The New York Herald Newspaper, January 26, 1854, Page 3

Reminiscences of John C. Calhoun, NO. 1.—BY HI8 PRIVATE SECRETARY. In the choice library at Fort Hill was a small vo- lume, which, as nearas I can recollest, was called «+ Recollections of Mirabeau,” by Dumont, his private secretary. In speaking of that distinguished Frenchman and the book, one day, Mr. Calhoun ob- served, “ That is the proper method to give an idea of agreat man. His humble friend and secretary writes what he remembers about the great dead, and gives what he did and said as he happens to re- member it, without any ornaments of his own. Such a work is valuable, for it gives a real insight intoa great character.” Thoce words made an impression upon me, and since his death, when I have had occasion to write about Mr. Calhoun, it has been in this style—mo- destly attempting to give what he said and did as briefly as possible, and just a8 T happened to recall this or that circumstance connected with him to my mind, as if I were narrating them to either of his beloved daughters, whose love for the memory of their great father would prompt them to listen eagerly to what came from one who was near their father the last months of his life, and could tell them a thousand things about him they did not know be- fore. They would not care much about the manner of the telling; they would only think of the things told by one who knew them. Thad a blank book at Fort Hill in which I used frequently to make notes of conversations with Mr. Calhoun, and he would read them, and not unfre- quently correct them. On one occasion, speaking of Mr. Van Buren, he said, “ He taught the mass of the people to hunt for office as they would for game, and the system has turned on himself and political. ly killed him.” ‘“ Without the prospect of plunder, a convention to nominate a President would have no more weight than if so many fiddlers were to assem- ble at Baltimore to Ray, Auld Lang Syne.” The absurdity of the mode of geting up the cen- sus used to call forth some very sarcattic remarks. “They will be euliged, to act for the whole ten years. The law was intended to get the amount of popula- tion by taking a census; but it has beea extended so as to embrace almost everything, and yet there is one very important omission among the valuables.” “ What is that?” I asked. “ Fences,” was his reply. I lavghed, and who would not; but I soon stop- d, when he added, “The fences are more valua- je than all the cities added together. Think of is.” I bave since thonght of is, and never saw a fence yet but what I thought of Mr. Calhoun. I doubt very much whether the valuation could ever be ac- curately ascertai: ed, but it would amount to some bundreds of millions of dollars. f Mr. Benton had made several speeches attackin, Mr. Calhoun ear!y in 1849, and soon after my arrival the latter commenced to dictate to me a reply, not to Benton, but in an “Address to the People of the Southern States.” One copy of that address wa? given to the Perdleton Gazette, and the other was sent to you. When I had written—‘With the ordi- nance of Timeo Deanas, et dona ferentes,” he added —This 1s the first time I have ever used a quotation from the classics, but itis very applicable in this case.’ When he came to—“‘Job exclaimed: ‘Oh, that mine enemy would write a book!’”’ hens that I bad better examine and find whether he had quoted correct. I went to the house and got a Bible, and after a little search I found that “adversary” was need instead of “enemy.” “Any word might have been originally used, for the whole ‘Book of Job’—a most wonderful book—was never properly travelated. It has no connection whatever with the rest of the Bible—no: the slightest re‘erence to the Jews, their peculiar institutions, or anything of the kind. It bears no evidence of Hebrew origin or connection, and was written long before these people were known. Mahomet’s Koran would be a3 auit- ably located in a Hebrew Bible as the ‘Book of Job,’ except one is as eritenny antecedent to the times of Moses, by a few thousand years, as the other is sub- uent.” And then he proceeded to dictate. bout this time the news of the death and funeral of James K. Polk reached Fort Hill. I read to him an account of the funeral solemnities. It stated that after Polk’s body was placed in the coffin a copy of the United States constitution was placed under his feet. ‘‘ Some wag must have done that, although it was extremely proper, for Polk had trampled upon oe {constitution of the United States during his fe. It was known at Fort Hill that in the village Episcopal church the rite of confirmation was to be administered. Some members of the family | were to be confirmed, and Mra. Calhoun was urgen that he himserf ehould :f0, if for no other resson than out of respect to Bishop Gadsden. The family carriage was loaded ; and the horses, driven by old Tom, left the mansion for the village. I rode in the bogey. with Mr. Calhoun, who allowed me to drive and gave me some lessons about reversing the usual order of things, viz. :—Allowing the horse to go as fast as he pleased up a bill, and keep him close reined up while going down one. When we reached