The New York Herald Newspaper, April 2, 1854, Page 2

‘AFFAIRS IN EUROPE, Secret Correspondence Between the Eng- lish and Russian Governments. OUR LONDON, DUBLIN AXD PARIS LETTERS, &e., &e., &e. Our London Correspondence. Loxpon, Friday, March 17, 1854. The Baltio—Warlike Preparations along its Shores—St Petersburg ina State of Denmark—Sweden—The Weather and the Ice—Sailing of Corry's Squatron— ‘he Position of Germany in the Eastern Question—The Mission of Prince Hohenzollern and General Groeber— Inlerpellations in the Prussian Chamvers—Offcial An- nouncement of Austria—Hostilities on the Damube— Greece—Miscellancous—Stocks, Le. ‘The news from the Baltic is now anxiously looked for- ‘ward to. A telegraphic despatch via Hamburg, of the 4th, from Copenhagen, announces that several vessels of the English fleet had been signalled, and that a frigate jad cast anchor before the place, Until the reply of the Czar to the last ultimatum has been received, of course ‘hostilities will not commence, unless, on the strength of Sir Jamos Graham's post prandium observation, Sir Charles Napier feels himself authorized to declare war without instructions from the government. The St. Petersburg Gazetle announces that the Russian capital and all the Baltic provinces of Russia have been declared in a state of siege. The government of St. Petersburg has been placed under the special military command of the Grand Duke. Great military prepara- tions are being made there, as also in all the Northern States: Besides the repair of fortified places, the placing of gannon along the coast in Copenhagen, tho efficient arm- Bmx of Cronborg, &c., a flotilla will be ready in a week or }wo, consisting of the following vessels:—The Thetis, fri- te, (Captain Raffenderg,) 48 guns and 365 men; the ona, frigate, (Captain P. Wullf,) 46 guns and 335 men ¢ Tordenskjold, frigate, (Captain Dirckinck-Holmfeldt,) 7 guys and 400 men; the Galathea, corvette, (Cap- Qain C. Welll,) 28 guns and 209 men; the Valky- wien, corvetie, (Captain Ipsen,) 20 guns and 125 men; the Flora, corvette, (Captain Rothe,) guard- Bhip in the Sound, 20 guns and 128 mon; the Mercuriua, (Captain-Lieutenant Smidth,) 12 guns, and $2 men; the St. Croix, brig (Captain Lieut. ©. Lutken,) 1 $2 men; the Thor, screw steam corvette, (Captain Meinertz:) 200 horse power, 12 thirty- pounders and 154 mon; the He er, (Captain F. Paludan,) steam schoon- ver, 1 sixty- pounder bomb cannon, 6 thirty-por and 139 men; | the Hekla, steam schoo: (Captain Holm.) 200 horse bomb cannon, 6 twenty-four | «Captain 250 guns, and els are being got ready; among these is the nev te Najaden. It has | Been announced that no pilot will be allowed to assist a foreign war vessels beyond th of his station. An ed at ado chi It consists tha autillery, a extraordinary nu Colonel Nortenfelt has } Lhecorps now about to be ve of a six-pounder horse t awelye-pounder foot battery of Wende’s artillery, 100 | men of the Crown Prince wf the regiments nanftd. There has been a sort of crisis at Copenhagen, and an address to the King, demanding the dismissal of his Present ministers, has been unanimously adopted by the Chambers. From Sweden, under date of Stockholm, March 7, we learn that the Swedish government has or- Gered the fitting out of seven, line.ofbattle ships, with ©rews amounting to 2,807 men. Prince Oscar had gone &o Gariskrona, to assist the fleet. Two camps are to be | formed—one at Caulskrona, and the other to the north | Of the capital. The garrison of the island of Gothland, nclusive of the local militia, is to amount to 16,000 men. Letters received in town yesterday, from various ports | Gn the Baltic, report the weather to be extremely change- | a s hussars, and about 3,000 men A communication from Carlshaven, dated the 7th inst. f Baye that all the Russian, and most of the German and | ‘Jwedish ports, are still closed by ice; the navigation can- Jot yet be considered open in the Baltic, but this port has Jot been closed throughout the winter. AtCalmar the avigation was open on the 6th inst., but the harbors to Jhe northward, it is observed, are still closed by the ice. Kt Bolderan the weather is reported to be extremely Phangeable, the thermometer in the morning indicating @oeveral degrees below, and in an hour or two afterwards one or two degrees above zero. On the 8th inst. the temperature in the morning was 36 degrees below, and | at noon 1 degree above zero. The state of the ice at ‘Meme! on the 11th was such as to indicate that the first e@hange of current was likely to clear the harbor to be- «yond the entrance of the creek. ~*~ A portion of the second division of the Baltic fleet ander Admiral Corry, who hoists his flag on the Neptune, | 220, has sailed. The Queen paid a visit to the squadron | @he day it sailed. The enthusiasm for the war is una- | Dated. There were rumors in town the night before last that | ‘@ courier had arrived fuom St. Petersburg with the Em- Nicholas’ reply to the ultimatum, and moreover Bhat he had accepted it. The fuct of a Cabinet council deing suddenly summoned the same evening gave strength 2o the rumor. It has not, however, been confirmed. The anissions of the Prince of Hohenzollern Sigmairngin to Pa- tis, and Gen. Goeber to London, are the chief topics of dis- cussion in political circles, in the clubs, and in the press. ‘There is now no doubt that Prussia refuses to act with the ‘Western Powers, and that Austria bas taken this refusalof Prussia as an an excuse for refusing, or, at least, holding back her co-operation as long as she can. It is also said that dhe two special envoys in question are entrusted with ounter proposals from Russia, who is willing to take Prussia as a mediator. From Paris we learn that Prince Hohenrollern has signally failed in persuading Louis Na- poleon to listen to new overtures, and a similar failure | Goubtiess ia in store for Gen. Groeber here, as the Eng- lish and French Cabinets act in perfect concert. The Propositions will be regarded as non avenues, and de- lined in terms respectful to Prussia. Commons last night Disracli asked whether her Majes- ty’s government had received any official information Abat renowed propositions for the settlement of the mis- woderstanding in the East had been submitted to her Majesty's Minister at Vienna. Lord John Russell repliod hat no proposition of that sort had been submitted to Lord Westmoreland. It is quite clear to mo, notwith- standing, that propositions have been made sub rosa by | Prussia. The bost reply to them is the sailing of Admiral Corry to the Baltic to join Napier, the additional embar- | kkation of infantry for the Mediterranean, and an order | Jor two thousand cavalry to proceed immeiiately to the peat of war. They willbe commanded by Sir de Lacy Evans and Gen. England. The conduct of Austria and Prnssia has given rise to gmuch animadverison. England and France will simply fact as they think fit, without regarding their neutrality br non-netitrality at all. Austria dare not join Russia; ‘and what can Prussian do, whose shores are washed by be Baltic? An interpellation of some importance took P'ace on the subject of Prussia’s policy, in the Berlin (Chambers, at the sitting of the 13th instant. Count Schwerin, the President of the Second Chamber, Presented an address, signed by 114 members, as sollows:— When the President of the Council opened the it session of the Chambora by order of his , he declared that their deliberations com- | mel at a moment when there was reason to fear @hat the peace which had been s0 happily and so | Hong preserved in Europe would be disturbed by com: | plications in the East. He added, that whatever turn | Bventa might take, Providence had placed the King, our | fenerous master, at the head of the people, warlike, fuil fof patriotism, and perfectly united. Be persuaded, go @lemen, he said, that the goverument of his Maleaty will | woly take as “the guide of its acts and of its efforts the Zeal interest of the country, which is inseparable from ‘Ahat of the crown. These patriotic expressions found an echo in the hearts of all his hearers, and the confidence ahat the government of his Majesty will act with Bll the discretion necessary in international questions, must be regarded as the motive why this important question has not been made the object of more ample ex Nevertheless, the danger of a European ‘rar as become more