not the time to speak to you on that matter.’” } It was clear that the Emperor did not intend to pro- long the conversation. I therefore said: “Your Majesty ix so gracious that you will allow me to make one fur- ther observation. Your Majesty says the man is sick. It is very true; but your Majesty will deign to excuse me if I remark that it is the part of the generous and strong man to treat with genlteness the sick and fecble man.’” ‘The Emperor then took leave of me in a manner which conveyed the impression of my having at least not given offence, and again expressed hit intention of sending for me on some future day. * * * * * * * The sum is probably this—that England has to desire a close concert with Russia, with a view to preventin, the downfall of Turkey, ‘while Russia would be wel the concert should apply to the events by downfall is to be followed. Ihave, &c., G. H. SEYMOUR. P. S.—Since this despatch was written Ihave heard from the Austrian Minister that the Emperor has spoken to him of the conversation which he had held with me. “J told Sir Hamilton Seymour,” his Majesty said, ‘“‘that “he new ministry appears to me to be strong, and that Iam nxious for its duration—although to say the truth, as re: ards England, I have learned that it is the country with rhich we must be allied. hat party.”” SIR G. H. SEYMOUR TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL. Sr. Perkespura, Jan. 22, 1853. My Lorp—On the 14th instant, in consequence of a summons which I received from the Chancellor, I waite | upon the Emperc nit had the honor holding with his Imperial Majesty the yery interesting conversation of which it wil! be iny duty to offer your lordship an ac- We must not lean to this or G. HS. count, which, if imperfect, will, at all events, not be in- correct lf i his Majesty alone; he reccived me with great saying that I had appeared desirous to speak to upon Eastern affairs: that, or his side, there was uo position to do so, but he must begin at a remote period. P*You know, his Majesty said, the dreams and plans in which the Empress Catherine was in the habit of indulg- ing; these were handed down to our time; but while I inherited immense territorial possessions, I did not in- herit those visions—those intentions, if you like to call them so. On the contrary, my country ‘is so vast, so happily circumstanced in every way, that it would be un- reasonable in me to desire more territory or more power than I possess; on the contrary, I am the first to tell you that our great, perhaps our only danger, is that which would arise from an extension given to an empire already too la Close to us lies Turkey, and, in ont present condition, nothing better for our interests can be desired; the times have gone by when we had anything to fear from the fanatical spirit or the military enterprise of the Turks, and yet the country is strong enough, or has hitherto been strong enough, to preserve its independence, and to insure respectful treatment from other countries. Well, in that empire there are several millions of Chris- tians, whose interests I am called upon to watch over, while the right of doing so is secured to me by treaty. I may truly say that I make a moderate and sparing use of my right, and I will freely confess that it is one which is attended with obligations occasionally very inconyen- ient; but I cannot recede from the discharge of a distinct duty. Our religion, as established in this country. came to usfrom the East; and there are feelings, as well as obtigations, which must never be lost sight of. Now, Turkey, in the condition which | have described, has by degrees fallen into such a state of decrepitude that, as I told you the other night, eager as we are all for the prolonged existence of the man, (and that I am as desirous as you can be for the continuance of his life I beg you to believe,) he may suddenly die upon our hands. We cannot resuscitate what is dead; If the Turkish empire falls, it falls to rise no more; and I put it to you, therefore, whether it is not better to be provided beforehand for a contingency, than to incur the chaos, con- Fusion, and'the certainty of an European war, all of which ‘must atiend the catastrophe if it should occur unenpectedly and before some ulterior system has been sketched. This is the point to which Iam desirous that you should call the attention of your government Sir, Lreplied, your Majesty is so frank with me that I am sure you will have the goodness to permit me to speak with the same openness. I would then observe, that deplorable as is the condition of Turkey, it is a country which has long been plunged in difficulties supposed by many to be insurmountable. With regard to contingent arrangements, her Majosty’s government, as your Majesty is well aware, objects, a3 a general rule, to taking engagements upon possible even- tualities, and would, perhaps, be particularly disinelined to doing so in this If I may be allowed to say 80, a great disinclination might be expected in England to disposing by anticipation of the succession of an old friend and ally. ‘The rule is a good one, the Emperor replied, good at all times, especially in times of uncertainty and change, like the present; stfll it is of thevgreatest importance that we should understand one another, and not allow events to take us by surprise. Now, I desire to speak to you asa friend and asa gen- | tleman; if England and J arrive at an understanding of this matter, as regards the rest it matters little to me; it is indifferent to me what others do or think. Frankly, then, I tell you plainly, that if England thinks of establish- herself ome of these’ days at Constantinople, I will not allow it is better on these occasions to speak plainly; for my part, Tam equally disposed to take the engagement not o establish my inere, a8 propristor—that is to say, for as occupier I do not say—it might happen that circumstances, t to chance, might place me in the position of occupying Conaant , I thanked his Majesty for the frankness of his declara- tions, and for the desire which he had expressed of act- ing cordially and openly with her Majesty's government, observing, at the same time, that such an understanding appeared the best security against the sudden danger to which bis Majesty had alluded. Ladded, that, although mnprepared to give a decided opinion upon questions of Buch magnitude and delicacy, it appeared to me possible that some such arrangement might be made between her Majesty's government and hi Majesty, as might guard, if not for, at least against, certain contingencies. To render my meaning more clear, 1 said farther:—I can only repeat, sir, that in my opinion, her Majesty's government will be indisposed to make certain arrange- ments connected with the downfall of Tarkey, but it is ‘possible that they may be ready to pleige themselves ‘Sgainst certain arrangements whicl: might, in that event, perial Majesty then alluded to a conversation whlch he had held, the last time he was in England, with the Duke of Wellington, and to the motives which com elled him to open himself to his Grace. Then, as his Majesty w eager to provide against which, in the a any concert, might compel him pposed to the views of her Majesty's » passed to the events of the day, when A pitulated his claims upon the claims reeognized by the firman of last Feb- ontirmed by # sanction to which his Majesty ched much more importance—the word ofa pvereign «<eeution of promises so made, and so ratified, the 1 0b pad Ly Mawel Lusial ppou, but wag willing to be Ido not attribute this intention to you, but it | if everything should be , . Queen's Ministers as on mine, lieve that his object would be attained by negotiation, the last advices from Constantinople being rather more sat- ced may bate ek my belie! ne ie | ‘<a it had been, by the threats of military mea- sures, would be found sufficient to secure a compliance with the just demands of Russia. I added that I desired to state to his sty what I had previously read from a written paper to his ster, viz.: that what I feared for Turkey were not the intentions of his Majesty, but the actual result of the measures which appeared to be in contemplation. That I would repeat, that two conse- quences might be anticipated from the appearance of an | imperial army on the frontiers of Turkey—the one the counter tration which might be provoked on the | part of France; the other, and the more serious, the ris- | ing on the part of the Christian population, against the Sultan's authority, already so much weakened by revolts d by a severe financial er « Emperor assured me that no moveront of his forces had yet taken place, and expressed his hope that no advance would be required. With regard to a French expedition to the Sultan’s do- minions, Majesty