constitution, which protects the South, must be A held, The Union is in danger. Its preservation of more import:nce than party squabbles. I will protect; and call upon all to unite in her aid. What would be the result? The South would support him toa map. ll lovers of the Union, and the conserva- tive portion of the whig p of the North would do it; and the sound constitutional democracy of the North probably. His administration would be trium- hant. If he fails to do this his administration will me. The next Congress will show this. Parties will unite to destroy him, and the mate party and the administration, unsupported by the South, will be feeble to resist them. “The whig party who have rpery may ree the necessity of supporting a side that will uphold and on the government in order to retain the The contest for spoils is alarming. There is corre spoils. no contest but between the ins and the outs. Van Buren, Wright and Mi originated the spoils fem, and it is folly, it laughable now to ory it down. Taylor is giving all the spoils to whiga; but this only injures himself. The bpd res in our party who are sang for spoils are fifty times more nomerous, and become the ‘worst enemies in the ranks of a party.” I will continue these reminiscences asI find time to write them out. Yours, respectfully, Josern A. SCOVILLE. Since writing the above, I have read your able article in the Hxxaxp of the 23d inst., in reference to the Nebraska question. You close it by saying:— “ The meeting at the Tabernacle will be the opening, perbaps, of the final struggle upon the slavery ques: tion, and it may only be terminated in a dissolution of the Union.’ There is a remarkable coincidence between your views and those entertained by the reat dead four years ago; and his ideas are extreme- ly apropos just now, and cannot be too extensively known to Southern men. I have written in this letter some remarks of his, aud I again repeat them :— “ Prohibiting slavery by the North in any of the ter- ritories is degrading to the South and violating the constitution. It is a loss to the South; but that is not the high cause. Spit in a man’s face, and it don’t in- jure him; but if he don’t resent it his face is slapped —and then he is kicked. His moral power is gone.” Mr. Calhoun would have carried out the idea by say- ing that meddling with the territorities by prohibi- ting slavery, and thus legal emigration by the Southern States and their property, was spitting in the man’s face ; slapping his face, would be abolish- ing slavery in the District of Columbia; and ¢' kicking the man, would be exemplified in abolishing slavery in the Seuth, as will be done when the North hold rpg) and full power in Congress. What I am going to write now was dictated to me at Fort Hill, in October, 1849, for another purpose. Tt was the legacy he prepared for the people of the United States, and to which [ shall more particularly allade in another letter. By giving it in your columns now it will meet the gaze of thousands who do not know that such language, used by Mr. Calhoun, is ia existence, “The sectional tendency of parties has been in- creasing with the central tendency of the govern- ment. They are, indeed, intimately connected. The more the powers of the system are centralized in the federal government the greater will be its power and patronage; proportionate with these, and increas- ing with their increase, will be the desire to possess the control over them, for the Purpose of aggrandize- ment ; and the stronger this desire, the less will be the regard for fprinciples, and the greater the ten dency to unite for sectional objects; the stronger section with a view to power and aggrandizement-- the weaker for defence and safety. Any strongly marked diversity will be sufficient to draw the line, be it diversity of pursuit, of origin, of character, of habits, or of local institutions. The latter beiag more deeply and distinctly marked than any other exi ting in the several States Sominrising, the Union, has at all times been considered by the wise and pa- triotic as a delicate point, and to be with great cau- tion touched. The dangers connected with this b2- gan to exhibit themselves in the old Congress of the confederation, in respect to the Northwestern territe- ™ and continued down to the time of the formation of the present constitution. They constituted the principal difficulty in forming it; but it was fortu- nately overcome and adjusted to the satisfaction of both parties. “For a lang period nothing occurred to disturb this happy state of things. But in the session of 1819- 1820 @ question arose that expoxed the latent danger. The admisssion of the Territory of Missouri as a State of the Union was resisted on the ground that its constitution did not prohibit slavery. The con- test, aftera long and angry discussion, was finally adjusted by a compromise, which admitted her ag a slaveholding State on condition that slavery should beeline” in all the territories belonging to the United States tying north of 36 deg. 30 mia. This compromise was acquiesced in by the people of the South, and the danger, apparently, and, as every one supposed, permanently