imminent. ‘The aegotiations which $had for t the preservation of peace, appear to hi Hailed; and all theneighboring countries are making consi- Sierable armaments. The fleets of the Western Powers are fn the point of passing the Sound, and approaching the ssian coast on the Baltic. It cannot be denie! that Zhe moment for decision by our country has arrived—a Hiecision which will bave the most ode consequences Zor its future welfare. The undersigned, therefore, con Wider they are only fulfilling their duty towards the coun- Bry in requesting the government of his Majesty to give Ro the Chamber the necessary explanations as to the state wf the relations of Prussia with foreign governments. manufacturing and commercial interests of the coun. @ry, porticalarly ot the commencement of the season for Wntering on fresh operations, feel the greatest anxiety to know to what a poiat the government of his Majesty ro znsing in that good accord with the cabinets of Vienna, Bondon and Paris, of which the note of the conference of F ienna is an evident proof, it eppoars that the govern gent of hia Majesty must, not loss (ian the country itself, In the House of | Shalem pel Thc ed tren ot make an urgent appeal to the energy and ¢ the nation.” Confidence lone ean produce and maintain confidence; and a candid explanation given to the repre- | sentatives of the country will give to tae sovernuesnt the Se bill “ring their support, and resisting an possibility of pecuring Thee to, sot that ‘upauthe i i. The malepipa, Sere | wns to inquire of the government ot ‘ajes- eae eee Munitians it, Would be disposed to give as to | the attitude which it will assume in the war which is in preparation. He then addressed the Chamber as follows :— Gentlemen—1 have but little to add to the terms of the motion, with which you are already acquainted, and | which the gravity ofthe moment explains. The crown | willsoon have to make an appeal to the energy of the nation, That appeal will be heard, not only in the mber, but throughout the whole land, from the Rhine hvania, Prussia will do her duty. But it is the we of public institutions to allow the government to state its accord with the country. No great object can be attained without the concurrence of the people, and the people have a right to demand enlightenment from the government. Our interpellation is not inspired by any sentiment of distrust of the policy hitherto fol- lowed by the government on the Eastern question. But we wish to knowif the government intends persisting in that path. The material interests are not the only in- terests seriously menaced. Other interests of Prussia and Germany, and of the highest order, are at stake. A complete clearness is necessary. The moment has ar. ived to realize the words of the king (in his speech from the throne onthe 11th April, 1847, on the openin, of the United Diet) that truth reigns among us. (Lou | eheers ) M.de Manteuffel, the President of the Couneil, then rose, ‘and replied as follows :— Gentlemen—It is the intention of the government to submit to the Chambers very shortly, with the authori- zation of the King, propositions which will afford the op- portunity of explanations, as far as conformable with Publicity, of the policy hitherto followed by the govern: ment, and which (raising his voice,) the government has maintained in an invariable manner at the present mo- ment. I must refer you to the coming explanations. In reply to the question before the Chamber, I must con- tent myself to-day with saying, for the reassurance of the country, that the united fleets which we shall short- ly see enter the Baltic belong to States with which Prus- sin ts in ee and pacific entente. — cheers from all sides of the Chamber, except extreme right, which remained silent.) ‘There is no doubt that Prussia makes this ‘good and pacific entente”” with the Western Powers, but in this case “those who are not with us are against us.”” It has already offered a pretext to unwilling Austria, and it | must be remembered that both powers signed the pro- tocol of Vienna. The article I alluded to in my last, in the semi-official Austrian organ, which stated “that the policy of Austria | and Prussia is identical in the Eastern question,” is now before me, It is short but pithy. It is as follows :-— to ac all times afforded to thése two Powers, and to Germany at large, a strong and respected position, then in the pre- sent alarming state of the world the wishes of all patriots are loud in favor of a joint policy being pursued by both ra with the force of 2 concurrent conviction. But, people’s minds are by much the mor accession of evils, We believe that we have very n not only to consider such evil anticipat | a8 groundless, but we can oppose thereto the expression of our full confidence in the uni Vowers. The Oriental question has till now passed through no phase which has not been marked by the con- current resolutions of Austria and Prossia. At the mo- ment when the joint mediatory cfforts had unfortunately to be declared’ as no longer of avail, the two German | Powers are perfectly in a similar position. ¢., the sent | ments of a love of peace and of moderation’ belong as much to the one as to the other; and their opintons, too, | as tothe extent he importance of the question in Europe, remain iden’ Hence, the same direction has | been given to their future conduct, and also, it is to be hoped, to the future conduct of the whole of Germany. This can mean nothing else than that Austria and Prus- sia, without absolutely adhering to Russia, Will await the | immediate course of events before committing them- selves to any decided line of policy. ‘The last line indicates that they are endeavoring to in- duce the whole German confederation to adopt a similar course. This state of uncertainty cannot Jast much longer; the first cannon shot that booms along the shores of the Bal tic will settle the question. Hostilities have recommenced on the Danube; there has been some sharp fighting between Galaez and Ibraila. It is reported that the Russians are withdrawing from Kale- fat to join the division at Galatz and Ibraila, to attempt the crossing of the Danube there. In fact, we learn from a trustworthy source, that Prince Gortschakoff had in- tended (and may have, for what we know as yet) making the attempt at Matschin on the 18th March. ‘The insurrection in Greece continues. If independence is its object, the moment is badly chosen. The Western | Powers can only regard it as a diversion in favor of Rus. | sia to occupy the Turks near home, and they will help the Turks to put it down with a strong hand. Fuad Ef- fendi has been sent to Albania with dictatorial powers to suppress it. The Turkish garrison of the citadel of Arta made a sortie, and followed the retreating insurgents into | the Greek Territory, wherea combat ensued. King Otho | had better look to himself. Turkish troops have been | sent to Samos and Candia. The report that Klapka bad turned Mussulman is contradicted. In Asia snow covers the ground, and hostilities have not yet been renewed there. The Vulcan had returned from a trip with despatches to Sebastopol, to Which post she was refused entrance. | She reports that some ten thousand men were actively employed there, throwing up fortifications. In case of war, a sea and land attack is contemplated against that Russian stronghold, Layard brings forward a motion to- night upon the Eastern question, He will ask whether her Majesty’s Ministers are prepared to accept any pro- posal coming directly from the Russian government, or indirectly from any other source, which does not admit | | the recent pretensions of the latter power are founded, been most unjustly exposed. Nothing new has been done yet as regards the secret correspondence with Russia. The papers have not yet been presented. ‘The subscriptions to the French loan will far exceed the ten millions notified. ‘The Bank of England has declared ® half-yearly divi- dend of 434 per cent. Two American officers, Bimbashee (Major) Tanis and Bimbashee Bonfanti, have joined the Turkish army in Asia. Our Dublin Correspondence. Denis, Feb. 18, 1854. | Ireland Aa It Is, | Ireland. “Alas! poor country, almost afraid to know | herself,” how melancholy, how heartrending, how in- | describable are the phases through which she has passed | since you andI last met. But,as I have no materials for s very “brilliant” description, I shall endeavor to | “sum up” her history for the past twenty years; and, although some of the incidents are not likely again to be brought upon the stage, they cannot be left out of any faithful narrative of the strange, eventful scenes which have been enacted on our “boards” during the period mentioned. To proceed then. And first in order I will | place— 1. The Tithe Campaign, which was in full operation long after I had the pleasure of seeing you upon the Irish | soil; but is not its history, written in letters of blood as | it was, notorious to the entire civilized world ?