The New York Herald Newspaper, February 18, 1854, Page 7

AFFAIRS IN WASHINGTON. HE MERALD AMD THE GADSDEN TREATY. INTERESTING CONGRESSIONAL PROCEEDINGS, (THE NEBRASKA-KANSAS BILL. SPEECH OF SENATOR SEWARD, - DFFICIAL FAcE SOM VIEW OF THE QUESTION, SPIRITED DEBATE IN TWE HOUSE. STEPHENS IN SUPPORT OF YHS BILL. REPLY OF HR. CAMPBELL, FAKE SOILER, Hey Sry = ios TELEGRAPHIO, [SB MBERASKA QUESTION—THS INTELLIGENCER DE- HOUNCED BY Soormaax ‘WHIGS— PROPOSITION TO ARREST THE BDITOR OF THE HARALD, BFC. ‘Wasnmaron, Feb. 17, 1854, ‘The day before yesterday the Southera whig Senators pt Arca persist the state of the party, the Dill, and matters and things touching whig im general. The National Intelligencer came under ‘and Benator Toombs, fof Georgis, offered 8 reso- repndiating and denouncing thet press, whieh was t, and one of those knows 'o aceord with Mr. Toombs sentiment and feeling. This is the death heel of the jwondam whig party. 80 Senator Toombs and his con- admit and do not conceal their joy on account of ‘The debris of whigship, vith’ the Inielligencer, it is Nl understood, are to be turned over to Mr. Everett, o' husetts. motion was yesterday made, in executive session, to i the editor of the Naw Yorx Henarp for publishing copyright aad Gadsden treaties, as s contempt of the ‘Tt did mot carry, however. SHIRTY-THIRD CONGRESS. FIRST SESSION. Senate. Wasninoton, Feb. 17, 1854. THE PRIVATE CALENDAR Was taken up and debated till near one o’clock, and postponed. ‘Two bills were passed, and then the Sonate took ap ‘THE NEBRASKA BILL ‘Mr. SswAxp, (free soil) of N. Y., arose an} spoke a¢ ollo Mr. President—The United States, at the clore of the olution, rested southward on the St. Mary’s, and d om the Mississippi, and possessed a broad, un- ou circumscribed by those rivers, the Al- pena faery and the great Northern Iskes. The itution anticipated the division of this domain iato tes, to be admitted as members of the Union, but it ither provided fer nor anticipated any enlargement of he national boundaries. The people, engage! in reor- ising thetr governments, improving their social sys- and establishing relations of commerce and frien 1- hip With other nations, remained many years content their apparently ample limits, Bat it was al- ady foreseen that the free navigation of the Mississ!ppl ould soon become an urgent public want. France, although she bad 1st Canada, in chivalrous ‘ttle, on the Heights of Abrabam, in 1763, nevertheless ll retained her ancient territories on the western bank ‘the Mississippl. She had also, just before the break. out of her own fearful revolution, re-acquired, by a sret treaty, ‘the possessions om the Gulf of Mexico , im @ recent war, bad been wrested trom her by in. Her First Consul, among those brilliant achieve- which proved him the first statesman as well as first captain of Eurepe, sagaciously sold the whole of possessions to the United States for a liberal sum, 4 thus replenished his treasury, while he saved from enemies, and transferred to « friendly Power, distant 1d vast regions, which, for want of adequate naval }@, he was unable to defend. ‘This pirchase of Louisiana from France, by the United les, involved a grave dispute coneerning the western of that province; and this costroversy having re- open until 1819, was then adjusted by treaty, in they relinquished Texas to Spain, and accepted a of the early dikecvered and long inhabited pre- of Kast Flerida and West Florida. The United stipulated, im each of these cases, to admit the tries thus ammexed into the federal Union. ‘The acquisitions of Oregom, by discovery and cocupa- om, of Texas by her voluntary annexation, and of New Mexico amd California, including wha! is now ealled Utah, iby war, completed that rapid course of enlargement, at ithe close of which our frontier has been fixed near the jeontre of what was New Spain, on the Atlantic side of the continent, while oa the west, as on the east, only aa separates us from the mations of the Old World. It is not in my way mow to speculate en the question how long we are to rest om these advanced positions. ~Glavery, before the Revolution, existed in all the thir. neon colopies, as it did also in nearly all the other Euro- pean plantations in America. Bat it had been foreed by British authority, for political and commercial ents, on ithe American people, against their own sagacious in- [stints of poliey, and their stronger feelings of justice jand humanity, ~ ‘They had protested and remonstrated agaiast the sys- tom earnestly fer forty years, and they ceased to protest and remonstrate against it only when they finally mitted their entire cause of complaint te the arbitrament jofarms. Am earnest spirit of emancipation was abroad gm the colonies at the close of the Revalation, and all of them, except perbaps South Carolina and Georgia, anticl- pated, desired, anc designed an early removal of the sys- ‘tem from the conatry. The suppression of the Afriesn |plave trade, which waa universally regarded as ancillary go that great measure, was not without much relastance ‘ue td) 2608, While there was no national power, and no claim or Gesire for national power any#here to compe! iavolan tary emancipation in the States where slavery existed? there was at the same time a very general desire and a strong purpose to prevent its introduction into new com- qusities yet to be formed, and into new S.ates yet to be established. Mr. Jefferson proposed as carly as 1784 to exclude it from the national domain which should bs constituted by cessions from the States to the United States. toned, about the same time. So, also, Teanessee, qa admitted im 1 He recommended and urged the measure av .eiliary also to the ultimate policy of emancipation. ‘There coteap #0 here been 48 mst be vey Oe jealousy nity, having been de: he {henge be ques asimilar community separated from North Car: psa withetipalation that the ordisas which Mr. Jefferson had first proj |, aod whieh had io ‘the meantime been adopted for territory northwest of The same course was adopted Obio, should mot be held to apply within her limits = a nga hate pte governments foe Mississippi jabems, slavenol tia, communities which had been detached from South Gare andGeorgia, All these States and territerits were arasted. southwest of the Obio river, all were more or le1: acy peopled by slaveholders with their slaves; aad *> Sete coctntes slavery ‘within their limits would have bern tional Rot of preventing the istroduction o° aren, pet of abolishing slavery. * the regios th west of the Ohio river presented a