intimated that such a step would bring affairs to an immediate crisis; that a sense of honor would compel him to send his forces into Turkey without delay or hesitation; that if the result of such an advance should prove to be the overthrow of the Great Turk, he should regret the event, but should feel that he had act- ed.as he was compelled to do. To the above report I have only, I think, to add that the Emperor desired to leave it to my discretion to com- | municate or not to his minister the particulars of our |, conversation; and that, before I left the room, his Impe- rial Majesty said:—‘You will report what has passed between us to the Queen’s government, and you will y that I shall be ready to receive any communication whic! it may be their wish to make to me upon the subject.”” * * . . . * . Tt bas been on a first occasion glanced at, and on a se- cond distinctly made by the Emperor himself to Queen’s minister at his court, whilst the conversation held some years ago with the Duke of Wellington proves joughts ; If, then, the proposal were to remain unanswered, @ | decided adva fa would be secufed to the Imperial Cab- | inet, which, in the event of some great catastrophe tak- ing place in Turkey, would be able to point to proposals made to England, and which, not having been res} | to, left the Emperor at liberty, or placed him under the necessity, of following his own line of policy in the East. * * A noble esd en would be obtained by the civilization of the nineteenth century, if the void left by the extinc- tion of Mahommedan rafe in Europe could be filled up without an interruption of the general peace, in conse- quence of the precautions adopted by the two principal governments the most interested in the destinies of Turkey. Thave, &e., G. H. SEYMOUR. | LORD JOHN RUSSELL TO SIR G. H. SEYMOUR. ForniGy Orrics, Web. 9, 1853. Sin—I have received and laid before the Queen, your secret and confidential despatch of the 22d of January. * * * * * * In considering this grave question, the first reflection which oceurs to her Majesty’s government is, that no ac- tual crisis has occurred which renders neeessary a solu. tion of this vast European problem. Disputes have arisen respecting the Holy Places, but these are without the sphere of the internal government of Turkey, and concern Russia and France rather than the Sublime Porte. Some disturbance of the relations between Austria and the Porte has been caused by the Turkish attack on Montene- gro; but this, again, relates rather to dangers affecting the frontier of Austria than the autho ni safety of the Sultan; so that there is no sufficient cause for inti- mating to the Sultan that he cannot keep peace at home, or preserve friendly relations with his neighbors: it oceurs further to her Majesty’s government to re- rk that the event which is contemplated is not defi- ly fixed in point of time. When William IU. and is XIV. disposed, by treaty, of the succes les HU. of Spain, they were prov which could not be The infirmities of the sove- reign of Spain and the certain end of any human li mace the contingency in prospect both sure and nage ‘The death of the Spanish King wes in no way haste by the treaty of partition. The same thing may be of the provision, made in the last century, for the dis- posal of Tuscany upon the decease of the last prince of the house of Medici. But the contingency of the disso: lution of the Ottoman empire is of another kind. It may happen twenty, fifty, or a hundred years hence. In these circumstances it would hardly be consistent | with the friendly feelings towards the Sultan which animate the Emperor of Russia no less than the Queen of Great Britain, to dispose beforehand of the provinces under his dominion. ever, it must be observed that an agreement made in such a case tends very surely to hasten the contingency | for which it is intended to provide. Austria and France could not, in fairness, be kept in ignorance of the transaction, nor Would such conceal- ment be consistent with the end of preventing an Buro- pean war. Indeed, such concealment cannot be intended by his Imperial Majesty. It is to be inferred that, as soon as Great Britain and Russia should have agreed’ on the course to be pursued, and have determined to enforce it, they should communicate their intentions to the great Powers of Europe. An agrecment thus made, and thus communicated, would not be very long a secret; and, while it would alarm and alienate the Sultan, the knowledge of its existence would stimulate all ne- mies to increased violence and more obstinate conflict. They would fight with the conviction that they must ultimately triumph, while the Sultan’s generals and troops would fecl that no immediate success could save their cause from final overthrow. Thus would be pro- duced and strengthened that very anarchy which is now feared, and the foresight of the friends of the patient | would prove the cause of his death. Her Majesty’s government need scarcely enlarge on the angers attendant on the execution of any similar con- vention. The example of the Succession War is enough to shaw how little such agreements are respected when a pressing temptation urges their violation. The position (f the Emperor of Russia as depositary, but not proprietor, of Constantinople, would be exposed to numberless ha:ards, both from the lonp-cherished ambition of his own nation and the jealousies of Europe. The ultimate proprietor, who- e\er he might be, would hardly be aatisfied with the inert, , supine attitude of the heirs of Mahomet II. A great in? fluence on the affairs of Europe seems naturally to belong to the Sovereign of Constantinople, holding the gates of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. That influence might be used in favor of Russia; might be used to control and curb her power. His Imperial Majesty has justly and wisely said:—My country is so vast, so bappily circumstanced in every way, that 1t would be unreasonable in me to desire more territory or more power than I possess. On the contrary, he observed, our great—perhaps our only danger—is that which would arise from an extension given to an empire already too large. A vigorous and ambitious State, re- placing the Sublime Porte, might, however, render’ war on the part of Russia a necessity for the Emperor er his successors. This European conflict would arise from the very means taken to prevent it; for neither England nor France, nor probably Austria, would be content to see Constantinople permanently in the hands of Russia. ‘On the part of Great Britain, her Majesty's Government at once declare that they renounce all intention or wish to hold Constantinople. " His Imperial Majesty ray be quite secure on this head. They are likewise ready to give an assurance that they will enter into no agreement to provide for the contingency of the fall of Turkey, with- out previous communication with the Emperor of Russia. Upon the. whole, then, her Majesty’s Government are persuaded that no course of policy can be adopted more wise, more disinterested, more beneficial to Europe, than that'which his Imperial Majesty has so long followed, and which will render his name more illustrious than that of the most famous sovereigns who have sought brian by unprovoked conquest and ephemeral glory. With a view to the success of this policy, it is desirable that the utmost forbenrance should be manifested to- wards Turkey; that any demands which the great Powers of Europe may have to make, should be made matter of friendly negotiation rather than of peremptory demand; that military and naval demonstrations to coerce the Sul: tan should as much as possible be avoided; that differ- ences with respect to matters affecting Turkey, within the competence of the Sublime Porte, should be decided after mutual concert between the great Powers, and not be forced upon the weakness of the Tarkish govern- ment. To these cautions her Majesty’s government wish to add that, in their view, it is essential that the Sultan should be advised to treat his Christian subjects in con- formity with the principles of equity and religious free- dom, which prevail generally among the enlightened na- tions of Europe. The more the Turkish government adopts the rules of impartial law and equal administra- tion, the less will the Emperor of Russia find it necessary to apply that exceptional protection which his Imperial Majesty has found so burthensome and inconvenient, + though no doubt prescribed by duty and sanctioned by treaty. You may read this despatch to Count Nesselrodo, and, if 11 is desired, you may yourself place a copy of it in the hands of the Emperor. In that ease you will accom- Pany its presentation with those assurances of friend- ship and confidence on the part of her Majesty the Queen, which the conduct of his Imperial Majesty was so sure to inspire, Iam, &¢., J. RUSS SIR G. H. SEYMOUR TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL. Sr. Perersnvra, Feb. 21, 1853. ‘The Emperor came up to me last night, at a'party of the Grand Duchess Hereditary’s, and in the most gra- cious manner took me apart, saying that he desired to speak to me. After expressing, fn fattering terms, the | confidence which he had in me, and his readiness to speak to me without reserve upon matters of the greatest moment, as, his Majesty observed, he had proved in a late conversation, he said: “ And it is well it is so; for it | what I most desire is, that there should be the greatest intimacy between the two governments—it never was so necessary as at present. Well,” the Emperor continued, “so you have got your answer, and you are to bring it to me to-morrow?”” 