—so that | it is not necessary for me to enter into any details, 2. Evictions of Tenantry, a “Segal” process, by which tens of thousands of our rural population have been | turned out of their holdings, and sent upon the highway to perish, as very many of them did previous to the pass- ing of the Poor Law Act. Consequent upon this “ sys- tem” of carrying out the rights of the landlords, there were not a few instances of shooting landiords, agents, and bailiffs, which led to ‘“‘special commissions’’—a sum- mary form of law proceedings, intended to ‘strike terror’’—its complement being the gallows and convict ship, for both of which there was gencrally full work cut out. Itis only those conversant with the heartrending de- tails connected with the “Tithe Campaign,’’ and the con- | stantly recurring scenes of strife and bloodshed, that can fully appreciate the change for the better which has been brought about by the act of the Legislature, which fixed the tithes, under the name of “rent charge,” upon the landlords. Since the passing of that act, the seandal, (to | say the lenst of it,) has been done away, of forcing the people, at the point of the bayonet, to contribute to the sustainment of a Church Establishme: ‘rom which, cer- tainly, they derived no benefit, either civil or religions. What would you Americans think of being compelled to doliver up, every tenth year, the entire produce of the land, to sustain an established, or any other church ? And yet, such was the law for centuries in Ireland, asa | tenth of all produce, from wheat to grean crops, from the fat beeve to the laying hen, was the property of the par- son, The other great evil, the extermination of tenantry, is s(ill “one of the institutions of the country,’ bat on & smaller seale than heretofore, and in s more molified, (i. ¢ less cruel,) form, inasmuch as landlords are pre- cluded, under a penalty, from evicting their tonantry until they first serve notice of such being their intention upon the clerk of the Poor Law Union in which the proper- ty is situate; and the wretched tenants have the work- liouse to fly to, instead of perishing, like so many {thousands of them have done, on the highways, for the inclemency of winter never acted as a bar to the in- Leart met Wo allow avy doubt to caist omits poll: ; human work, This amelioration—if such it may be | Go-a-head If the unanimous policy of Austria and Prussia has at | that the treaties between Turkey and Russia, on which | are no longer valid, and that Turkey is entitled to com- | pensation for the expenses of the war to which she has | You ask me to write a “ brilliant’’ description of old j faults on its head, in the gave to poverty aright to be maintained, extent, at the cost of the exterminating many of whom were loud in their cymes (!) with slaves in other countries, but had no bowels of compassion for the wretched serfs whose toil had largely increased thoir rentals in very many instances. This act had not been in full working order when— ‘ |. 4 The Famine of ’47 and '48, with pestilence in its | train, overspread the land, and cau: the death of nearly two millions of my poor countrymen. In those terrible times it was an unusual thi to see three or four hundred of God's crea- of all and of both sexes, flung large pit, without any such thing asa coffin to confine the wretched remnants of mortality. Now, let us ask ourselves what was it that caused this famine? The answer is, the loss of the potato Sz. the potato must have been the principal food of the population. No doubt of it; in fact it was their only food, and often they had not enough of that same. Listen to the description given of our people before the famine. ‘The of Ireland are the worst fed, worst housed, worst clot io Europe!” "Am I quoting the words of ue, of some of themany ‘leaders of the people?’ who bave, from time to time, fretted their hour upon the political stage? Certainly not. The definition is contained in @ report presented to Par- liament by,the ‘‘ Devon Commission,’’ which was composed slely of landlords the chairman being the Farl of Devon; and was the ar at which tl arrived after examining com; nt witnesses in the peinras cities and towns through- out the kingdom. I can well understand how difficult it must be for the inhabitants of your glorious America— ‘where # man is a man if he’s willing to toil’’—to re- alize in their minds a state of thingsin which the vast bulk of a nation are de; ing upon the lowest descrip- tion of food; and I would be red for any amount of incredulity, if the statement upon my unsupport- ed assertion; but with the corroboration afforded by the royal commission as to the condition of Ireland before the famine, ii all doubt must be net at rest. One ‘word more as to this Devon commission. You may natu- rally suppose that the issuing of this commission wy the British government was a positive evidence of their in- tention to carry out measures of amelioration for the people. sow little acquainted you must be with our ‘tricks and stratagems,” if you come to any such conclusion. Why, we have had commission after | commission—I am not, alluding to the special commissions referred above—in fact, they | have been ‘as plenty as- blackberries; but | not half so useful. Take, for instance, this Devon com- mission—as I have already stated, it consisted solely of | landlords; yet so glaring was the injustice under wilich the Irish ‘tenantry lavored, that they unanimously re- commended the passing of an act to place the relations of Iandlord and tenant upon something approaching an | equituble footing, notwithstanding which, although more than ten years have elapsed since their report was pro- | sented to Parliament, no action, has beew taken in, the | premises. Speaking of the famine, it-would be a dete- | liction of duty in any chronicler of those eventful times | to omit referring to— | 5. The bouniy, of the American people to Ireland— the true benevclence, the practical sympathy so mag- | | nanimously exhibited towards us in our hour of dire dis- tress. Oh, it was, indeed, a, “brilliant” incident in our 'melancholy history, to receive such | proofs of your generosity, “twice blessed’? as it was—blessed from the extent and timeliness | of the aid, and not less sofrom the manner in which it | was conferred. But I feel assured it is indelibly im- | pressed upon the hearts of millions of Irishmen, and I shall not longer dwell upon a subject which I am not | competent todo the justice it merits. Next in order comes— 6. The ‘“Rebellion,’”? as it was called by some—the “Young Ireland demonstration,” by others. It is not my intention to sit in judgment upon this movement, either to applaud or to condemn. It should, however, | be recollected by those who are lond in unqualified con: | demnation of all who took part init, that there were | causes at work at that period calculated to stir up the | passions of otherwise passive, placable men: The scenes of misery and woe on all sides; the recollection of endea- vors—fruitiess endeavors—by ‘some of those very per- sons—Mr. Smith O’Brien, more especially—to convince, | by “constitutional” means, the Legislaturejofithe neces- | sity of passing laws calculated to improve the condition of the people, andthe revolution on the continent of Europe, which occurred in this year, 1848. All the cir. cu ncea considered, it would be no unwise act of England, at this present writing, to forget and forgive; | and fortunate will it be for her interests, if, for the time to come, she so acts towards Ireland as to cause the remembrance of her former neglect—to use no barsh- er term—to sink into oblivion. \ 7. The emigration from Ireland is the next phase in | our history; and it is one which will yet be referred to as scarcely less remarkable than the Exodus of the children of Israel from Egypt. But with this subject Jou must be thoroughly conversant, inasmuch as your pire city is and has been the principal port of immi- mts to your great republic. Great, indeed, if only | from the fact that it has afforded the means and oppor- | tunity to tens of thousands of Irishmen, who previously hardly knew what it wasto handles shilling, to send | over fo their relatives in this country sums of mone; which have reached in a single year almost toered! ble amount of close upon two 8 sterling. If you boast of your country, verily you have just reason to do soit is truly a country worth living in, and, if need | be, ‘fighting for,” as Oliver Cromwell said when he viewed the “golden valo”’ of luxuriant Tipperary. 