field in whieh the of ne chan ot ple was in- Poco never attem; what was the care was otberwire in that fair and broad region ‘tretebed sway from the baaks of the Ohio, north 7 a= = fe Tard to the lakes, aud wertward to the Mississ(| It was yet free, or prectioally free, fvent tag poontase of als: and was nearly bt aed quite ue. cater Hy There was then no Bail aed yailroad, wo Evfe railroad, no New York Oentral gailroad, no Boston and mebarg ; there was no railway throujh " indeed, soy around oF seroes the motnteins; mo imperial canal, no Welland caval, no lockages around the and the falls of the St. Lawrence, the Mohawk, and ‘Niagare rivers, and no steam navigation om the lakes, Oe eens, ‘on the Missias!ppi. There, in that and secluded region, the prevention of the intro- of slavery. woe possible, avd there our forefathers, left Bo Rational good unattempted, did pre- yestit. Tt makes cne’s heart bound wits joy and grati- Gade, and lift iteelf np with mingled price ani vensra. Gam, to read the history of that great tramssction. Dis gardirg the trite aed common forms of expressing the paticnal », they did aot merely ‘vote,’ oF ‘re. wolve,”” oF “enset.” sa on other oocasions, bat they “ordained,” in lengusse marked at once with preci lil | 5 & ij i ¥ Lj ! £ iH yy that vast tract, four ve been removed thire E 5 3 eo Payne J wery From Mexien, aad the letter of he compromise tt ex- tended ne further. Cen you now, dy an act which is not + comprc mise betv sen the rame pirties, but » mere ordl- Jaw, extend the fores and obligation ef the privaiplee et com promise of 1860 in'o regions not ony exclaied from it, but absolutely protected from your intervention there by a rolewp comp'omise of thirty years darat invested with a ssvotity scsrorly inferior to tha’ which hallows the wine of 1850, cute ants vo Can she comprom: amere nary act of De exiesded bey nd "the plat understanding of the parties at the time that contract war msde, and ye! be binding on the parties to it, not merely legally, but in honor and concieace? Cau you abtogste @ compromise by teen of which, 1m informed, by our own act, and invested with a fee simple to en} xy 8 4 : which you must ‘Ao this? We whall seo. E Hi re apd perpetual homi proyance, and even under the paterpal care ‘vith the instruction of its tescbers and meshanies, to ao juire the arts of civilization, an¢ the A that this was done to prevent that territory, to slavery, from bring oneupied by free with free white lar; but I will sey that this removal of the ladians there ander such guarantees has had thateffect. Tne territory not be ccoupied now, any more than hereto/ore, by a1 nd white mea, with or without slaves, toget! experience and our Indian policy alike remove all dlapute Either these preserved ranges must avill remain to the In\iens hereafter, or the Indians whatever temporary resistance against removal they may make, it bring them back again id no room for Indians here Will you send them morthward beyond your Territery of Nebraska, towards the British border? That is alreaiy jans; there is no room there. Will you upon Texas and New Mexico? There is ‘Will you drive them ever the Rosky,Mountsias? They will mest a tide of immigration there flowiog {nto Oali Kaurepe and from Asia Whither, then, shall they, the dispossessed, unpitied heirs of this vast conti pent, go? The answer is—nowh: Nebraska of what use are your charters? Of what herm ia the Missouri compromise in Nebraska in that case? press? No ome. mands territoris! orgenisstion in Ne braska atall? The Indiens? No. Ii is to them the consummation cf safe from the int-usion aad esence of the white the government, aud sleo renounce, Will To come closer to - aH H § from the banks of the Delaware, 5, i ¥ ; alte around be; Trey $ | slreacy in Sonora, and their eyes sre white mem, and cultivat alreacy fixed, never to be taken off, on the islasd of Ouba, It we of the non alavehosd i Ey the Queen of the Antilles. rf he subject of slavery even in the facuce States? you call into belaga ‘aathority which ‘0a not oaly exercise ‘© authority over slavery, when ‘ture the pewer to : im the very act of existence, you bing who may elect sad who You even reserve to yourselves @ veep Upon every act that they can pass as not only on ail other subjects, pewiog avy law of less thas e.compromise! If so, of what value is any compromises? Thus you see that thee billa viclate both of the compromises—n>t more thet of 1620 than that of 1860. ‘Will yeu maintain in a:gument that {s was understood by the parties interested throughout the country, or by of them. o: by any representative of either, ia either house of Congress, that the privciple then este biished should extend beyond the limits of acquired from Mexico, into the territories acquired, nearly from Franre, and then re osing uncer the gusrantes of the cor promise of 1820? I know sot how S+natora may vote, bat 1 do know what tl ‘alto the hororable Senator from Michigan, performed = more dis: lipguished part ip establ'sbing the corspromise of 1860, Tocereble sod distinguished semcton, the honorable Sens! 8 tative from Tennessee, “ 1, w tiguished par: olne of 18607. Tappeal tir, that exprésciop falia short oi Wustrions man, the Senator from Missouri, who led the cpporition heie tothe compromise of 1860. Did he un- deretand that that ¢ mpromice in avy way overreschsd or impaired the compromix+ of 1820? Sir, that distin. guished perton, while opposing the combination of se- veral laws on the subject of Jali(ornis and the d slavery, tegetber, in one bil! com pros ise, nevertheless voted from this point. one of the whole of are renounoipg. act, but you exerci «confer on the Territorial Upow that subject. calling that Territorial ereise authority in preser may be elected. ritoriee op this continent will remain un: ‘unoccupied for us to amnex? What Ter we are able to bu Russia, will the us to ansex, to restore Where aball they juer them from Great Britain or across the Misaiselppi tes suffer, mach lese afd, equilibrium which by this Unpecestary Messure we shal) have so unwisely; so hur- redly, so suicidally subverted ? std Nor am I to be ates snore ut even on the subjest it 7 for it ie agent, depute ty of the United States, our ows pleasure remove, your owa plearure disavow that only a few slaves will enter region. One slavenolder in with access to the executive ear at Washi more politics] influence then five huadred not necestary tbat all ora mojority of the citisens of a holders te constitute a slaveholding a8 againat 91,050 Delaware is a rlavebol iin; portion is not