1am to have the honor, sir, I answered; but your Ma- Jesty is aware that the nature of the reply is very exactly what I had led you to expect. So Twas sorry to hear; but I think your government does not weil understand my object. Iam not so eager about what shall be done when the sick man dies, as I #m to determine with England what shall not be done upon (hat event taking place. Bat, sir, I replied, allow me to observe that we have no reason to think that the sick man (to use your majesty’s expression) is dying. “Wo are as much interested as we believe your majesty to be in his continuing to live; while, for myself, I will venture to remark that experi- ence shows me that countries do not die in such a hurry. Turkey Will remain for many a year, unless some unfore seen crisis should occur. It is pre , sir, for the avoid- ance of all circumstances likely to produce such a crisis pat her Majesty's government reckons upon your gener- assistance. rejoined the Emperor, I will tell vernment has been led to believe th lements of existence, your g d incorrect information. I repeat to you he sick man is dying, and we can never allow such take us by surprise. We must come to some understanding: and this we should do, I am convinced, if{ could hold but ten minutes conversation with your Ministere—with Lord Aberdeen, for instanee, who knows me £0 well, Who has full confidence in me, as I haye in him, And remember, I do not ask for a treaty or a pro- tocol; a general understanding is all I require—that be taveen gentiemen is sufficient; and in this case Iam certain that the confidence would be as it on the side of the no more for the pre- tiation, followed, as T Besides this consideration, how- | sent; you will come to me to-morrow, and you will re- member that as often as you think ir cont with me will te a ‘understanding upon apy point, you will send word that you wish to see me. I thanked his gi yd cordially, adding that I | could assuge him that her Majesty’s ent, I was | convinced, considered his word, once given, as good as a | bond. It is hardly necessary that I showld observe to your | lordehip that this short conversation, briefly but cor- | rectly reported, offers matter for most anxious reflection. Itcan hardly be otherwise ut that the sovereign who in- sists with such pertinacity upon the impending fall of a | neighboring Siate, must have settled in his own mind that the hour, Uf not of its dissolution, at all events for its dissolution, muat te at hand. bad ‘Then, as now, I reflected that this assumption would hardly be ventured upon unless some, perhaps general, butat all events intimate, understanding, existed between Russia and Austria. Supposing my suspicion to be well founded, the Empe- ror’s object is to engage her Majesty’s in con- Junction with his own cabinet and that of Vienna, in some ‘scheme for the ultimate partition and for the of Turkey, exclusion of France from the arrangement. SIR. G H. SEYMOUR TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL. Sr. Purgresvra, Feb. 22, 1853. Thad the honor of wait yesterday upon the Empe- ror, an? of holding with his Majesty ome ‘of the poor teresting conversations in w! Lever found myself en- gaged. My only regret is my inability to report in full detail a logue which lasted an hour and twelve minutes. ‘The Em, r began by desiring me to read to himaloud your lordship’ secret and confidential despatch of the 9th inst., saying that he should stop me occasionally, either to make an observation, or to call upon me for the - lation of a passage. Upon arriving at the fourth paragraph, the Emperor desired me to pause, and observed, that he was certainly most desirous that some understanding should be entered | into with her Majesty’s go’ nt for prot ‘inst a contingency 80 probable as that of the downf: of Turkey; that he was, perhaps, even more interested than England could be in preventing a Turkish catastro- he, but that it was constantly impending; that it might be brought about atany moment, either by an external war, a Jaud np hand etal rp pois Gore ae we ) new r ficial forms,’’ or , by a rising of | the Christians, alread; Ss to be very cael: of shaking off the Mussulman yoke, As regards the first | cause, the Emperor said that he had a good right to ad- | vert to it, inasmuch as, if he had not stopped the victo- rious progress of Gen. Diebitch in 1829, the Sultan’ | thority would have been at an end. The Emperor likewise desired me to remember that he, and he ries had hastened to the assistance of the Sul- tan, when Tis dominions were,threatened by the Pacha of Fgypt. | Per csined to read, and was again stopped at the sen- | tence beginning ‘‘In these circumstances it would har1- ly be consistent with the friendly feelings,” when the pore observed, that her Majesty’s government dfd not appear to be awaro that his chief object was to ob- tain from her Majesty’s government some declaration, or even opinion, of what ought not to permitted in the event of the sudden downfall of Turkey. I said, perhaps our Majesiy would be good enough to explain your own ideas upon this negative policy. This his Majesty for some time declined doing. He ended, however, by say- ing: Well, there are several things which I never will tole- | rate. Iwill begin by ourselves. I will not tolerate he per: manent occupation of Constantinople by the Russians. Hav- ing said this, Iwill say that it never shall be held by the English, or French, or any other great nation. Again, I never will permit an attempt at the reconstruction of a By- zantine empire, or such an extension of Greece as would render her @ powerful State ; still less will I permit the breaking up of Tuykey into lutle republics, asylums for the Kossuths and ’Ma and other revolutionists of Europe; rather than submit to any of these arrange- ments I would go to war, andas long as I have a man and a musket left would carry it on. These, the Em- peror said, are at once some ideas; now give me some in yn the assurance which Would be found g the English resolution of never attempling to nstantinople, and upon the disinclination of er Majesty’s governmnent to enter into eventual arrange- ments; but upon being atill pressed by his Imperial Ma- jesty, J said, well, sir, the idea may not suit your Majesty, imay bot suit her Majesty’s government, but whatis gcod between man and man is often a good system between | one state and another; how would it be if in the event of | any catastrophe occurring in Turkey, Russia and England | were to declare that no power should be permitted to take possession of its provinces—that the property should remain as it were, under seals until amicable arrange- ments could be made as to its adjudication? I will not say, the Emperor observed, that such = course would be impossible, but, at least, it would be | very difficult; there are no elements of provincial or |} communal government in Turkey: you would have Turks attacking Christians, Christians falling upon ‘Turks, Christians of different sects quarrelling with each other; in short, chaos and anarchy. | Sir, I then observed, if your Majesty will allow me to | speak plainly, I would say that the great difference be- | tween us is this: that you continue to dwell upon the fall of Turkey, and the arrangements requisite before | and after the fall; and that we, on the contrary, look to Turkey remaining where she is, and to the precautions | which are necessary for LBM tee condition from becoming worse. Ah! lied the Emperor, that is what the Chancellor is perpetually telling me; but the catastrophe will occur some day, and will take us all unawares. | His Imperial Majesty spoke of France. God forbid, he said, that I should accuse any one wrongfully, but there are circumstances, both at Constantinople and Montene- x10, which are extremely suspicious; it looks very much | as if the French Government were endzavoring to embroil us cil im the