removed. Experience, how- ever, has proved how erroneous were their calcula- tions. The disease lay deep. It touched a fanatical ‘as well as a political cord. There were not a few in the Northern portion of the Unionayho believed that asrey wasa sin as wellas a great political evil; and who remained quiet in reference to it only be- cause they believed it was beyond their control and that they were in no way responsible for it. So long the church services commezced. Mr. Calhoun sat in his seat with his eyes fixed upon the Bishop, and looking precisely as though he was not at home. There was a prayer read by the Bishop, which had been composed by him expressly in reference to the recent prevailing cholera, (1849.) Mr. Calhoun sat | up perfectly erect when he heard the word “ nation” used in it; and, by the way, the Bishop in his ser- | mon used it very pecueey After the services were over, and he had shal bors, we got into the buggy and started for home. “Nation !” “ nation!” “nation!” be repeated, as if to himself; “ it is strange that a man like Gadsden, who ought to know better, would use such a word. There is no truth, no real meaning in it. All such things tend to consolidate the government, and pro- duce wrong impression. When the constitution was formed the word national was not used. Gen. Washington never used it—nor did the other founders. They speak of the ‘general gov- ernment,’ the ‘ government of the federal Union’— but struck out nation in‘all places, and the preamble to the constitntion reads, ‘ We, the people of the United States.’ We are not a nation, and the word was never heard of until recent years. Union shoald be the word; but there is a word wanting. People speak of a national song. Union song would be one mode of expressing it. Denmark, Sweden, &c., are nations. Russia is not a nation—it is an empire. American will be the word in time.’ “TheSouth haga right to secede whenever it chooses. The general government have nothing to do with it. Those who move in it are not liable for treason to the United States. The general government cannot prevent it. Had General Jackson gone on in 1833 he would have had to act as if the Union was a social compact, which it is not, and never was. It is a federal upion—a union of States, and not a compact of individuals as a nation. Had it not have been for Tennessee, in 1832, I never would have compromised. I would have dictated terms; but I saw that General Jackson's popularity in Tennessee was such that the people wou!d have fongbt for him on account of hts rson. The result of it would have been a war be- ween a Southern and a Southern State. The South are better off without the Union. Their only tie to it is that our ancestors who fought the common battles of the Revolution The South are no gainers, but a Josers by the connection. They are an entirely inde- pendert section. They are the only conservative portion of the Union. In case of a secession, the — government and the Supreme Court eannot lecide upon it. It is a question between ‘he secediag | Btates and the others who have broken te conteacs or violated it.” “ Prohibiting slavery by the North, on the part of the Territories, is degrading the South and violatin, the constitution. It isa loss to the Pouth; but that is not the bigh cause. If you spit in a man’s face it don't injure him; but if the man don’t resent it then his face is slapped—then he is kicked. His moral power is gone. The South lose caste. Congress cannot make laws for the Terr.tories if they affect the rights of the States. The con+titution gives power in regard to property—to Territories as to other proper- & not as to men. They make their own liws. ongress cannot pass laws for the States. States are not subject to laws.” * * * * * * “ Lean save this country and this Union if I had | the power; but who or what party will give me that power? I understand the system, and have for uwenty years. I never understood it until I became | Vice-President. My mind was then matured. I had | pad: experience—saw how the system worked, and had time to reflect. Who in this country takes time | from his business to reflect? Parties have now but one sole object—power, for spot There is not a single ssne uvon which cither party are diferent. Notore. The old issues are all obsolete—dead; and both now stand ready and are willing to unite with the freesojlers only to gain ghes for the sake of the spoils. There is not a single principle in either par- ty.” This was a conversation in June, 1849. “The democrats will unite with the free soilers n the North for the sake of cee State patronage pr jg hh in hopes of at last getting the ae of general government. It will never be. The South will never unite with any party who uphold the tree scilers, although Southern leaders may. Benton is killed dead in the South. He meditated his treason at the time J introduced those resulutionz. X headed him off He saw that their e ended free soiliem. Cass must oj him. He dare not “ MA al provise, He dare not vote against it, and he not resign si = denocrae ign since the union of a lemocrats united will break down General Taylor aud the wh g party. The administration of General Taylor