8. The Great Irish Exhibition of last year. ‘This, no doubt, will tend to render my not full, bat true, account | of peor Ireland more ‘‘brilliant”’ than it otherwise would be. All things considered, it was highly creditable to Irishmen, more especially to its founder, Wm. Dargan, one of those splendid specimens of ‘“naturo’s nobility,” to whom your own America owes her present proud posi- tion, With a public spirit rarely to be met with, he sub- | jected himself to an outlay of nearly eighty thousand | pounds, in his endeavor—his successful endeavor—to show to the nations what Irish talent and industry could accomplish. What our exhibition was, I will not attempt further to describe than to say that it was worthy i fs Fags ac the man who refused to accept any title which the Queen of England could confer, and to whose worth the same sovereign, on her visit to see the exhibi- tion, paid homage by personally visiting him at his resi. dence near tais city—an act, by the way, more calculated to make a favorable and lasting impression upon the | minds of her Irish subjects, than any régal move within | my memory. ‘After all, as I proceed, I find the picture to be acquir- ng a more brilliant hue than I hed imagined—so much so that you may be inclined to ask whether I entertain | any dou with respect to the future prosperity of old id. This is a question which, lam sorry to my I inclined Irel ; Bhould be more to answer affirmative! ultural country, with little or no manufactures in out of the four provinces. This fact, you will ad- nit, is not calculated—the ® geographical position of the country considered—to accelerate our progress towards the goal of prosperity. It places the population in a state of dependence which cannot exist @ country where manufactures are extensively carried on. You will see that one bad harvest, under the circumstances, wufficient to entail a vast amount of misery. Besides, a great portion of the country has been laid under pas- | ture, and from the high prices at present, and for some time prevailing for stock, the tendency is to increase the | breadth of lan appropriated to grazing. Whilst penning the last sentence a document was put into my quite a to this subject. It is @ report from the rish Census Commissioners, giving the ‘ Agricultural Returns of Ireland for the year 1853,”’ from which I find that there has been a decrease in the extent of land under cereal crops to the amount of 143,661 acres as compared with the previous youn the numbers being as | follows:—2,976,606 acres in 1852, and 2,832,945 in 1853. Now, the greater the breadth of land allotted to cattle, the less the employment to be found for the ‘‘two-l animal” who will have no resource but the workhouse,if be happens not to be so fortunateas to be able to pay his | sage across the Atlantic. altivation of the potato | —Cobbett’s cursed root—is, I am sorry to say, as exten- | sive at present, as if there had never been a blight, and f | greatly fear that we shall again a return to the eful system of ‘“con-acre,”” which has already worked s0 much evil. Very many of our small farmers—and very small they were indeed—paid ten pounds sterling an acre for their potato fields before the blight; when that came, the rent, of course, could not be paid, and in this way the landlords came in for their share of ‘the famino, in re- stricted means, and inability to meet their engagements. | Under the provisions of a special act of Parliament, in this case made and provided, tho Encumbered Estates | Court was established; it is now about three years in | operation, and you will be able to form some opinion of e change of proprietary, of the social revolution which has been going on since then, when I tell you that up- wards of three thousand petitions for sales of estates have been presented to that court, and that nearly £7,000,000 have been paid out of the court, as proceeds of sales of property which have taken place. This would be a hopeful system to return to again; nevertheless, T fear! see s: ic ta in several quarters of the country of a move in this direction, notwithstanding the woeful evidences we have had of its consequences. What, un- der those circumstances, vaticinate as to our future prospects? It is true, our case is not so bad as to be irretrievable. Tam aware that there is some ‘balm in Gilead,” if we could only get it within our grasp; and that we soon should do #0, if we had the aid of your great country, I have not a doubt. For instance, the establishing of a packet station between New York and Galway, or some other Irish port, could not fail of leading to the perma- nent prosperity of Irelands Not to speak of the vast amount of capital which would be expended in this coun- try if the commerce between England and America were carried on through some of our ports, if the packet station were established we would be within five or six days’ sail of ench other; and inasmuch as the United States now contains nearly as many Irishmen and wom) country itself, we would form as it were ono family—our ‘relations,”” to use the diplomatic phrase, woul be most intimate; and as it is not very likely that this speck of earth could bring America down to our leve’, it 1a more than probable that ere long she would bring us up to her standard of prosperity. Again, if your Legislature would so reviso your tariff as to allow our muslin embroidery | free circulation through the States, without being sub. ject to the present heavy duty, a most imporlant’ move in the upward direction Would be made in our belioof. It is, Tmay say a new species of manufacture amongst u yet, although in its infancy, it employs nearly half a million of female children in'the Southern and Western provinces, besides a vast. number in Ulster. «How mach more extensive would it be if we hada “clear stage” in America. I admit that purposely draw attention to chose topics in the hope that the organ par ezcellonce of | the American people, and the unswerving {riond of poor Ircland—the New Yore Hxnarp—will lee. ts powsetal aid in their advocacy. sincerely yours, P.§.—I should have mentioned that the “war in the East,”’ as it is called, has given an unwonted stir to all | our military and naval departments. Nearly all the Irish coast guards have been drafted off to the “sister” coun- try, and there is talk of raising an Irish militia, In Dublin, Limerick, Galway, Cork, Belfast—in short, in every city and town in Ircland, we have recruiting par. ties, and, to say the truth, yast numbers are onlisting. My opinion from the first was, and still is, that Europe generally is in fora scourging such as has never been paralleled in her histo.y. All hail, Colambiat What pig- mies the ‘‘ Powers”’ of Burope will yet be in comparison! and prosper, | My dear Doctor Connery. ever EC. OR, | ing up of the season of the carnival. otherwise, and for the following reasons:—Ireland is an | stro ay 1 | inthe other house of Parliament. If that article Our Paris Correspondence. Pans, Thursday, March 16, 1854. The Popularity of the New Loan—New Way of Raising Money—The Greck Insurrection—1he Carnival at Rome, de, cbc. Louis Napoleon watches with cat-like caution any in- terference with his measures. % ‘The Gasette de Lyons only took upon itself to observe | that the two hundred and fifty million of frances about | to be raised by the national loan would be sufficient to | defray the war expedition for “three months,’ and re- ceived a warning immediately. This loan, or rather the manner of raising it, is creat- ing immense excitement among the masses. It seems a peculiar property of the