Bast, hoping in this way the betier to arrive a | their own objects, one of which, no doubt, is the possession 0 | dunis. | “"The Emperor procecded to say, that for his own part he cared very litite what line the French might think proper totake in Basen affairs, and that little more than a month ago he had apprised the Sultan that if his assist- ance were required for resisting the menaces of the In a word, the Emperor went on to observe, As I befor land, and this not as to what shall, but as to what al not be done; this point arrived at, the English govern ment and], Tand the English government, having en- tire confidence in one another's views, I care nothing about the rest. Tremarked that I felt confident that her Majosty’s government could be as little disposed as his Imperial Majesty to tolerate the presence of the French at Con- stantinople; and being desirous, if possible, of ascer- taining whether there was any understanding between the Cabinets of St. Petersburg and Vienna, I added, But your Majesty has forgotten Austria; now all theso Eastern questions affect her very nearly; she of course would expect tot be consulted. a waa | ON! repli greatly to my surprise, you wal wadersiand. ta when I speak of Russia, I speak of Austria Qs well; what suits the one suits the other; our interests as regards Turkey are perfectly identical. I should have been glad to have made another inquiry or two upon this subject, but I did not venture to do so. Tought to haye stated that in a preceding part of the conversation, his Majesty, although without any appear- ance of anger, expressed fome surprise at an expression in your lordship’s despatch, ‘“ the long-cherished ambi- tion of his (the Emperor’s) own nation.” He would ask what that phrase meant It happened that I was prepared for the surprise expres- sed, and ready to answer any reflection which it might call forth. Sir, Isaid, Lord John Russell is not speaking of your ambition, he speaks of that entertained by your people. The Emperor could not at first admit that the phrase was applicable to the Russian nation any more than to himself; when I said, your Majesty will permit me to remark that Lord John Russell only repeats what was said thirty years ago by our brother, of glorious me. mory. In writing confidentially to Lord Castlereagh, in the year 1822, the Emperor Alexander spoke of being the only Russian who resisted the views of his subjects upon | Turkey, and of the loss of popularity which he bad sus- tained by his antagonism. ‘This quotation which, by accident, I could make almost | in the words of the letter, seemod to change the current | of the Emperor's ideas. | You are quite right, he said; I remember the events to which my late brother alluded. Now, it is perfectly true | that the Empress Catherine indulged in all sorts of visions | of ambition, but it is not less so that these ideas are not | at all shared by her descendants. You see how Iam behaving towards the Sultan. This | gentleman breaks his written word to me, and acts ina | Em tanner extremely displeasing to me, and Ihave con- tented myself with despatching an ambassador to Con- stantinople to demand reparation; certainly I could send an army there if I chose; there is nothing to stop thom; but I have contented myself with such a show of force as will prove that I have no intention of beiug trifled with. | And, sir, Isaid, you were quite right in refraining from | violence, and I hope on future occasiohs you will act | with the same moderation; fer your Majesty must be sensible that any fresh concessions which have been ob- | tained by the Latins are not referable to ill will toward you, but to the excessive apprehensions of the French entertained by the unfortunate Turks; besides, sir, I ob- served, the danger, I will venture to say, of the present | moment is not Turkey, but of the revolutionary spirit which broke out four} years ago, and which, in many countries, still burns underground; there is the danger, and no doubt that a war in Turkey’ would be the signal for fresh explosions in Italy, Hungary, and elsewhere. We see what is passing at Milan. His Imperial Majesty spoke of Montenegro, observing that he approved of the attitude taken by the Austrian cabinet, and that in these days it could not be permitted that the Turks should illtreat and even murder a Chris- | tian population, I ventured to remark that upon this point the wrongs | were at least divided between the Turks and the Monten grins, and that I had full reason for believing that the provocation came from the latter. The Emperor, with more impartiality than I had expected, admitted that there had been wrongs on both sides; that certainly the mountaineers were rather addicted to brigandage: and that the taking of Djablak had caused him great indign tion, At the same time, his Majesty said, it is impo: ble not to feel great interest in a population warmly tached to their religion, who have so long kept their ground against the Turks; and the Emperor continued: Tt may be fair to tell you that if any attempts at exter- minating these people should be made by Omer Pacha, and should « general rising of the Christians take place in consequence, the Sultan will, in all probability, lose his throne; in this case he falls to rise no more. 1 wish to support his authority, but if he loses it, it is gone for ever. The Turkish empire is a thing to be tolerated, not | to be reconstructedi; in such a cause, I protest to you, T | will not allow a pistol to bo fired. | The Emperor went on to say that, ia the event of the dis- solution of the Ottoman E | lees difficult to arrive at a satisfactory territorial arrange- ment than was commonly believed. The Principalities | are, he said, in fact, an independent State under my protec: | tion; this mit vrvia might receive the same ire, he thought it might be | forn of nment. So again with Bulgaria. There ‘seems (0 Le no reason why this province should not form an independent State. | As to Egypt, I quite understand the importance to Fogland of that territory. 1 ean then only say, that if, in the event of 9 distribution of the Ottoman succession upentihe foil ef the Empire, you should take possession of Fyypt, 1 shall have no objections to offer. I would say the same thing of Vandia. That island might swit you, and I do not know why it should not become an English possession As I did not wish that the Emperor should imagine that an English public servant was caught by this sort of overture, Isimply answered, that [hadalways understood | ' contingency a di befor French, it was entirely at the service of the Sultan! | told you, all I want is a good understanding with Eng | w | more at the English views upon Egypt did not go beyond the it of Bec a safe and aes commication between ish India the mother ’ ‘The conversation now drawi ards anend, the Emperor expressed his warm attachment to the Queen, our gracious Sov , and his respect for her Majesty’s resent advisers. declarations con' in your fordship’s despatch had been, he said, very satisfactory; he could only desire that they should be a little ampli- fied. The terms in which your lordship had spoken of bis conduct were, the Emperor said, very flattering to him. In dismissing me, his Imperial Majesty said, “Well, induce your government to write again upon these sub- jects—to write more fully, and to do so without hesita- tion; I have confidence in the English government. It is not an engagement—a convention—which I ask of them; it is a free interchange of ideas, and, in case of need, the word of a gentleman; that it is enough between us.’” re flied Ya soporttag tame pect of Ha Majosth's oon, have fa Tepor some 'y’8 con- yersation, and that I am conscious of having forgotten the precise terms employed by him with respect the commas aie to be observed at Constantinople when no longer bi ty the Turks. The purport of the obversation was that England and Russia bad a common interest in providing for the rendiest access to the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. SIR G. H. SEYMOUR TO THE EARL OP CLARENDON. Sr. Parensporc, March 9, 1853. When I waited upon Count Nesselorde on the 7th inst., his Excellency said that, in pursuance of orders which he had from the Emperor, he had to in my hands very confidential memorandum, which his Imperial Majesty had caused to be drawn up, and which was asan answer to, or a comment wre communication which I had made to his Imperial Majes- ty on the 2ist ult. At first, Count Neaselrode invited me to read the pa- a He subsequently observed that if, instead of read- it at the time, I to take it away, I was at lib- erty to do so; that, in fact, the paper was intended for use. ‘ery little conversation upon the subject passed be- tween the chancellor and me. He observed that