may able to stand through, and that is the Jast; interminable confusion must ‘then take place. Suppose General Taylor was to take bold ground st once, and say in his next message— ‘This must stop. Harmony must be restored oi comptry js Juss. The South must bave justice. ir the | The | en hands with all of his neigh- | adeden knows better. | * *| ' is com| as the government was regarded as a federal govern- ment, with limited powers, this belief of the sinful- ness of slavery remained in a dormant state, as it still does in reference to the institution in foreign countries; but when it was openly proclaimed, as it ‘was by the passage of the act of 1833, that the gov- ernment bad the right to. judg in the last resort ot the extent of ita powers, 4nd to use the military and naval forces of the Union to carry its decision into execution, and when its passage by the joint votes of both parties furnished a practical assertion of the right claimed in an outrageous case, the cord was t.uched which roused it into action. The effects were soon made visible. In two years thereafter, in 1835, a systematic movement was, for the first time, commenced to agitate the question of te EY flooding the Southern States with documents cal- culated to produce discontent among the slaves, and Congress with petitions to abol slavery in the District of Columbia. “The agitation was, however, at first confined eom- Becta afew, and they obscure individuals, without influence. The t mass of the people viewed !t with aversion. Bot here, again, the same measure which roused it into action mainly contri- buted to keep alive the agitation, and ultimately to raise a party, (consisting, at first, of a few fanatics,) sufficiently numerous and powerful to exercise acon- trolling influence over the entire N or‘hern section of | the Union. By the grea’ increase of power and | patronage which it conferred on the government, it contributed vastly to increase the concentration and intensity of party struggles, and to make the elec tion of ‘ident the all absorbing question. ‘The ef- fect of th's was to induce both parties to seek the votes of every faction or combinat‘on by whose aid they might hope to succeed—flattering them in return with the prospect of establishing the doctrines they professed, or of accomplishing the objects they desired. This state of thinga could not tail to give importance to any fanatical party, however small, which cared more for the objet that united them than for the success of either party, especialy if it should be of 5 character to accord, in the abstract, with the feelings of that portion of the community generally. Each of the ‘t parties, in order to se- cure their My gata would in arn endeavor to con- | ciliate them by professing a great respect for them, and a disposition ‘o aid them in accomplishing the | objects they wished to effest. This dangerous sys | tem of clectioneering could not fail to increase the party, and to give it great additional strength, to be followed, of course, by an increased anxiety on the art of those who desired its aid to conciliate its favor; thus keeping the action and reaction of these fetal elements from day to day—the one rising in im- portance us its iuflaence extendeé over the section, the other sinking in subserviency to its principles and purposes. “In the meantime, the same causes must needs contribute, in the other section, to a state of things wel calculated to aid this process. In proportion to the power aud patronage of the government would be the importance to party success, of con- centration and intensity in party struggles; and in | proportion to'these the attachment and devotion to | peg, when the spoils are the paramonnt object. | In the same proportion, also, would be the un*il- lingswess of the two wings of the respective parties, | in the diffrent rections, to separate, and their desire | to hold together; and of course the disposition on the part of that in the weaker to exause and palliate | the steps taken by their political associates in the stronger section to conciliate the abolition party in order to obtain its votes. Thus the section assaulted would be prevented from taking any decided stand to orrest the danger, which might te safely and easily done and seduced to postpone it until it Yohall bave asquired—as it already bas done—ao magni- tude almost, if not altogether, beyond the reach of means within the constitation. ‘The difficulty and sental have been greatly increased since the Mis- souri compromice; and the other sectional measures in referenee to the recently acquired tarritories, now in contemplation, (should they succeed,) will centralize the two majorities that constitute the ele- ments of which the government of the United States posed, permanently in the Northern section, and thereby subject the Souther, on thisand on all other questions in which their feelings or interests may come in conflict, to its control. “Boch has been the een of the government, and such its effects. What will be the consequence? To what will the government of the numerical ma- eee ee eee * “The present disturbed and dangerous state of things are its first fraits. It ia the