Bonapartist dynasty to un- derstand the French people. Largo speculations and in- vestments find no sympathy where commeree, as it is un- derstood in America, is unknown. But in France, to be- come a fundholder by instalmentary payments ofen francs & month, at an interest of five per cent, is as in- telligible as it is captivating. And the probability is that a newand forcible argument will be doduced from the de- posits in excess of the required loan, which will be paid into the national exchequer. At the Realte Centrale, the Caisse des Consignations, and the Maries of Paris, the clerks are found insufficient to receive the payments. From Havre and the different | departments the same complaint is made. In my last letter I spoke of the somewhat socialistic nature of the loan, and there is no doubt that the great capitalists who heretofore have been in the habit of managing such matters, are not very well satisfied at a departure from the usual precedents. They would fain proclaim it a union of small means against great—a de- mocratic siege on capital. But, it is argued on the other hand, that the government, in awarding certain advantages to the subscribers of # national loan, is simply levying an equitable tax, by which the majority are slightly muleted to the benefit of a few. That this demo- cratic financial attempt is s great fact—that it inaugu- rates a great principle, and that its application is to go on improving more and more. ‘The insurrection in Epirus has, this week, been the occasion of several cabinet councils, and is considered to demand the greatest care and caution. Tho dilemma is provoking one, and too clearly ad- vantageous to the Emperor of Russia to permit him to escape the charge of Lae a . That every reasonable effort will be made by the-Western Powers to secare throughout the Turkish dominions equal privileges to the Christians is a fact so well understood that specific con- tracts or treaties on the subject seem scarcely needed; and to say much about it would be fairly to adopt the Crar’s ciple and device of a religious war. But this | insurrection of the Greck Christians against the Porte seems to compel the Allied Powers to step out of the boundary they have prescribed themselves, even at the risk of entanglement. It has been determined, therefore, by the French ca- Dinet, to propose to the English that the moment Eu- ropean officers shall have set fot in Epirus, the canse of the insurrection shall be recognized, with, of course, a view to its immediate suppression. 'In other words, as peror of Russia will probably say, France and begin their alliance with Turkey by counte- | nancing and encouraging the rebellion of her subjects. But such is the strange, diversified gyration of human affairs, and oaly another proof that they will never go in one straight line. A privete letter which has justreached me from Rome, dated 11th instant, speaks in glowing Jerms of the wind- | ‘How can I,” it says, ‘adequately describe to you the charmed life we havelately had in the Eternal City. We hear of the swan’s sweet note while life’s last thread is breaking; and Rome, perhaps, in its impending tion, puts forth its most attractive aspect, Certainly, it | is a mos! enjoyable place; and whether its valedictory ceremonies apply to religion or politics, or liberty or | slavery, Koma este perpetua must ever be the fervent | prayer of every classic mind. FY} “Would that I could present you with anything ap- | proaching its gorgeous colors, the last fé/e of the Princess Doria. Fancy a palace which Mahomet would have car- | ried with him for the habitation of his houri, into Para- dise! Marble halls, whose golden veins ana crimson tints dazzle, while columns of Parian whiteness cool and refresh, the eye which is attracted toward them. Sa- | loons where the walls absolutely overpower you by the treasures of Ingh art they suspend and contain. One treads as if this rude nether world were left and fo: ten, and that ‘spirits of the blessed’ were our kindred. iia the dance plays fountain, the jete of | whith fall over lamps of curious device, Flowers of ox- quisite sense and beauty fringe the border ofsthe basin | 1 where flashing drops stimulate litle piscatory inhabl- tants, who, like fire flics at St. Domingo, dart hither and thither their golden sides in wantonness and sport—and | round this centre the magic valee revolves. Ay, it is then | talian and Ai | that you know the difference betwixt I Saxon beauty. There were there English blonder—there was that sylph-like form, half cold, half sunny eye of | the daughters of America, which is daily becoming over the continent their charming and distinctive feature; but, in the midst there moved, or rather swam, the Ita- lian; her dark eye and song silken lashes, her cheek | glowing with that tint which Rafaelle emulated; and, | the truth cannot be gain said, you felt yourself once and | for in Italy. whe dance over, the excitement atan | end, the colder beauty of the North scemod again to as- | sert its pre-eminence. “There was one lady—I understood she was an Amer- ican—her age might be about nineteen—she wore her hair in the now an unusual mode, in ringlets; she was sur- Paseingly fair; taller than ithe usual size, and eyes of a ue which made one forget heaven! Who she was, or what her name, I know not, but that allagreed she was ‘Of the land of the free.) The Dukes. of Wellington and Northumberland were markodly attentive to her, and, indeed, the Duchess of Wellington, herself a lovely spect: men of her sex, was constantly arm and arm with her. She quitted with the party of Mr. Martin Van Buren.” At Naples they have hada grand bal costume. M. de Maupas was dressed as Coligny, arid the Minister of War as Condé. But Count Balzo, the husband of the Queen appearing in the habit Mother, so alarmed the King b; of a Calabrian rs at he wed eulieea to have tes i The Gover- room and The Duke of Alba hasreturned to Madrid. Heo ge is made Chamberlain to the Queen. Colonels subordinate officers arejdaily being degrad- ed om account of their coldness in the late insurrection- | ary movement. The government pretend to take up ae ae: but a general report prevails that all ‘things in Spain look very unstable. The Russian Manifesto, THE CZAR’S REVIEW OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL’S SPEECH—SECRET NEGOCIATIONS BETWEEN ENG- LAND AND RUSSIA—SECRETS OF THE ENGLISH CABINET—THE PROPOSED DISMEMBERMENT OF TURKEY. In the House of Lords, on Monday, the 13th ult., the Earl of Derby said:—I havea question to put vo the noble earl at the head of the government, of which I thought it my duty to give him notice, but which, had I not done #0, the noble earl would probably have anticipated, and to which I hope he will have no hesitation in giving me ansnswer. In moat of the morning papers of Stas y last there ap} ‘a document of a very remarkable character, purporting to be an extract from the Journal de St. Petersboury, and professing to be, in point of fact, a6 it seems to be, the semi-official answer of no less a per- son than the Emperor of Russia to a statement made by one of the leading members of her Majesty’s governinent had contained a protest against the terms made use a by that member of ber Majety's government inconsistent with the position which he occu; and de- | to the dignity of the party to whom theyrefer- | I should certainly not have thought it necessary w) a matter which k more of a personal than a public character to cal] your lordship’s attention to it; but the assertions and allegations contained in this mani- festo or memorandum, or whatever it may be called, aye of a nature which require an explanation at the hands of her Majesty’s government, because, unexplain- ed, they sppear to reflect at all events on the political honor, if I might not also say on the perso: honor of some of bad ong members of that government. I take the extract from the Times newspaper, first, because the document appears to be given there at greater length, and next. because that iss paper-which professes—an which, I believe, professes truly—to enjoy to a very great extent the confidence of her Majesty’s government, and ‘more especially that of the noble earl at the head of the government (“Hear, hear,” from the Earl of Aberdee: =n confidence which I hope is not entirely undeser and which certainly, I must say, baa to be reciproca- ted by