I should find in the memorandum indications of the Emperor's wish to. befurther informed of the feeli of her Ma- jesty’s government as to what should not be permitted to take place in the event of any great catastrophe in Turkey; and I, on ny ide, remarked that, as there is danger in hand! ‘ot coals, it appeared me desira- ble that communications upon a subject so delicate shovld not be long kept up. I have the honor of int to your lordship s copy of what, under the circumstances which have attended its drawing up and delivery, cannot fail of being consid- ered as one of the most remarkable papers which have been issued, I do not say from the Russian ‘ Chaucel- lerie,’’ but from the Emperor’s secret cabinet. It would not be difficult either to controvert some of the facts which the memorandum advances, or to show that the impression under which it has been framed is an incorrect one; that impression being evidently that, in the disputes carried on between Russia and France, her Majesty’s government has leaned partially to the lat: ter power. ‘Three points appear to me to be fully established by the imperial memorandum ; the existence understanding between the two Imperial Courts Foes the subject of Turkey, and the taken by the Emperor Nicholas neither to possess or establish himself in Constanti- nople, or to enter into arrangements respecting the measures to te taken in the event of the fall of the Otloman empire, | without previous concert with her Majesty’ s government. ‘The Wording of this engagement, coupled with the con- versation which I had the honor of holding with the Em- peror, leaves upon my mind the impression that, whilst wilhng to undertake not to make himself the permanent waster of Constantinople, his Majesty is intoutionally in- explicit as to its temporary occupation. Assuming, as @ certain and now acknowledged fact, h nce of an understanding or compact between the two Emperors as to Turkish affairs, it becomes of the deepest importance to know the extent of the engage- ments entered into between them. As to the manner in which it has been concluded, I conjecture that little doubt is to be entertained. Tis basis Was, no doubt, laid at some of the meetings between the sovereigns which took place in the autumn; and the scheme has probably been worked ,out since under the management of Baron Meyendortf, the Russian Envoy at the Austrian Court, who has been passing the | winter at St Petersburg, and is still here. INCLOSURE, February 21, 1853. The Emperor has, with the liveliest interest and real satisfaction, made himself uainted with the secret and confidential ‘despateh which Sir Hamilton Seymour communicated to him. He duly appreciates the frank- ness which has dictated it. He has found therein a fresh proof of the friendly sentiments which her Majesty the Queen entertains for him. In conversing familiarly with the British Envoy on the causes which, from one day to another, may bring on the fall of the Ottoman empire, it had by no means e1 tered into the Emperor’s thoughts to propose for this lan by which Russia and pe ea should lispose \d of the provinces ruled by the Sultan— a system altogether arranged; still less a formal Sette: ment to be concluded between the two Cabinets. It was purely and simply the Emperor’s notion that each part should confidenti ‘f state to the other, less what it wishes than what it does not wish; what would be con- trary to English interests, what would be contrary to Russian interests; in order that, the case occurring, they might avoid acting in opposition to each other. "There is in this neither plans of partition nor conven tion to be binding on the other courts. It is merely an interchange of opinions, and the Emperor sees no neces- sity of talking about it before the time. It is precisel for that reason that he took especial care not to make it the object of an official communication from one cabinet to another. By confining himself to speaking of it him. self, in the shape of familiar conversation to the Queen’s repterentative, he selected the most friendly and confi- dential form of opening himself with érankness to her Britannic Majesty, being desirous that the result, whatsoever it might be, of these communications should reinain, as it ought to be, a secret between the tivo sovereigns. Consequently, the objections which Lord John Russell raises to any concealment as regards the other Powers, in the event of a formal agreement being entered into, of which there is at present no question, fall to the ground; | and consequently, also, the inconveniences disap} | which he points out as calculated to contribute to hasten the occurrence of the very event which Russia and Eng- land are desirous of averting, if the existence of such an agreement should become prematurely known to Europe and to the subjects of the Sultan. As regards the object of this wholly confidential inter- change of opinions, the possible downfall of the Ottoman Fmpire, doubtless that is but an uncertain and remote contingency. Unquestionably the period of it cannot be fixed, and no real crisis has arisen to render the realiza- tion of it imminent, But after all, it. may happen—hap- en even unexpectedly. Without mentioning the ever increasing causes of dissolution which are presented by the moral, financial, and administrative condition of tho Porte, it may proceed gradually from one, at least, of the two questions mentioned by the English Ministry’ in its secret despatch. In truth, it perceives in those ques- tions only mere disputes, which would not differ in their bearing from difficulties which form the ordinary* busi- nens of diplomacy. But that kind of dispute may, never- theless, bring on war, and with war the consequences which the Emperor apprehends from it; if, for instance, in the affgir of the Holy Places, the amour-propre and the menaces of France, continuing to press upon the Porte, should compel it to refuse us all satisfaction, andif, on the other hand, the religious sentiments of the orthodox Greeks, offended by the concessions made to the Latins, should’ raise the immense majority of his subjects ainat the Sultan. As regards the affair of Montenegro, that, according to the late accounts, may happily be looked upon as settled. But at the time that the Empe- ror had his interview with Sir Hamilton Seymour it might be apprehended that the question weuld take a most serious turn. Neither ourselves nor Austria could have allowed the protracted devastation or forced submis- sion of Montenegro, » country which, up to the present time, has continued actually independent of the Porte, « country over which our protection has been extended for an acentury. The horrors which are committed there, those which, by Ottoman fanaticism, have a short time since been extended over Bulgaria, Bosnia, and tl Herzegovine, gave the other Christian ‘provinees of the Porte only too much reason to anticipate that the same fate awaited them. They were calculated to provoke the rising of the Christians who live under the scep- re of the Turkish empire, and to hasten its ruin, It is | not then, by any means, an idle and ry question, gency to ich theaniety 4 ‘a contingency too remote, to whi ty of the peror has called the attention of the Queen his ally. In the face of the uncertainty and decay of the exist- ing state of things in Turkey, the English Cabinet ex- yressen the desire that the greatest forbearance should shown towards the Porte. The Emperor is conscious of never having acted otherwise. ‘The English Cabinet itself admits it. It addresses to the Emperor, with refer- ence to the numerous proofs of moderation which he has given up to the present time, praises which his Majesty will not accept, because in that he has only listened to his own overbearing conviction. But, in order that the Fiperor may continue to concur in that system of for- | bezrance, to abstain from any demonstrations—from any percmptory languay it would be necessary that this Prrieas. should ‘be equally observed by all tie Powers af nee. France bas adopted another. By menace she ob- tained, in opposition to the letter of the treaties, the ad- mission of a ship of the line into the Dardanelles. At the cannon’s mouth she twice presented her claims and her demands for indemnity at Tripoli, and afterwards at Con- santinople. Again, in the contest respecting the Holy Place: yy menace she effected the abrogation of the and that of the solemn promises which the Sultan’ bad given, the Emperor. | With regard to hese acts of violence, England observed a complete silence. She neither offered support to the Porte, nor addressed remonstrances to the French wernment. The consequences are very evident. The e necessarily concluded from this that frem France alone it has everything to hope, as