substantially diff jet they are sla veholdiog legislative game, that whie the representatives of are upanimeusly aod earnest! win, so many of the representatives of the Sigal are with even greater ssalend diligence playing 10 lore. Mr, President, the committee who bave recommes + these twin bills for the organization of the Ter it: Nebraska apd Kansas hold the affirmative in thi pa 3 the case they present to the Senats ard the oft defore, Nor can you relinquish 5 now Wexitors,, | Atty pears absurd to say that you cou ereate an to bim the legislative authori which your sgent cannot at and whose acts you canrot a udiate, The Territerial Legislature is your agemt, A od your aon, Beal ia the pricciple that is te supplant’ e ancient poliey—a prinoi beurdl- tradictions. ‘Again: you claim that this poli upon # cemoors io principle # principle oppcsed to nome other that is tocratic. You claim and exercise the power to institute and msintain government in the ferrito:les. Is this com prehensive power aristocratic or despotic? If tt be not, how 1» the parilel power aristocratic ordaspotio? You retaim authority to appoint govern £0 Jawa can be made oF than whom nene Btate. Delaware hes only 2,000 si: freemen, and yet If they remaia io for admission into in their respective oa rete grtetn and inflvence in the The country which had been acquired from France was, 804, in two territeries, one of whish, ioolud- ing Now Orleans as its cartial, was called O;leans, and the other, ae ‘St. Louis for Louisiana. In 1812 the ted asa new State, under the name of Louisiana, It had been an old slaveholdiog colony of France, and the pre- vention of slavery within it would have been a simp'e act of abcli:ion. At ihesame inoreese, the U the sum! ‘ofon, Whom doth it 0) air, are the atakes in thi jd he #0 understand the compro- aished—nay, tis "ortnoomos seed of abaegation is basea mosratic priseiple is Gospotic or aris- ita chief tewn, was called Of Orleans wat adimit- In ‘fom, soatiered here and there, throughout these broad in extent the whole of the {ahapited part of the United States at the tii is less than fifteen hundred, and that these are chivfy rs, missionaries, and = few mechanics and agents edd by the government, in connection with the ad nunistration of Indien aff.irs, aod other ranily drawn around the post of Fort Leavenworth. clear, then, that thir abrogation of the Missouri compro mire is not necessary for the purpose of establishing ter- riterial goveromente in Nebrasta, but that, oa the cou trary, these bills, establishing such veb‘ole for carryicg, or a pretext for carrying, that act of abrogation. It is alleged that the non-slayeholdiog St feited their rights in Nebraska, under th , by first breaking thet compromiss themselves, goment is thatthe Missouri comp-omies las of 36 deg 80 min, in the region acquired from Franoe, al to that region which was our pollad also to the of the Revelution, without whos coment @ Territory of Louisians, mame of Missoarl; and, mow constitutes the Biate of Artansas was detached and ender that mame. In 1819 Missouri, persons tecap- and that way only, they der: tood that aay one They have submitted a report; but that repor in before they had intro*u bold and daring measure of abrogating the Missouri oom ise, Cirects all ite arguments ageinst it. The committee eay, in their report :— Such being the character of the controversy, in respact ts tb imilar question hin 06 In te Prd,90 were parsed. Had he known of them overreaebed and impaired the Missouri tire we all kvow he wuld have perished befsre ho would bave given {t bis support. Bir, if it wae not irreverent I would dare to call ap the sutbor of both of the comp:omises in question from his hovered though ye: scarcely grass covered grave, and challenge any advocate of this measure to confroat that vm perious sbads and say that in makiog the compromise of 1860, be ipteaded or dreamed that he was subverting, y wabversiva, of hin grester work of 1820 Bir, if that eagle apirit is yet lingeriug bere over the scene of his mortal labors, and watohi: Tepnblic he loved so woll, red with more than human indiga are perverting his last great public uses, nt merely to subvers column, but to #rench from its very bed the vase of the column thet perpetuates bis fame. Avd that otber proud amd dominating Serator, who, he aid without which the com promire / 1850 ould mot have been eatabdlishei—the stoiesman of New Eagland, and the orator of Ameries— whe dare arsert bere, where hia memory {s yet fresh, thongh bis unfettered spicit may be wandering in npheres for henee, that he intended to abrogsts, or dreamed that, by virtue of or ia conseqnence of that tranraction, the Mierourl comp: omise would or could ever be abrogated? iasourl compromise you of 1787 +xtendet to ercise of legislative po oy are, then why not renounce them also? No, far fetched excuse, Democracy is a simple, uxifora, logical system, not # system of ar! tradictory and cenfitcting principles Baty ou must, nevert verninents, ate renounce ational authority over tlavery in the Territories while you retain all other What is this bats mere evasion of solemn re sponribilities? The general suthority of Congress ‘Territories ia one wisely comfided to the Nations! ang and growing communities from the beset them in their state of puptiags, ead to prevent them from adopting any war with their own lasting inte: welfare of the whole repu silo sutject of slavery is that which ought to be 1, in favor of T rritorial Legislatures, beosus circumstances of the Territories, those ely to yield too readily to ephemeral exces and interested offers of favor and pa rons see neither the great fature of the Territories, i interests of the whole re- 4 you see them, or ought to nee them, Thave beard sections! excuses given for supporting I have beard Ssuatora from the alave- holding Siates say that they ough: not to be expested to stand by the xon-slaveboluing States when they refase to ; that they ought not to be expscted to refuse ta boon offered te the elaveholdt it is offered by the non slaveholding States ti not only con‘ess the plausibility of these excuses, but I feel the justion ef the reproaca which they imply sgainat Statev, an faras the assamoption is from the slaveholding ether that aed by, is G States ip the region acquired from Louisiana, to a direst iasue. The House of He presentatives insisted hibition against the further introductioi State as a condition greed with the House in that demand. of her admission to @: an aot to authorise the Terr sory to ‘orm &® constitution aud = the