the aes in question. I also refer to i be- cause the comment which appear in that paper upon the subject under discnssion were hardly of a loss remarka- ble character than the document itself. (Hear, hear. ‘The Emperer of Russia, or the editor of the Journal St. Perivourg—who probably would not have put forth a document of this character without imperial sanction —after commenting on the language made use of and the expressions applied to the Emperor by Lord John Russell in his place in the House of Commons, and after refer- ring to the distrust in the intentions of Russia, which, as he states, have led to the now impending war, gocs on to That such distrust may have boon entertained by France —that it may up to a certain point have found a place in the mind of a government still recent, which has not had time ‘to aequire M long experience of former relations with it an exact ides of our real intentions, and itself in- voluntarily to tho almost tradition: inion which has 4 of Ruseian policy in jast—that may be eived; but on the part of E: , whieh is aware antecedents and the character of the Empor om, ‘fs connection of long date, an opinion of such a nature justly exeitessurprise, Logs than any otbor, the British govern ment should entertain euch suspicions. "It has in its bands the written proof that there is no foundation for tuem, for e Tong before the prosent condition of affairs, befors the quos- tions which led to the misrion of Prince Menschikoff to stantinople had aseumod so serious an aspect of lieronce, before Ciront Hritnin had adopted the same ling of policy at France, the Emperor had spontancously explained himeclt with the most perfoct o to the (Qunoon and her minis- ra, with the ohject of establishing with them friend standing, even upon the most important result whic. ean effect the Ottoman omplte, ‘This last sentence, in a leading article of the Times of the same date, is expreased with even more emphasis, and in italics, the concluding words being ‘‘in tho event of the most formidable contingency that could befall the Otteman empire.”’ The article from the St. Petersbarg Journal, after alluding to the organization of the Turkish empire, then goes on to say :— Penetrated with the oxtreme importance of such a result, and having at that period almost reached the region o ossible, Hf not entirely of the probable—c mnvin en; trous consejucnoes Which might result from it, the peror thought it necessary to assure himself beforohand whether the Englieh government shared his apprehensiona. He wished more porticulariy by ® frank previous under- | etancling to remove every subject of misunderstanding bo- | tween Hritnin and himself. Tt reomed of tho highest import to bis Majesty to establish the most porfect iden tit: i ith the government of Great Britain. With tide view at £t. Petersbur, ant icipations wit nent, mperor engaged the English Ministor to cause her Majesty to bo informed of his respect to the danger, moro or less imm bat met irke: juested on thi: ot ntial interchange of 9 with her Britannic M That was certainly the most evident proof of con: dence which the Bpperog gould give te the Court of St. | repeated in greater deta: | Wis divot Piro, the Fe James; and thus did his Majesty most Zot te Mt nat ent ty Me on him ‘and familiar com ‘ Shown iteclf ino correopendense of the met tthe nee ncter Letween the preseat English Ministers Fial government. It 1s wot po ste contents of non-official doca whieh do the Emperor alone, and which contain the ex mutual coufdenss. What we are permitted in examining the circumstance the duration of the status quo in the Es Unverlaken from tie ouviction eoapeetively that every effort shoyld be ma: tliat status quo, and prolong it as lony as possible, there nover was any ques ‘ques: tion of s plan by which Russia and England might dispose Veforchaud, and between thomselves, of tho destiny of the different provinces wiich constitute the Ottoman empire; #till less of w formal agreement to be concluded between them, without the knowledg ted by the counsel and intervontion of the othe: ‘two pai limited to a frank and single confidence, but wi ut ro- serve on either side, to communicate what might be adverse to English interests, what might be so to Russian, in. any given. case hostile or evon con: action might be avoided. In loo! of this confidential cor- rit’ in which they them- t the so that tradictory e solves to b se poasossi hk ves to be ews; fons to be Fe Doable to decidoit these preposseasions are just J. Russell more especially re} that corres) which he was the first to take part before o Clarendi rection of foreign affairs. Let him o on: rmit jon ), if the yn which loads him astra: his conscience, passion wi (sey now wi in him to recognise ite voice. He can do be really true that the Emperor has beon wanti ness towards the English if Jesty has not abo eomed unicat views which he entertained on this subject; that such communications had been forwarded by Sir Hamilton Sey- mour to the British government; and that a most f: correspondence had been carried on between the Emper- or of Russi and different members of such British govern- ment relative to the Emperor's views, in which correspond. ence there ap) to be most perfect unity of action and harmony of thought seeing betwee the corresponding parties. If this were so, I contend that the British govern- ment have no right to express surprise at the aggressive demonstration now made on the part of the Emperor, or to deal with his motives as if they were not previously communieated and understood. t appears to me most remarkable in the conduct of the British govern- ment is this—that, while the confidential documents re- ferred to went to show that there were ambitious views entertained by Russia, and also all the papers in the com- mand of government ‘went to prove the ambitious policy and violent designs of that State with regard to the dis- solution of the Turkish empire, and its final settlement ; while all this must have been evident, the British govern- ment should imply that they were ignorant of what the intentions of Russia really were. (Hear, hear.) I do not complain, my lords, that the conversations of Sir Hamilton Seymour with the Emperor, and the confiden- tial correspondence carried on between the two govern- ments, should have been withdrawn from tho roga- respondence laid on the table of the House, withdrawal of the papers might well be tifled by an henorable objection on the part of the Bi h government to make use of private correspondence for public purposes. (Hear. , Previously to tie late diseus- sion on the documents which have been laid upon the table, [had from authentic sources good reason to be- lieve that sich a private correspondence as the one Iam | now speaking of existed; but I telt, since government, in its discretion, had not thought proper to produce such correspondence, that it would not be right or fair in me to make my information public. (Hear.) Iam now about to refer to certain comments, tnd these of a very singular character, which appeared in the Zimes newspa- per upon those documents; and I mast say, in passing, that this is not the first time, by many, Witain tie last few months, that the Zimes newspaper has professed to have, and has been proved to have been in the possession of, secret and exclusive information, which ought, and was supposed, to have been known only to the Cabinct; also to have possession of, and access to, papersand docu- ments refused to both Houses of Parliament, and to be at liberty, and apparently authorized, to make public these documents, previously refused even to Parliament itself, (Hear, hear.) The noble Earl (Aberdeen) may disclaim, if he pleases, any communicetion, either direct or indirect, with the Jimes newspaper, or may say that he ever personally in any way communicated with that journal; but all his disclaimer cannot persuade me, or any other human being, I believe, in the country, that the Times newspaper could convey such information, or insert such an article as I have just read to the House, without being informed by some person who ‘had offic information on these matters, and one who, in conveying such information to the Zimes newspaper, betrayed that which ought to be considered as a Cabinet secret. (Hear, hear.) The leading article in the Times, aa well as the article taken from the St. Petersburg