well as everything to fear, and that it can evade with impunity the demands of At ‘ia and of Russia. It is thus that Austria and Russia, in order to obtain justice, have seen themselves compelled, in their turn, against their will, to act by intimidation, since they have to do with a government which only ‘yields to w peremptory attitude; and it is thus that by its own fault, or rather by that of those who have wakened it in the first. instance, the Porte is urged on ina course which enfecbles it still more. Let England then employ herself in making it listen to rea- gon. Instead of uniting herself with France against the just demands of Russia, let her avoid supporting, or even appearing to support, the resistance of the Otto- man government. Let her be the first to invite the lat- ter, and ske herself considers it essential, to treat its Christian subjects with more eqnity and humanity, ‘That will be the surest means of relieving the Emperor fromthe obligation of availing himself in Turkey of those rights of traditional protection, to which he never hae rocourse but against his will, and of postponing in- definitely the crisis which the Emperor and ber Majesty the Queen are equally anxious to avert. In. short, the Fmperor cannot but congratulate him- self on having given occasion for this intimate inter- change of confidential communications between her Na'esty and himself, He has found therein valuable assurances, of which he takes note with a lively satis- faction, The two sovereigns have frankly explained to ench other what in the ex Teen treating their respective interests cannot endure. lend understands that Russia cannot suffer the es- tat lishment at Constantinople of a Christian power suffi- cently strong to contrel and disquiet her. {hat for herself she renounces any intention or desire to possees Constantinople. The Emperor equally disclaims any wish or design of establishing himeel{ there. Eng- some distinct ¢ case of which they have | 0 declares | for de acenacnnnes 4 for in the fall of the empire without a previous wader. willingly contracts the same engagement. As heis aware that im such o case he cam reckon upon Austria, ts tapad ty harprtontiante com — concert with he regards | with less apprefiension the catastrophe which he still desires to prevent and avert as much as it depend on him to do so. | No less precious to him are the proofs of friendship | and personal confidence on the part of her ry the | Queen, which Sir Hamilton Seymour has been directed on this occasion to impart to him. He sees in them the surest guarantee against the contingency which his fore- sight had deemed it right to point out to that of the Eng- lish government. SIR G. H. SEYMOUR TO COUNT NESSELRODE. Sr. PrerspurG, Feb. 24—March 8, 1853. My Daan Count ee eee a Cenc respecting the very important memorandum yes- terlay, by your Excellency in my hands, which I feel obliged to make. Tam most anxious to observe that this paper must | have been peer wo uaiet the impression o A lish | policy at Constant V m Very different from what in reality it has been. conscientiously and distinctly, that the T can ai object to themselves, as well by the iate as by pagan se a it alin ret hearer by common friend in the contests the allied govern- ments; and that far from ha‘ inclined, as has been stated, to France in the course of the lave critical trans- | actions, it has been the desire of the Queen’s advisers (to | the extent itted to a it com) to observe # neut attitude, ) t — satisfaction | pepe = ted Ya meting. seid ‘8 were : semis nocrtion I should foes no difficull substantiat- itten evidence; and I will edd, t in any Just demand ve to make upon a foreign Tonly desire that the conduct of « fendly Power towards us may be that which quietly and unostenta- tiously the government has pursued in the com- Dict a of the Holy Places with regard to the claims ‘ T request your 8 good offices for causing this, the real staie of the ease, to be rightly understood; at ail events, from renting s contrary belief from being ype a ost be ge Paleo whether or no 1; ment is correc we, &e., “4 ’ @. H. SEYMOUR. THE EARL OF CLARENDON TO SIR G. H. SEYMOUR. sie Forsiay Orvics, March 23, 1853. §m—Your despatches of the 2ist and 22d ult. have been laid before The Queen, and I am commanded to ex- press her Majesty’s entire approval of the discretion and judgment displayed by ige in the conversations which you had the honor to hold with the Emperor. I need not a on Se orn oe his ones jesty have receive: er y's government ny suxious and deliberate consideration that their im- portance demands; and although her Majesty’s govern- ment feel compelled tu adhere to the principles and the yolicy laid down in Lt Cas jaca br oe the Oth of February, yet they gladly comply 6 Empe- | ror’s wish that the subject should be further and frankly discussed. The generous confidence exhibited by the | Emperor entitles his'Imperial Majesty to the most cor- dial declaration of opinion on the part of her Majesty’s government, who are fully aware that, in the event of any understanding with references to future contingen- cies being expedient, or indeed possible, the word of his | Imperial Majesty would be preferable to any convention that could be framed. ¥ Her Majesty’s government persevere in the belief that Turkey still possesses the elements of existence, and they consider that recent events Imve proved the correctness of the opinion expressed in the despatch of my predeces- for, that there was no sufficient cause for intimating to the Sultan that he cannot keep peace at home, or preserve friendly relations with his neighbors. Her Majesty’s government have accordingly learned, with sincere satisfaction, that the Emperor considers himself even more interested than England in preventing a Turkish catastrophe; because they are convinced that upon the policy pursued by nis imperial Majesty towards Turkey will mainly depend the hastening or the indefinite ostponement of an event which every power in Europe is concerned in averting, Her Majesty’s government are | convinced that nothing is more calculated to precipitate | that event than the constant prediction of its being near | at hand; that nothing can be more fatal to the vitality of | Turkey than the assumption of its Rend and inevitable | decay; and that if the opinion of the Emperor, that the days of the Turkish ompire were numbered, became no- torious, its downfall must peur even sooner than his imperial Majesty now appears to expect. | But on the pies ied that, from unavoidable causes, the catastrophe did take place, her Majesty’s govern- ment entirely share the opinion of the Emperor, that the | oce Constantinople Of the great Powers would be incompatible wit Al eed balance of power and the maintenance of peace in Europe, and must at once be regarded as impossible; that there are noclements for the | reconstruction ¢ a Byzantine empire; that the systematic | mis Greece offers no encoura; to extend | its territorial dominion; and that as there are no materi- | als for provincial or communal government, anarchy would be the result of leaving the Nate! of Turkey to areata! or permitting them to form separate re- yublics. | i The Emperor has announced that sooner than permit a settlement of the question by any one of these methods, he will be prepared for war at every hazard; and however much her Majesty’s government may be disposed to a in the soundness of the views takei his Imperial Siajesty, yet they consider that the simple | predetermination of what shall not be tolerated does lit- tle towards solving the real difficulties, or sett! what manner it would be practicable, or even desirable, to deal with tht heterogenéous materials of which the | Turkish empire is composed. England desires no territorial aggrandisement, arid | could be no party to a previous arrangement from which she was to derive any such benefit. England could be no party to any understanding, however general, that was o be kept secret from other powers; but her Majesty’s | government believe that no arrangements could control events, and that no understanding could be kept secret. They would in the opinion of her Majesty’s government, be the signal for preparation for intrigues of every des- sription, and for revolts among the Christian subjects of the Porte. Each power and each party would endeavor to secure its future interests, and the dissolution of the ‘Turkish empire would be preceded by a state of anarchy which must aggravate every difficulty, if it did not render a peaceful solution of the question ee. | | The only mode by which a solution be attempted would be that of an European congress, but that only an addi- tional reason for desiring that the present order of things in Turkey should be maintained, as