legitimate result of measures by which the powers of the whole ays. tem have been concentrated virtually in the govern- met of the United States, and thereby transformed it from ita original federal character into the govera- ment of the numerical majority. To these fatal mezsures sre to be attributed the violence of part: stroggies—the predominance of the honors rs | emolomente of the government over ¢very other con- sideration; the rise and growth of the abolition agi- tation, the formation ot phical parties, and the alienation ard hostile feelings between the two great sections ofthe Union. These are consequences which will continue, with increased and increasing aggregation, untiltheendcome.s. * * * “The only thing that is certain is, that it cannot last. But whether it will end in a monarchy or dis- union is uncertain. In the one or the other it will, in all probability, terminate, if not prevented; but in which, time alone can decide. There are powerful influences in operation—a part Sapelling it towards monarchy, and a ee tonange ion. Among those impelling it js monarchy the two most prominent are: the national tendency of the numeri- cal majority to terminate in that form of govern- ment, and the structure of the Executive Depart- ment of the United States. The former will add gu force to the impulse of the latter in the same CN lit lili ill. Jil, AE, Sil, 3 age, “Those impelling the government towards disunion are also very powerful. They consist chiefly of two. the one pring eat the great extent of the coun- try; the other from its division into separate States having local institutions and interests. The former, under the operation of the numerical majority, has necessarily given to the two great ies, in their contest for the honors and emoluments of the govern- ment, a geographical character, for reasons which have been fully stated. This contest must finally rettle down in a struggle on the part of the stronger section to obtain the permanent control, and on the part of the weaker to preserve ita independence and equality as members of the Union. The conflict will thus thus become one between the States occu- pying the different sections—that jis, between or- gavized bodies on both sides; each, in the event of separation, having the means of avoi the confu- sin and anarchy to which the Pad would be sut# Ria, without such organization. This would contri- ute much to increase the power of resistance on the part of the weaker section against the stronger in possession of the government. With these great advantages and resources, it is hardly possible that tke parties occupying the weaker section would con- sent quietly, under any circumstances, to sink down from independent and equal sovereignties into a de pendent and colonial condition; and still less so under circumstances that would revolutionize them internally and put their very existence as a people atstake. Never was there an issue between inde- pendent States that involved greater calamity to the conguered than is involved in that between the States which case ate the two sections of this Union. The condition of the weaker, should it sink from a state of independence and equality to one of dependence and subjection, would be more calamitous than ever before befel a civilized people. It is in vain to think that with such consequences before them they will not resist, especially when such resistance msy save them, and cannot render their condition worse. That this will take place, unless the stronger section desists from its course, may be assumed as certain, and that, it forced to resist, the weaker section would prove successful, and the system end in dis- union is, to ray the least, highly probable. But if it should fail, the great increase of power and patron- age which must in consequence accrue to the government of the United States would but render certain and hasty the termination in the other alternative. So that, at all events, to the one or the other—to monarchy or disunion—it must come, if not prevented by timely and strenuous efforts, How can these ead alternatives be averted? * * * * * * “Had the federal (not national) character of this overnment been rigidly maintained in praciice m the first, it would have been all sufficient in itself to have secured the country against the dan- gerous condition in which it is now placed in conse- quence of a departure from it. But the means which may be sufficient to prevent diseises are not usually sufficient to remedy them. In slizht cases, of recent date, they may be; but additional means are neces sary to restore health when the system has been long and deeply disordered. Sach at present is the condition of our political system. The very causes which have occasioned its disorder have, at the same time, led to ecutoquences not to be removed by the means which would have prevented them. They have destroyed the equilibrium between the two great sections, and alienated the mutual attach- ment between them which led to the formation of the Union and the establishment of a common government for the promotion of the welfare of all. “When the government of the United States was established the two