Journal, referred to the correspondence carried on between the Emperor Nicholas end the British government, but in very differ. ent tones. Itgoes back to speak of former periods, and says— We bave now toloarn for the first time that Fmperor Nicholas engaged in these extraordina: tons he had attempted at various times, ai ery court in Europe to jong ago as his own ¥: ‘age, and it may have been fe course of Inst winter. ‘ow mark, the Times newspaper refers to previous and yretent trensactions, with evident full knowlege that e Himyror did entertain most ambitious views, and ex: nnself most explicitly to government relative to ution of the Turkish empire, The article then goes on to say:— dhe got to these overtures? What 5 forms, to lure almost ¢ plunder of Turkey. A country be held the sai But what cuswor di auswer did he get. when he sounded Lord John Russell, of all men in the world, on the subject of an eventual partition of Turke So, then, % appears that the Times not only is ac- quainted with the fact, and the nature and character of the communications which had been made by the Em- peror of Russia to the government of this country, but it on to tell us the nature and spirit of the answer t was sent:— ‘We, (that is to say, the Times newspaper,) confidently re- By. That he warmer by an indignant refusal on the any ‘of he Beltish government. | He was, told, {f we are not greatly mistaken, that this country c no any form, which presu] integrity of which pect and even to protect strenuously opposed as @ source of dange: as this communic 1701 a aitcgethze and serapelcusly from any interference in the affairs of Turkey, which must be productive of great Js to the world. Phiow did the Times know anything about this, I should like to know? The article then proceeds:— As those communications were of a confidential nature ‘and wholly anterior to, and unconnected with, the affair of | the Holy Places and'Prince Menschikof’s ‘mission, tho fovernment appear to ha that rly form part of tl arfiament, but o challenge of the Ri forther uncert 01 in Russell's at jo answer to the Russian overture will do bim no dishonor, ‘Again, Task, how can any newspaper in this country know what were the partic of a confidential overture made by a foreign sovereign to certain members of the British government, ‘or how could the Times, or any other paper now what was the confidential answer of Lord john Russell, a minister ot the crown, to such a commu- nication? (Hear, hear.) Or, how did such newspaper come into possession of documents of so confidential and exclusive @ nature, that the Pega had thought it their duty to withhold them from either House of Parlia- ment? But it is not to what has a in the Times newspaper that I wish to call the attention of your lord- ships, but to ject of a much more grave ani serious importance. assume that the Times is weil inform- ed with regard to the nature of the communications, and the character of the proposition of the Emperor of Rus- sia; and I will assumc, also, that the answer of the noble lord referred to is correct—an assumption which I have the more pleasure and the less hesitation in admitting, because such an answer appears to me to be a very pro- oo ea such a one as ought to be made. J eel But this is what ire an explanation of. eso communications took the time afte: wards full discussion takes place Guspute betweca Russia and Turkey; th | pepo is submitted to both houses; I and others, who ve afforded to government every assistance that we could to prosecute this war—which wo believe might have been avoided, but which is now inevitablo—I and others, having been challenged by government to discuss the blue books put into our hands—after we* had com- mented upon them sage gt temperately stated where it appeared to us that the government was entitled to censure or animadversion (“hear,”’ and « laugh)—after* we bad pointed out that the government had Shae their eyes to the dangers that were imminent and impending— after government had beon warned by the gat ng of the forces in the Prineipalities, by the tone of the Men- schikoff note, by the remonstrances of Colonel Rose and the warnings of Lord Stratford de Redcliffeo—after all these opportunities of knowledge, freedom of iscussion, and wi no less frequent than timely—what was the answer of government? ‘‘ True, we had these facts before us, but still we had assurances given us, with so much ‘and solemnity, of the apparent sincerity of the — of Russia, and that ¢ only question was one of the Holy places;—true, we admit we have been deceived, but how are we to be blamed for having been so in the face of such strong and sitive aesurances of good faith on the part of Russia?” it what became of these asservations when all the time the government was in possession of the secret ant co: fidential designs of the Emperor of Russia, of the aggr sive nature of the policy of which he had unbosomed himeeif (hear, hear,) and of hia ultimate desigas relative to the partition of ‘the Ottoman empire; in regard to which, it was said, the noble lord (Russell) had been compelled to write an answer in terms of indignant re- fusal. (Cheers.) Tean understand not producing these pate and confidential letters for the perusal of Par- ment; but I cannot understand how, with such corres- pondence before them, government could come forward with the agsertion that they had réceived repeated and absolute assurances from Russia that her policy was not intended to assume an aggressive charactor. (Cheers.) How can these ben od be reconciled? There is one other circumstance to which The Times newspaper ro- ferred, and apparently with some knowledge of the facts. ‘The statement to which I allude is, that on the Emperor of Russia’s visit to this country, which took place when the noble Earl (Aberdeen) was Secretary of State for Fo- reign Affairs, communications of a precisely similar na- | ture were made by the Emperor. If this were so, whcn the noble Farl succeeded to the head of the present administration, the designs of the Emperor were being put into execution—if this were so, I say, | want to know what confidence could government possibly have in the professed absence of aggressive designs in the Emperors policy? Cheers.) ‘The questions which I wish to ask he noble Karl are—firstly, whether he belioves the docu- ment to which I have referred to be an authentic docu- ment? and, if so, secondly, whether the correspondence therein referred to did take place between the ag get ou Russia and her ‘Wniake ‘overnment t—thirdly, and if, | y the and | = of Turkey, it is of nod If ee, whether the noble Earl will The Earl of Asexvgey—The statement to which the noble earl has referred is one of considerabie interest and importance; and, finding it in the as we do, it be considered as possessing sort of official ettaracter, which took ince bet his bev the eos Pp ween jest of Russia and some of ber Malest "8 rs were, as the , ani proved, re- by Majesty’s rnment, and not with the papers nid on the tables in Somsequenes of the confidential character which was considered to be in degree attached to them. (Hear.) It has not uncer circumstances similar to communications were made, to lay Vament astatement of familiar conversatio: those described, between a severeign and a fc Seta Shyl fon Uaieereneen hes Males think it r or consistent t respect or Sratinnen ts protume payers pisek hala meee ce, luce papers w 8 somew! vate and ‘conbdential ‘character, (Hear, hear. statement in the St. Petersburg Journal, and whic! be considered as in some offi and by t pears thas there ja no reisctayes oa spoil af cpr should yublic all comm tions which had passed on ;, Telieves hor Majest; linisters from much treat with the , and removes any —- might have entertained relative to duction of the papers to which the noble earl refers. hear.) Ican assure the noble ear! that, if he had not made the observations which he has,] should still have laid these the table, and Fi = i i i i z : 7 ; = u : | ral 2 geks $ been lit servations which he has somewhat hypotbetioall to her Majesty’s government to-night. a hear i wil be found, my lords, I feel bene tlon thoy wil scoupy ith eens to re dence; and I think the noble earl will find Bisoalt Core jously mistaken in endea to cast either Danser putation of any kind y ment Ghe'part they ave ton in thi wey war we not 1g more to uy the yapers will speak for’ tenmseiver.