af misrion of Th The non-slave. holding States rusiained the Houre, and the slaveholdiog States sustained the Senate. The radionl, aod tended towards revolution. One pariy maintained that the coadition demanded was constitutional, the other that it was uncoastitaiiomsl. The adlic mind became intensely excited. and painfal appre or preparing the wa; though correspondin, eromort possession, was tended to ba prospectively Teaching thenee westward to the Pacific eoean, which wo squire from Mexice; acquired these territor sxioo, and Utah, we were 48 in extending governments over them, the free States refused to extend that line, on « proposition to that effect mace by the honorable Senator from lilinois. be atated, in refutation of this argament, iscourl compromise law, like any other statute, was limited by the extent of the subjact of which the territory of Louisiana, he same were more or icy Ly Papas ve or with the geae- The suthority over the Tenounced niem on equi rohibit slavery in ‘20, it was provided: “That in a! to itd Btaten ower the welfare of should afterwards afterwards, havin (oliforria, New egninst those «| from its legitimat jeurions ef disuxi.n and civil war began to prevail in the & majority of both Houten agreed upon a plan for the acjuatment of the controversy. plan Maine, a non alaveholding State, was to be adait- ted; Missouri was to be admitted without submitting to the condition befere mentioned; and in all that part of the ter-ttory acquired from Fracce which was north of . $0 min. of north latitude, sl to be forever prob ibived. Louistana, which had been admitted ase ala cig id now, not only was Misouri to bs ad- ve State, but Arkaraas, @, by strong ‘implication, was also to be ad mit: ted ass slavebolding State, I need not indicate what ‘were the equivalents which the respective parties were to receive in this arrangeme: Siaveholiing Siates practi then in 1) have been éul) oor rscrificing himvelf, gave 1. Tair subject » acquired from Franc lees, and in our law! length of the line of 86 deg 30 mia. establahed by the Mi-sourl compromise was the distance between the pa Hels of longitude which were the borders of that pos wiom. Young Americe—I moan aygrandiail 0 of Mexican lawin New the line of 36 a: stand vy themeely which was south 40 legislste upon 9 eighth section of ing Amerisa—had not yet been bora; nor w who dresmed ‘that, 1820. io thie very plase, in reply to one who had under ined it end ita aathor : uri is null snd the uon slaveholdt: ts yiars afterwards, Tous way, rot only also across the Snowy Mountaias then imagine, that even if we should have done sc witbin the period I spectively carving up and dividing, not oply the mountaia pases, but the Mexican empire on the Pacific coast, tween freedom and slavery. were to reosive slavehold. ing States, the free States to receive a de: 8 solitade, if they oould, plant ‘nis measure was adopted. It wasa great vations! transaction—tbe first of » class of traussc- tions whieh have since come to be thoroughly defined and well understood, under the name of compromises. them are well knows, and eoording to the general un- e marked by peculiar circumstances ae rohibiis nd forethought, and one whioh highly beneficial Avi now heer what he said here, when advocating the compromise of 1860 : sir. as the propos'tion w th and firmness of whioh I int Rocky Monatalas, but tes must consider well Nor did any one any considerable degree, founded in fact. Senators trom the North decline to slaveholding States, or offer @ boon i from that region do rights, and protest ag io which they migh' future free States ertheless, stan t the giving or the acosptance of It has been said that the North does mod able you to decide between ‘he conflicting voices of her representatives. Are you iven her timely notice? Have you measure forward to su- ber of conecious seou- If such @ proposition had been made then, and persisted in, we knov enough of the temper of 1820 to know this, viz : that Mitwourl and Arkansas would have stood ouiside of the Union until oven this pertentous day. The time, fer ought I know, may not be thirty years distant, when the copvaleions of the Celestial Empire and the decline of British sway in Indis ahall bave opened our into the regions beyond the Pacific ooean. pow now, and be fully My own opinfons ‘As Congrese deere: wpeak ont eo as to the ing the Mexican Jaws. or by ai nstitntion, sud th 0 slave property ii et prepared now to ureued ¢n that memo- by affirming of repealing the eighth uri act, or by any at ceolaratory of the ing of the constitution in respeot to the legal points in ne . gives us the deliberate juigment of the First, that the com- quite sure you ha «ot, On the contrary, ticipate her +waking from the rity into whioh she has been lulled mise? Have you sot alresdy heard test of the Legislature of the smaUest holdivg States, Raode Island? heard the deep toned ard earxest protest of of those States, New York? Have remonstrances from the metropol Gistricte? Do you doubt that this is only the ris! egitation that you profess io believe is at rest forever? ellruch transactions as these the or aingle foot of Jand, being frre terrivor> jaw. and some irrepes tion ef this govern What irrepeaia' viz. — ore is a division of opinion upon some vital na- tional quertion between the bor grees, which civirion {a irreconcilable, execpt by mutual coness na of interests and opinions which titutional and just. comcly, they are rendered necessa: oslamities, to result from the feilure of ligtslation, and to ‘be no otherwise averted than by such mutual concessions Thirdly, such sopeessions are mutual and equal, or are as such, and so become conditions Fourthly, by this mutual exchange of conditi the transetion tahes on the mature and comsition ae con- between the parties represented; wz sottion principles of moran statute which herdenec J ‘ontala aoe veneeyh Oy the matenl coscerned. Net, in- repealable, bat that it camnot a violaticn of Tea, justice and law, or what law cf any kind, fixed the charscter of Nebrarka as free or slave terri’ ex cept the Missouri compromise act ? And now hear what Daniel Webster said when vindi tified of the geographical extent of the laws we are now passing, #0 that there may hereafter as that now complained of confiding to territorial Legislatares the territories of ia report committee on two important pointe, promise of 1850 did sot, by ite Istter or by its peal, or rener necestary, of the Missouri comprom! souri compromige ought not now to bes brogated. And mow. sir, what ¢o we next hear