her Mojesty's coded cannot, without alarm, reflect on the jealousies that ir rent ambi- a into play, ro, evoked, the impossibility of reconciling the d tons and the divergent anterce's hat would boca and the eta | ‘that the treaties of 1815 must then be open revision, when France might be prepared to risk the chances of an European war, to get rid of the obligations which she con- siders injurious to her national honor, and which, hai been imposed by victorious enemies, are a constant source of irrita- tion to her. ‘The main object of her Majesty's government, that to which their efforts have been and always will be directed, is the preservation of peace; and they desire to uphold the Turkish empire, from their conviction that no great question can be agitated in the East without becoming a nource of discord in the West, and that every great ques- tion in the West will assume a revolutionary character, and embrace a revision of the entire social system, for | which the continental governments are certainly in no state of preparation. * The Emperor is fully cognizant of the materials that are in constant fermentation beneath the surface of so ciety, and their readiness to burst forth even in times of peace;and his Imperial Majesty will probably, therefore, hot dissent from the opinion that. the rst cannon shot may be the signal for a state of things more disastrous oxen than those calamities that war inevitably brings in s train. But such a war would be the result of the dissolution and dismemberment of the Turkish empire;.and hence the anxiety of her Majesty's ment to avert | the catastrophe. Nor can they admit that the signs of | Turkish decay are now either more evidert or more rapid than of late years; there still cc energy | and great wealth Turkey; a disposition to im prove the system of government is not wanting; cor- ruption, though unfortunately great, is still not of a character, nor carried to an extent, that threatens the existence of the State; the treatment of Christians is not harsh, and the toleration exhibited by the Porte towards this portion of its subjects might serve as an example to some governments who look with contempt upon Turkey as a barbarous Power. Her Mojesty’s government believe that Turkey only re- quires forbearance on the part of its allies, and a deter- mination not to press their claims in a manner humiliat- ing to the dignity and independence of the Sultan—that friendly support, in short, that, with States as with indi- | viduals, the weak are entitled to expect from the strong —in order not only to prolong its existence, but to re- | move all cause of alarm respecting its dissolution. It is in this work of benevolence and of sound European | policy that her Majesty's government are desirous of | operating with the Emperor; they feel entire confidence | in the rectitude of his Imperial Majesty's intentions, an | as they have the satisfaction of thinking that the inter | ests of Russia and England in the East are completel identical, they entertain an earnest hope that a simila policy there will prevail and tend to strengthen the alli ance between the two countries, which it ia alike the ob | ject of her Majesty and her Majesty’s government promote. Tam, &., oS EARENDON. MR. G. B. SEYMOUR TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON | Sr. PErersnvna, April 20, 1853. The Emperor, on rising from table when I had the | honor of dining’at the palace on the 18th inst., desired me to follow him into the next room. His Majesty then said that he wished to state te me the real and sincere satisfaction which he received from your lordship’s despatch, marked “secret and confiden- tial,’’ of the 284 ultimo. If had been, his Majesty said, most agreeable to him to find that the overtures which he had addressed to her | Majesty's government had been responded to in the same friendly spirit in which they were made; that, to use a former expression, there was nothing in which he placed so much reliance as “la. parole d'un 2” that | he felt that the relations of the two courts stood upon a | detter basis now that a clear understanding had been ob- tained as to points which, if loft in doubt, might have been productive of misintelligence; and, as his Majesty was pleased to add, he felt obliged to me for having con- tributed towards bringing about this friendly entente. | And his Majesty said: I beg you to dnderstand that what I have pledged myself to will be equally bindin, upon iny successor; there now exist momorandums o my intentions, and whatever I have promised, my son, if the changes alluded to should occar in his time, will be as ready to perform as his father would have been. ‘The Emperor proceeded to state that he would ver frankly ofler an’ observation or two—it might be a criti- cism—on your lordship’s despatch. ‘The despatch spoke of the fall of the Turkish empire ason uncertain and distant event; he would remark that | the one term excluded the other. Uncertain it was, cor | tainly, but for that reason not necessarily remote; he | desired it might be, but he was not sure that it might so, pre, Miihis Majesty desired further te observe, that he could not doubt that her Majesty’s government had taken too | favorable w view of the state of the Christian population in Turkey; the Sultan might have intended to better | their condition—might have given orders in that sense— | put be wae quite certain that his commands had not been attended to. 6 Upon my remarking that her Majesty's government were understood to receive very covey Teporta of what passes in Turkey, the Emperor replied with considerable | sular only to there, and bis his continued efforts ings of the sort, the Bulgarians would some time since would ; the ‘ discontent sajesty woul aitres thet werelt ctor repress the manifestation of feel- is Mlccks eecon ed to ocistonek hn Nien al * contras ening atti- tude which hed been assumed by Count Leininger with the seaceahie character of Prince Menschikoff’s mission; ne owever, that he desired to blame the Emperor of Aus- a noble, utter devastation, the Emperor of Austria was obliged to act with energy; his Majesty. would, he said, jo orb in the same manner. Tam desirous of remarking here, that part of the Em- — in pear hang = ohvions,_sddressed to tilusion which T had made an to eligiogs intolerance ta cellor wy Tuscany, as to my comments to the the Austrian cabinet with regard to Err conduct of late oo eee atier ate _ is"Majesty, after observing that according to the counts just received, (thone of the 20th iltingo,) little or no had been made towards an adjustment dimeulties at Constantinople, ptr heals ge moved a ship ora ion; that he not done from motives of consideration for the Sultan and economical motives; but that he would re; that had no intention of being trifled with, that if did not yield to reason they would have to gi: Turks b 5 he tots | elo, Emperor that it was only Sag is afr by the despatches just arrived that he had received in- telligence of the landing at Pera ef the French Ambaasa- dor, who was to bea party to the arrange- trer, returned to‘ by hs Liajesty, and the expressions ever, me by 7 exp! which he lead me to apprehend that this consider- ation did mot receive the attention of which in fairness it sppears to me deserving. SIR G. H. SEYMOUR TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON, Sr. Peragspore, April 31, 1853. Mr Lorp—I have the honor of recei: ur lord- ship’s ‘tch, marked secret and confidential, of the 6th it, which, in obedience to your lo: "6 oeost communicated to Count Nesselrode on the aD had desired to see me for the purpose of communicat- ing to me a paper which had been drawn up by the Emperor’s desire, and which was to be considered as an answer to your lordship’s despatch of the 23d ult. This document, which I beg to transmit in original, was accordingly placed in my hands by the Chancellor, who observed that he had previously thought that it would close the correspondence, but that it was post ble that the fresh despatch which I had brought to his knowledge might, upon being. laid before the Emperor, = oe some fresh observations on the part of hia lajesty. ‘The only panes in the enclosed paper to which Count Nesselrode was desirous of drawing my attention, was that in which an observation is made respecting the treatment of the Christian population, as described by English or by Russian agents. remarked, in reply, that the point was the less mate- rial, her Majesty’s government being (as his excellen had been made aware) as desirous as the Imperial Cabi- net could be that no effort should be wanting on the part of the Porte to remove any and every cause of complaint which could be made in justice by the Sultan’s Christian subjects. Your lordship will perhaps