- ‘Tuo noble earl ree ferred to e be tmeaperrt made in the Times newspaper upon the article copied from the st. Petersburg Journal. ‘The noblo earl will pro be surprised to learn, considering what he po our connection with that newspaper, or rather what he seems better pleased to call my connection (laughter,) with that paper, that until this morning, Inever read the article or the comments to which he alludes, nor had I heardof them either, directly oF indirectly. ‘Tn making this statement I find, my lords, some advantage ine man’s having a character for truth and honor; and repeat, that until this morning, I never had the ae mote conception of the article in question, or the origin of the comments which have been made upon it. (Hear. can say nothing more about it, except again to repeat that Iam entirely ignorant of’ the source whence the comments alluded to arose, nor can I form an opinion or conjecture on the matier, except this—that I have been given to understand that, some clerk in the Foreign office, but who is not a tlerk there now, and who was introduced, by the by, by the noble earl opposite, Qialmesbury,) had scandalously betrayed his duties, by revealing the contents of some papers. (‘Hi hear,” and a laugh.) However, 1 know nol whether it is through that source or not that this correspondence has been made public, and on which the comments are based to which the noble earl has ettached 80 muck importance. All I can say is, that Ihave not, dircetly or indirectly, the slightest knowledge personally of the matter. ‘The first question, then, which the noblo earl has asked Ihave already not only. answered, but stated that 1t was the intention of the gov- ernment, without having been asked, to do what he has requested. (Hear.) With respect to the other matter to which the noble earl referred, it is perfectly true that when His Imperial Majesty Was in this country soveral communications—verbal communications—took place be- tween him and the late Duke of Welllngton. I am not sure whether any took Pince with the late Sir Robt, or not; but with respect to the Duke of Wellirigton myself, there is no doubt that communications did take place as to the state of affairs in the East, and the views and prospects which might be entertained on this subject. It was, I think, shortly after His Impe- rial Majesty’s visit to this ‘country—indeed I ‘am not sure that it was not about the same time—that Count Nesselrode came hero and embodied those views of the Emperor, and the conversations that had taken place, in ® memorandum, which was afterwards reduced to writing. I have not seen that document for the last years—from the time when it was written, and probal the noble Karl knows more about it than I do. bi these circumstances I am not prepared to say at this moment whether it may be fit or not to lay it on the table; but I shallascertain. I do not wish to speak abouta docu- ment I have n :t seen for 80 Le period. I may say, however, that I think it is not likely to have such refer- ence to it circumstances, or that it refers to the dispute about the Places—to the mission of Prince Menschikoff—to the Vienna ni in to any- thing involved in the recent discussions; and, Ido not think it is at all likely to be of say service ot this moment. But on that point I reserve m: tir have had an opportunity of seeing and the document. hear, -) The Earl of En1xysorovcn—My noble friend stat that during the year 1844, communications took med between the Emperor of Russia and the Duke of Wel- lington, but that he is not sure whether any such ecom- munications took place with Sir R. Peel. Now, lam to state that there were communications with *t {hls would better be delayed till he has seen a aeet etersburg Gazette cont doc et; theres te oftclal or oactate information that i EARL OF ABERDEEN was understood to say he had no doubt of the authenticity of the document. ‘The EArt oF ELLENBOROUGH understood his noble friend to say that he knew nothing about it until hesaw it — ere Times newspaper; but that was not a sufficient aut ry. ‘The Marquis or CLanricarDs—I hope that all the con- versations which have been carried on with the Emperor of Russia by Sir H. Seymour on this subject, will be laid on your lordship’s table (hear, hear), because, undoubt- edly, His Imperial Majesty has no right whatever to se- lect one icular part of those conversations and make this them matters of comm tion intended for House and the govern », and to debar her jesty’s government from the full tage that an entire communication would them. I say this, has been at St. Petersburg, and rumors have been mon inthe diplomatic and other well-informed throughout Europe, that in that conversation a most portant communication—important in itself and im ant also as regards the conduct of the governmont Parliament, if it should turn out correct—took which the Russia expressed his lose his last spend sooner than his claims I. I think ropes eto on by Count the ministers of this cou , in 1844, views of Em government on ‘vast im (Hear.) We have a full right the view then entertained by the Emy it is evident that it must bear most si present circumstances, which have rendered war nent. .) I trnst that we shall have all Mone wih tho wotle eart eis dn tine bonoee us. (Hear, bear.) It appears impossible we shor for I think it necessary, our ment, that we should be able to show exactly the communications made to her Majesty’s what was the answer, and what was the in 1844, a8 well as what was the language by Ri }, 80 a8 to give a really conclusive answer to manifesto now published. ee hear.) Itis that we should know what lai has been for, Peed this is the first time we have had it it has been rumored whole continent language very dltterent whole conti at —s a taken was ~& o country, an who was then Sectassy ary fee Foreigt 4 It in well to have documentary proof that this is and that we should be able to show that we have served our consistency on this most important sad mentous question. (Hear.) In the of Commons, on the samo day, in reply to Mr. Disraeli, ith to the two F i iti bul | z zo ze HT if i eli i i i 7 ba fete 3° . - Fi , Lord J. Russeit said—-With respect PerRto whieh the right honorable gentleman has ref have to answer that I saw on Saturday the article inthe Journal of St. Petersturg containing the allegations to which he has referred. With respect. to another article, in regard to which the right honorable gentleman butes likewise an officinl source, I did not see that article or any part of it untill saw some extracts from iting newspaper to-day; and I did not know till he mentioned it just now that the article referred in any way to any memorandum of 1844. Mr. Dwragu.—I did not say memorandum; I said com- fend Roms — et or 1.—Well—referred in an; to communications made in 1844. So far-as 1 aui-oou cerned, Ihave given no authority to the Times news- paper to state what was my conduct when I held the office of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. respect to the substance of what occurred, | it I believe, the usual practice—at jany rate usual practice as long as I have known anything public afinire—not to lay before Parliament a communt- cation which takes place between her Majesty’s Ambnasa- dors or Ministers abroad, and the sovereigns to whom they aré accredited. It has alwaya been the practice to consider those conversations 98 of xo confidential = character that they should not be laid before Parlia- mint, but that the ministers of these sovereigns aro the proper organs as to the intentions of the f° Of which they are members. It is perfectly true that im the commencement of the last year the Emperor of Russia, held a confidential conversation with Sir G. Hamilton Seymour with respect to the condition of the Turkish empire. This communication reached this country in the shape of a despatch from Sir Hamilton Seymour, and ft wan my duty as Secretary of State for Foreign Alfaira tolay before the Cabinet a despatch in answer to that com- munication, which dexpateh was afterwards forwarded to Bt. Petersburg. Some further communications Jace, and Lord Clarendon answered the next depatch of ir Hamilton Seymour upon the subject. Sir, I have stated what I think has been the practice (and what T think is the just ‘ioe upon on be id betero 2 lige & , Whether the aoble Earl, | quch communica