from this committee two similar and hindred bills, actually abregatiog the hich, in their re; iso was alread pene eee he spirit of that promise was already a} thes very com promise of 1850 which, in the! sbown us Jeft the compromise of 1! fected aad unimoaired. Thirdly, the committes favor os, amas, with an oral explavation, that tae sbrogating the Missouri compromiss ar: identical with their previous bill, which did not adroz>* it, and are only mace to differ in phrasecl gy, to the en4 ‘that the provisioss con\sined in their previous, and no« Gisearded, bill, sball be absolutely clear aud cr rtaia. L entertain great respect for the committs: i:sel to aay that the inconsistencies a’ centradicti.m: coptained in the papers it has g vaso us il claims on the part of thcse docam-ut+ leawhere, ore! ital of the effect of the compromise of 1850 upon mise of 1820, as finally revised, correct+1 an’ Bere in the face of the Senate, means afser al) “poe gen regen that recitel meant as it stood b: was 1, or else it mears no! yy of eomeideration at all What if the api the letter,of the com ise laws of 1850 did conflict with the compromise of 1820? ature, @ com: ‘be no such mista! a not already heard cating the compromise of 1850, ‘and from the raral My ovinion rema: at Buffalo, ta 1851:— that it was not within the jonst'tution to admit new Or even propose, thi the power to legtel ; and, secondly, Nebrarka and Kansas alone within the parview of these scte? Or do they reach to the Pacific const, and embrace alse Oregon and Washiegton? Do they stop there, ey tabe in China, and India, and Afghanistan, gigantic base of the Himslays Moustains? Do they stop taere, or, on the costrary, do they encira grin on the Atlantic cosst, em id and Greenland, and exhaust pple on the barren coasts of Greenland and Libra- jo Sir, {f the Missour! eompromise, neither fa its-spirit nor by 1 letter, extended the line of 86 deg. 80 min. beyond the confines of Louisiana, or beyond the then aonfines of tne United States—for tha terms are equivalent—:hen it wan no violation of the Missourl compromise in 1848 to refuse to extend it to the subsequently acquired posses- w Mexico, and Call’ormia, did refuse to extend it; how did that re forfeiture of our vested rights under it? 1 tire to Keow that. Again : if this forfeiture of Nebraska osourred in 1848, satbe Seoator cbarges, how does it happen that he noi oply failed in 1860, when the parties were in court here, adjosting their mutual olaims, to dem egainit the fee Stetes, but, om the co>trary, even urged that the same old Missouri com; vaild snd secred, should be extei T come now to the obief extraordinary measore, wh! fee] Hine c’ division between the and slave labor, and refers the claim between them to the people of the Territories. Even if this gr at change of polioy was actually wise and necenss: Territory of Nebraska. nd for one, what tract, compact or aci and public law, by those who uphold this s; irrevosable and Geedy that iv ls Sbeokately repealed without earth, and, meetin, brace the islands of Ic 01 Kenators from the slaveholding States, you are 6: ry press to ory 01 ‘ebster has Sesom ! poorite and « falsifier. +, they had jast eolutely upaf- ‘What an apostate bert, But be knows himeel! to ben fy} That compromise was forced upon the slaveholding ‘States anc upon the pon slavehoiding States as a mutual e wellas statesmen. Let me remind you, fore, that political movements io this country, as well as ave their times of action and reaction. oved up the side of freedom in 1840, am@ im 1844 om the side of slavery, tra- w tat returned ogala in 1801, reseting Himot proviso, and ‘ret ‘ogain in even the heigut of the Baltimore platform. 'Jadge for yourselves whether it is ‘will atisin the height of compremiue. That is the mark you are fi: mysel , I may claim to know something of wee in the changes of the times needle, trembling en 1's pivot. when it aball have settled it «a it must polot forewr, to the same constant that she s down freedom towed wherever it ‘Mr. President, I have ie to do, here or personal or party motives. But I come to the motive which is publicly assigned for this tion. It is a desire to secure permanent pesce and y on the subject of slavery, by removi: for ite fature agitation in the federal yt foot in any the country, when ‘en per! asisever possibie in r, wi meseure was roved in the Sema'e a month we not, and was not the whole nation, one great common, universal interes communication between two ocean frontiers, ani were we uot alresdy reckoning upon the qutok and busy subjage- tion of patnre throughout the foterior of the eontinent te the uses of man, and dweil thuatasm, on the prospective enlargement meroe in the Kast, and of our political sway tl ube world? And what bave we now here but of death covering the yery memory of those great rospeota, and hopes ? m the nop-siaveholding States, you wast Pesce. Think well, I beseech you, before you yield the price pow ce nanded, even for peace and rest from slat agi'ation, France bas got tion by « similar sacrifice. gery; and ro, at last, b either of those nations jatvalents. The equiv, carefully scrutinised and weighed by reepective partion through ® psriod of eight months The equivalents offered to the non-slavebolcing States were: Srat, the adm‘saion of Callforai Hion of the pub'ie slave trade in the District of Columbia, 2 these only, were the boone >ffere’ to them, sacrifices which the alaveholding States The waiver of the Wilmot pro incorporation of New Mexico and Utah and a natshording ‘Sates, nts were scourate 1a; second, the aboli- , and whetner is sbrrgation of the Mi i Lr nd the only sacrihoes exacted treen the sede ape taces bas oate te ee m were t) ex s ccived ia tho galnes loos of ies Somnegtnohearaey or of slave territory im the determination of detween Texes and New Mexico, by a line og gece brteon waving, ) even in those Terri the respective les their respective f-e¢ soll and elava soll acoorting to the articles ation of the repubiié of Texas. to de five oper, bi FS tk I through to the Pa- of the defence of this 1s, that {t aboliches = oper fields of free more or less 0! i thet was at last rik ation of honor, j faith. The compromise of 1860, if it impaired the ‘to the extent of the loss of Webrasks, was either hs im allsudsequent legialation, to ‘What if the spirit or the letter of the eompromise wat & violation of the compromise of 1820? Then, iassmu mise of 1820 was inviolable, the attemp'ed vielstion of it shows that the s> called comprom! ‘was to that extent mot a compromise at