allow me to observe that, supposing the present crises in Turkish affairs to pase over, an intimation fs made in the enclosed paper, which, if taken up and embodied in a joint resolution by all the great Powers, might possibly be the means of long avert- ing a catastrophe which, happen when it may, will pro- bably have disastrous consequences even to those te whom it may be considered the most profitable. Since the preceding part of this despatch was written, the Chancellor has intimated to me that the Emperor, being of opinion that the paper which I now enclose, folt lowed up by the conversation which I had the honor of holding with his Majesty on the 18th, may be considered as replying toany points touched upon in your lordship’s despatch, does not propose to offer any frosh observa’ upon the subjects which have been under discussion. Hib exoeliency does not conceal from me his satisfaction at this resolution, these subjects being, as he remarked, of so delicate a nature that there are always objections to their being brought under discusion. Thave, &c., G. H. SEYMOUR. fecropenn The Emperor has, with lively satisfaction, made him- self acquainted with Lord Clarendon’s despatch of the 28d of March. His MAleeiy congra valet himself on serodelag that his views and of the English Cabinet en- “ely coincide on the subject Where litical combinations which ‘it would be chiefly necessa: avoid in the extreme case of the contingency occuring in the East which Russia and B Rave equally at heart to prevent, or, at all events, to a dene as possible. ing generally the opinions express- ed by Lord Clarendon on the necessity of the prolonged maintenance of the existing state of things in Turkey, the Emperor, nevertheless, cannot abstain from advert- ing to a special point which leads him to suppose that the information received by the British government is not altogether in accordance with ours. It refers to the humanity and the toleration to be shown by Turkey in her manner of treating her Christian subjects. Putting aside many other examples to contrary, of an old,date, itis, for all that, notorious that recently the cruelties committed by the Turks in Bosnia forced hundreds of Christian families to seek refuge in Austria. In other respects, without wishing on this occasion te enter upon a discussion as to the symptoms of decay, more or less evident, presented by the Ottoman Power, or the greater or less degree of pho which its inter- nal constitution may retain, the Emperor will readily e that the best means of ‘upholding the duration of the Turkish government is not to harass it by overbearing emands, supported in a manner humiliating to its inde- dence and its dignity. His Majesty is disposed, as he as ever been, to act upon this system, with the clear understanding, however, that the same rule of conduct shall be observed, without distinction, and unanimously, by each of the great Powers, and that none of them sl sake advant: af the weakness of the Porte to obtain irom it concessions which might tarn to the projudice of he others. ,The Eons ess down, the Em- ror declares that he is ready to labor, in concort with England, at the common work of prolonging the exist- ence of the Turkish empire, setting aside all cause of alarm on the subject of its dissolution. He readily ac- cepts the evidence offered by the British Cabinet of en- tire confidence in the uprightness of his sentiments, and the hope that, on this basis, his alliance with England cannot fail to become stronger. 8t. Petersburg, April 3-15, 1853. THE AMERICAN INTEREST IN THE EURO- PEAN WAR. IMPORTANT DEBATE IN PARLIAMENT ON THE RIGHTS OF NEUTRALS. In the House of Commons on the 17th ult., Mr. Mruxme Grpson rose to bring forward the motion of which he had given netice, that instructione should be issued to her \jesty’s cruisers not to interfere with neutral vos carrying goods the property of the enemy, ifnot contra- band of war. He said: Sir, 1 have thought it consistent with my duty tocall the attention of the house af the present time to the question of the rights of neutrality which may be enjoyed by other nations, in case that war, with which we are now threatened, should: take place: The subject of my present motion relates simply to the position in which neutral mereantile vessels may find themselves during the continuance of hostilities. We are on terms of the most perfect amity with France and with the United States of America—two of the most im- portant naval and commercial Powers in the world be- sides ourselves—and, therefore, we might probably obiain their assent ‘to such an alteration of inter- national law upon this subject, as would be be- fitting the times in which we live, and as would ive liberal scope for commercial transactions in time of war. On these grounds I think this ts a favorable moment, by nego' ns With foreign pow- discretion, Er ons and in the exercise of our own ere , to endeavor carry on war with greater respect rivate property than has yet been done, and with greater liberty to cae ry on commercial transactions. I wish to give ne opin- ion on the question whether the war if ia politic or impolitic—f merely assume, for the sake of argument, that you are in a state of war, and I ask you to consider ea ripe oan be Peeing Boban te infring- on the s of commerce ai vate re Though my object is really to elicit infolnantnas teen ee government, yet I have puts notice of motion on pa- per indicating my views. But Ido not wish to coavey the impression that the government themselves are di to take an illiberal view of the subject, or to have recourse to extreme and rigorous practices with- out necessity. I give them full credit for being actuated by the desire to act in the way I have mentioned; but E ought it necessary to put my views on matuctity | show what they are, and which I have authority | for saying many gentlemen who are Rertes iil as petent to Judge, consider would give satisfact Bot ask the House to oe itself to any abstract prin- iple. lo to give up any of our maritime rights. I only ask that. special” ingructions may be iven to the officers commanding her ity’ —s in the event of war, to abstain from interfering wit neutral vessels on account of any or ty not contraband of war that may be contained ¢ + AsI understand, this is a power given to British cruisers, when war is declared, over all the surface of the globe. Wherever the neutral ship is, it may be searched to see if it contains enemy’s property. Just conceive this state of things. A large American packet arrives at Cowes from the United States, bound to Ham- burg. It may have among its multifarious bales of i, some consigned to, persons in Ham! with the view of tho e goods being afterwards sent houses in Russia. There may be Russian interest in those bales of goods. The commanding officer of one of her Majesty's cruisers detains the vessel. He says: “I have an interest in certain goods in your ship which are the property of the enemy, and I mean to try my right in a court of law, in order that I may condemn ‘them an lawful prize.”” The American packet is detained, and all the parties are put to great inconvenience from being kept in a British port until the trial takes . Sap- se it be decided that there bales of goods were nat ussit perty, though it ay there was a prima facie case for detention, and there is restitution of the roperty, do you suppose there will not be a bitter feel- ing left behind if an American ship is brought in, under such circumstances, without compensation, and large ex- penditure incurred, merely to test ot rlgard whether & particular officer has a vested interest in certain pro- perty in the vessel? 1 put this aa a case which ma ossily happen; and it is to provide agains 5 Et oe ri an unfortunate thing as the creation of a bad feeling with noutral and friendly powers, that T call upon the House to take the question into its most serious consideration. (Hear, hear, hear.) The proposition I have taken the liberty of making con- sists of two parts. In the first place, I ask you not to | exercise the power of searching neutral vessels for the Nipore of finding enemies? property; and I also ask you ) consider the policy of entering into treaty stipulations with the United States of America, and other foreign Countries willing to entertain the subject, that free ships shall make free goods, ani that the neutral flag shall give neutrality to the cargo. I propose, not that you Should bind yourselves to agree to such a treaty stipula~ tion by asserting to this motion, but morely that the Crown should direct its ministers to consider the policy of such a measure. I believe there is very good ground for considering, at the present time, the poll enter- ing into a treaty with the United States and other foreign