all, but s ‘acti retended compromise. What if the the compromise of 1850 did a OF even coaflict with the com>rom! in @ reason, not for abrogati repealable and inviolable compromiee of 1820, but the spurious and pretentedeompromiee of 1850. Mr. President, why is this reason for the proposed rogs | compromise of 1820 assigaed in these bills at all? It is unnecessary. Tas assignment of a reason ecés pothing to the force or weight of the abrogation Either the fact allegec as s reason is trus or it is mot true. If it be untrue, your asserting it here will pot make it true. If it be true, it is a ‘the law of 1850, withont the aid of legislative exposition Bow. Itisunusual. Itisuepeliamentary. Thelanzuage of the lawgiver. whether the sovereign despotic, is always the same. imperative. Ifthe lhegiver explains at all ina the reason for it, the reason is lessure—sic volo, sic jubes. Does it plead an excuse fer its oom: at the compromise of 1860, crawn by the maste’-hand of our nn rh Does. tha’ by ® quibb ing or shuffling apology sow rejected, first Nebraska bill, which, by conclusive implication, saved the effect of the Missourl compromise. by the Commities om yy other bill now on your calendar. we on your statute books. Do which ever came if explicit declaration of the American people? ture from this habit im this solitary cave be- trays self-distrast, and an attempt on the part of tne bill to divert the pubile attention—te raise complex and im lex, and bewilder, amd confound transaction is to be reviswed. gain at the vaciliation betrayed in the frequent changes of the sirucvure of this apology. At first the that the eighth section of the compromise jas superseded by the principles of the oom- we of 1860—sa if any one bad ever heard of « supersedeas of ove keal jaw by the mere principles of ‘another local law, enacted for ac altogetaer differect re gion, thirty years afterwards, On anvther day we were an amendment of the recital, that the compro 1820 was not superseced by the com; vy but was only ‘inoonristent with’? it; as which was icrepealable was now to be abrog: pars | Agaww: there were alleged leeding wounds in the federal system, acd po more, which needed surgery, and to which the compromise of 1850 was to be a cataplasm. We ali kaow what they were: Cali/ornis without a constitution; New Meztoo in the graspcf military the District of Columbia dishon fugitives denied. Nebraska this catalogue of nationel tlis. a & ‘This is ths question now before the Senate of the United States of America anscendant be sbregated in Ni Congress of 1787, extended over w part of the national domain, acquired under our present constitution. It is rendered venerable tiguity, apd sacred by the memory of that in surrenderisg ita to make it now a She. Code re If it would be just sleewhere, 1t just in regard to Nebraska, simply byoaure, lemta, fully reosived, you ah thet line th pope ‘void, or ou: for ample end adequate ¢ aance of the Uont contracted in effect not to al Bat why is this change of policy must be because either that the extention of sl no evil, or beosuse you hevé not the po at ell, or because the maintemance of @ geographical line in vo lopger rrac\icable. Isnow that the opinion is sometimes advanced, here ‘here, that the extension of slavery, abstractedly il; but our laws prohibitirg the ding op the statute ary judgment of the Amerie: s8 and cf the American people, I pass on, th fore, from that point. Sir, 1 do not bke, more than others, a geographical !ine between freedom ard tiavery. Bat itis becane I would have, if it were porrible, all our territory free. Sisca that cannot be a lice of division is indispeceable; and 0 ie @ yeograpaical line very cute Senator from North Caro- Badger) hes wooed us most persuasively to waive objections to the new principle, as it is called, of cop intervention, by asruring as thet the slave labor where the avilani climate favor the if tohacco, cotton, rice and find these orngenie] soils aod olimst the Mississippi or Wi ; Utan magleated, the rendition of was not even thought of ia trast, after estsblishiog the ordipance, esjoined it upon posterity always to remem ber that the caure of the United States was the causs of ‘The question invoives an issue of public national morality and honor. It will bee sai éay for this republis when such a question shall be ceemed unworthy of grave discussion and intense ister. tot. ven if it were cer ain that the inhibition of slavery in the region concerned was unnecessary, tion was thos reduced to s mere absirac that abstraction would involve the United S:ates on the expediency, justice of the system of human with almost raj tious, sparious and si¢es the enumerate} boons offered to the slaveholting letter cr the spirit States they were to have also the obliteration o| the Mis romise line of 1820? If they did, why did they corm, and soeutat the co: ine of 1! Dic the Legislatures ani public sssembliee veboliing States, who made that Nebraska wis an additions! the compromias of 1850? If they to remoustrate i i African slave trade a: book, and express the Cer , and if the ques- eit. why did they of that, too, as well of the other the application of whi Aget: bad it been from republican has Poland; so has In the peace whieh joy worth the price it cost? Ip peace, obtained at such cost, ever a lanting posce? javeholding S:a‘es, pote that you are securing peace as well as vic I tell you new, ss I told you in 1880, tha it is em error, an unvecessary error, to case you exclude slavery from these hail % will rot revisit them to a saan timot prayisé here then, and celebrated its obsequias with pomp and revelry. ‘And here It is agnin todayy stalking through these bells, clad {2 complste ateel, ar Even if those whom you denounce as factionists im the North would let it rest, you yourselves mast evoke The reason is obvious. m will, here, the interests of the tos and of the slavebolding States remake will remsin just ust) ib ant defend slavery, or weshell ve lob they resisted 20 long. then known that the Missouri com- holiahed, directly or indirectly, by the ommpromise of 185%. what representative from « ° saveboliing State would, at that day, bave vovd for it? Senator from a slaveholding State would So entirele was it then an. the wiscom, morality, and ge with which this of the world have been #0 long it will bea melancsely day fo: the o- Lic and tor mankind when her desiston abetraction shall command no respect, hope into the hearts of the oppresed. Bat it is no such abstraction. It was mo uanesewary dispute, no mere coptest of biind passion, that bro joto being. Slavery thon seekirg for ascesdansy in this Union. anc freedoz are more vigorous, acti were then, or ever were ‘he eoniest between tiem has been grest feature in our quertion ef adhering to or ompromire is no nnmeaning issue, aed no contest of mere blind passion now, is to secare the occupation by , Of a region in the very continent, capable of suntaining, and in that event des- tined, though it may be only to sustain ten, twenty. anc their suecersive generations f To abrogate, is to resign ail that vast region to chances vision cannot fully foreree tbe sovereignty of such stinted and short nities as tnose of which Mexico and Soath America and mt uswith examples; per in‘o the soene of long and de races, but castes, ent in the tex’ of | promive was to be al Senators from the op even such an end {aspire no be democratic, beve voted for it? Not one. thought of thst the mew compromise was to repeal ths Missouri compromise line of 36 deg. 80 min , in the region * quired from Franee, that one half of that loug de! et on propositions made slavebo ding States to extend the Hoe ths new territory we bad scquired so recently from Mex je> until it shoul) 6téappear in the waves of tae Pacific to secure setual toleration o° slavery in all jerritory thai shoald be south of that line; ard there propositions were resisted s‘renuc oeratuliy to the last by the repreceptatives in order, if it were possible, to save tons for the theatre of free labor. You baried the mente? Look Te te iives from ‘ber on through bespeak ir favor Tock at your own, inhibition there? pleasing fiction of 9 in, Sesator reproduces wines that period. acter of slavery, from the Jewish h hs to ge into new prototypes did, 3 bappy? And he tells @ that thin indulgence will not in- I reply by | asking it from ite grave, yon eball cease to oh with free labor you find any one bill or stat bowing, stooping, and wrig in excuse for its | ign and irreeistible will erearo the pumber of slaves, t, whether slavery bas gained or lost strength larger surface then tor answer that? to honor and love freedom! You will not cease to e 'y Do you seeany vigos that we are be couiipg indifferent to freedom? Oa the centrary, that old, tracitional, hereditary sentiment of the North. ie more ae and more universal now than it ever was Tadmit that th 8 far-distaat period, by the ciffasio » thirty, forty millions ef peopie, forever. it formerly covered? Will the con diy, quite admire the simplicity of the pairiarchal But they, oevertheless, exhibited some peculiar ruous ‘with modern repubilesn- inm, not to ray Cbrirtionity—namely, that of s lstita'e Of construction of the marriage ountratt, wich has been carries by the clas: of #0 culled patriarchs into Utan Gn tainly mo Ons wonld desire to extend tha siitution into Nebraska. Thirdly, alaveholders neve also s pecultar ine(itution, which mekes them political patri ar hr—they rechon Sve of toetr nlaves ar equal to thres freemen, ix forming the basi of federal representation. { (bese patriarchs tonist upon ¢ (10 pew regions north of 86 80, that they ought to rearsume the modest 4 relinquieh this poltical eek toextend. Will tney do that? is vot only sfir Uben conclarive:— In the fifth section ef the Texas boan lary bill, one of the acta cons‘itating the compromise of 1850, are these ) and not more positive institutions quite im material issnes—to od exrer, between right aud wrong. You the people by whom th Congress, , compel the sea to and the rouod earth to er human mind to cease the West India islands haps to convert that solating conflicts bete een not merely similar conflict im t, im _@ convaldve exodus of the op; ple, ; perbape, like one not dissimilar in Spain, in the xpulsion of the inferior race, exhaucing the State by the sudcen and complete suppres-ion of @ great resource ‘sod labor; porhape in expulsi p, even of the superior race itself, b; sucdenly raised from slavery to libert go. Toachere, is to secure forever here, after some lapse of time, of two, four, ten, twenty, oF more Senators, and of representatives in lai ‘toma, to uphold the poli»y and inter sts of thes holdieg States, and balance that ¢ver ino lavebolting States, which past ¢: and !be Cecay of the Spsnish American States, admonish just begun; to save what the nom slavehold- ave in mints, navy yards, the military acade- wy ard fortifications, to balance feceral inatitutiess im the alaveholding States; to save agsinet apy Canger from adverse or hostile poliey, the id the commerce, as well as hy of the national principles States. To adhere, is “Ie hater, es well a6 yo tes, always and im every event, a ‘tioe across the coatinent, to Coasts, aed with the herein contained shall be con anything sonteined the joint rosolu press ite upheavin, ite internal Grea, than oblige thi (a Inquirings, and the human heart to desist from tte Suppore, then, for a moment, that this agitation mest gon beresfter as heretofore, vofore, there will be need on both sides of moderation, “pe to secure moceration there will be need of mediation, Hitherto you bave seeured moderation by means of com> promises, by tendering which, the great mediater, Bow me Givided toe people of the North. But thes those im North who did pot rympsthiz* with you im your oom. ‘nts of aggression from that qua: isher as regards the numer of eyed out of the State of Texas What war that third article of the second section of the joint resolution for annexing exes? Here it ia :— New States, of doaveni-nt size, rumber, im edcition t» sald State or pulation, msy hereatter, 66 cut of the territory miston under the provi tog their fastitutienr SS ee of rational wealth as weil an those wnid territory Ly 4 in, wersh Latitude, eommoniv Known as tho Mis vari mptomis® lina, shall be io Oid, agreed thet if compromises should be effected surly kept on you! we been 00 kept ‘ntlorel objection: whem by these who mal ir part. T cheer. the meaning of the recital was farther and finally el Bat dated by an amendment, w! irrepesiable act protecting people of each State, askir eadmission may d suon State or States sa sball be formed oro! paid Mittourt com promise line, slayer for crime ) shall be prohibit omise ef 1820, tn exprens tion of its abrogation, it or otherwise, have crept nto the compromise of 1860; and any icferecces to tha) effect that miy bt be Crawn from any kueh circumstance #: that of drawing the boundary line of Utah so an to trespass on the territory of Nebraska, dwelt upon by the Senatur from roposition to abrogate the Miss,uri com prom! temee that it is only a rei'e Srimiler absogetion im the OF @ Reoessery Consrqaenes of that * before us now upon ite own merits, what- ut bere the Senator from Hlinols of these bilis, om the ground that they were all op- 1850, aad even that of 1820. declared that the first reaka from slaver, ‘{moperative ani void,” be rposes of Congress not to tery or State, mor to ex- in whatever form it may beex- jic by a simple process. ‘The law o! 1820 secured free institations in the regions acquired from France in 16/3, by the wise and foreright of the Cor gress of the United S.ates of 1850, ¢mthe contrary, committed the choice betwoer free and slave institutions im New Mexico and Utab— Sequired from Mexico nearly fifty yearn after ward—to the interested eupidi eas liest and scoidentsl cosu, opt perme 1 once waive them Cartaisly the slavehoiding wbich waived their oorstitational objections ay compromise of 1820 and acer cannot be allowed to revive am ron for refusing to the non-slavebolding rights under that compromire, withont first restoring the equivalents whieh they reotived on condition of surren dering their constitations! objections. For argument’ sake, however let this reply be walved. aud let ur look at this constitutional oFjsstion. that the exclusion of sis for wi bs h will be called premises, t0 beoome, by bresking the othe: plighted fith and rising higher then ever before, a frier ds, avd those whem you persi: one aire, shall bave been driven together by a commen apd usiverral sense of your lejastice, what new mode ot peace What rtatesman will there bs in the South tnee whe om bear the fing of truce? What wbo can meciate the scoeptance of your ne¢ p' If, however, Lerr im allthis, let un suppose tncceed fn ruppressing political agi'ation of slavery tm erthelees, sgitation of slavery mast all the world around you ts tims for you to consider where May expect to meet it next. I much mistake if, in you do pot meet it there where we who ence were ceive equivalents vow ipcomstatent wi legislate slavery into any Te: elude it therefrom Bat take this aj Preseed, and test ‘This artiole saved the com ted equivalents therefor, term, overcoming ap; offer them now as & inst the capital and ancioat io voruting as your cultrre, the mao the just influenoe and sentiments of ti to save, to the non sl .vehold: by the Missourl compromise the extstesoe of the regioo qanised ass Territory, anc prohibite sl.very forever, ex. in the States to be organized out of ruch ferciwry, be + statesman ia the Nort as stripped of the ith the States on the Paci re\lon or & reaffirmation rising States on the islsnds in the South Sea, and with all the casters nations om the vast continent of Asis. ‘To abrogate, ot the contrary, is to commit all these Precious interests to the chances and hasarde of embar Tasement aes ey ity or the osprice of Free ita are eq it interested ou piaity fs s wiser arbiter, and his rational sffeire No on im some form ft. Itia, then bigh must have exclusive juris‘iction ove: a) very for thematlver, Lat this, too, be graaied. But Con Tees, secording to the constita‘ion, * under the influence jealousy and rivalry: event of the secession of the al: ich is so often threatened in their natse, out God without auth< rity. to give to a servile popala- tion » La Vendes at the Very wourese of the Mlssiappl may admit new ay admit, than Congress may alto woe, may Tejrot new Staten the less; therefore amay 8 ates snall ‘eaclede eleven condition sBoul 1 be socepted, would it mot necessary, on this eocasiom, to follow at farthe: to the question whether such « con. tm confitet with the constitations! provision that the new States received sali be admitted om aatqaa! foot fog with the criginal States, beeaure, in this cue, avd at present, the question relate», not to State, but to the organisation of a clusion of slavery within the Territory 4 Territory rhail continne, avd no further. power to exclude rlave power to Create, contro! nepte ef the compromise of 1 Sir, it ts not my purpose to answer im person to this The recessity, reasouableness, justice and me promise are not in question here be can people, 6 of the Congress. Therefore, let the law of freedom territory sequtred from France be now annulled and abro pon jee who bave brought this measure forward on the fie’d they themselves have chosen. and the controversy is recused to two questions—Let Whether, by let’er or api the compromise of 1860 a ture sbrogeticn, of the compromise of 18307 24. Whe. ogation cam pow be made consistently with becor, justion, aod good faith? Aste my right, or that ater these lists, the credeatiais Moe settles that quertion. Mine beara real o broac aod & firmly fixed there as any oth- er by & people of wise, Of free, mad an great, as any on0 ‘har a argument merely TLment schoolmasters, and me Indiana in their seasons of rent ting of the Rocky Monn'aiar. Sir, this syllogiom may satisfy you anc other Seastors; but an for me, I must be content to sdhere a admission of a it fe @ sentiment sb onger than an: ambition, and rtropger than even eq the non-slavebolding States; and stronger, I dea! than the love of slavery in the slaveholding and no mortal eagacity doe. duotions of interest and smbitiop, and the which are yet to be matured in ow, ord that ft vill be safe iitical equality shall has heretofore dome in even half be slavebolding ae mynd interest or super heaps . love o fa is y+t axother ciMiculty In this new theory, Let janted thet, in order to carry out « ve principle recently acopted in New Mexico, you cam supplant a com io Nebrasks, yet there ix & maximum of pudiic whieh forbicr you from supplanting that compromise, fyetem there, anti! you first re store the parties in interest there to their slatu quo before the compromise to be supplanted was establisned. First Miseour! and Arkapeas beek to the unset. which held be cf eny (ther Senator, to filed io he Secretary’ and beneficent iv ite termination. Nor shall ‘bate ome jot of heart or hope’ tiairg @ juet fo Territories, if ti or govern Territories at all, for this Ample rearoo:—that Ond the authority of Congress over the Territories wherever you may, there you fad no exception (ron that gene al authority ts favor of slavery. If Congress bas Bo suthorit: slavery tories, it has none im the District of Osdum ois, tablis! + ell the thirty one repal fore the parties $n tab Bat I will (axe lenve to ad peronem pelcora ate ad 4 argur en a a nn faitbfally to fulfil them. ihe pelloy of eomapronsions ealy veuone ous States ore gen? , eo! freomen euch freemen as neither htened, ecterprising ‘Mpeg againet