sections were nearly equal in respect to the two elements of which it is composed —a fact which doubtless had much influence in de- termining the convention to select them as the basis of its construction. Since then their equality in re- ferenee to both has been destroyed, mainly through the action of the government established for their mutual benefit. The first step towards it occurred under the old Congress of the confederation. It was among its last acts. It took place while the conven- tion which formed the present constitution and gov- erpment was in session, and may be regarded as oon- temporaneous with it. 1 refer to the ordinanse of 1787, which, among other things, contained @ pro vision excluding slavery from the Northwestern ter- titory—that is, from the whole region lying between the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. The effect of this was to restrict the Bonthern States in that quarter to the country lying south of it, and toextend th: Northern over the whole of that t and fertile region. It was literally to restrict the one and ex- tend the other, for the whole territory belonged t Virginia—the leading State of the former section She, with a disinterested patriotism rarely eras ceded the whole gratuitously to the Union, with the exception of a very limited portion reserved for the Bay ment of her officers and soldiers for services ren- ered in the war of the Revolutien. The South re- ceived no equivalent for this magnificent cession ex- cept a pledge inserted in the ordinance, similar to that contained in the constitution of the United States, to deliver up fugitive slaves. It is probable that there was an understanding among the parties that it should be inserted in both instruments, as the old Congress and the convention were then in session in the same p'ace, and that it contributed much to induce the Southern members of the former to agree to the ordinance. Be this as it may, both,in practice, have turned out equally worthless. Neither have for many years been re- ected. Indeed, the act itself was unauthorized. the articles of confederation conferred not a shaduw of authority on Con, to pass the ordinance, as is admitted by Mr. Madison; and yet this unauthorized one-sided act, (as it has turned out to be,) passed in the last moments of the cld confederacy, was relied on a8 elie for excluding the South from two- thirds of the territory acquired from France by the Louisiana treaty, and the whole of the Oregon terri- tory, and is now relied on to justify her exclusion from all the territory acquired by the Mexican war, and ail that may be acquired, in any manner, hereaf: ter. The territory fom which she has already been excluded has had the effect to destroy the equilibri- um between the sections as it originally stood, and to concentrate, permanently, in the northern section, the two msjorities of which the government of the United States is composed. Should she be excluded from the territory acquired from Mexico, it will give the Northern States an overwhelming preponderance in the government. In the meantime, the spirit of fanaticism which has been long lying dormant, is aroused into action by the course of the govera- t, ashas been explained. It aims openly and rectly at destroyi og the existing relations between the races in the Southern section, on which depends its peace, prosperity, and aafety. To effect tuis, ex- clusion from the territory is an important step, and hence the union between the abolitionists and the advocates of exclusion to effect objects so intimately connected. All this bas brought about a state of things hos- tile to the conticuance of the Union and the dura tion of the government. Alienation is succeeding to attachment, and hostile feelings to alienation; and these in turn will be followed by revolution, or a dis- FS ee of the Union unless timely prevented. But this cannot be done by restoring the government to ite federal character, however necessary that may be asa first step. What has been done cannot be un- done. The equilibrium between the tivo sections has been permanently destroyed by the measure above stated. The Northern section, in conse quenge, will ever concentrate within itself the two majFities of which it is composed ; and should the Southern be excluded from all territories nov ac- quired cr to be hereafter acquired, it wil! #000 have 80 decided a preponderance in the government and the Union, as to be able to mould the constitution to its pleasure. Against this, the restor-tion of the fedexal character of the government cau furnish no remedy. So long as it contianes, there can be no safety for the weaker section, It places in the bands of the stropger and hostile poe re the power to crush ber and her institutions, and | alternative but to resist, or sink down tu’ condition. This must be the consequen: effectual and appropria’e remedy be not applied. The wature of the disease is auch that nothing can reach it short of some organic change—a change | which shall so inodify the ovnstitation as to give to the weaker section, in some one form or another, a ne tive on the action of the government. Nothing short of this can proces the weaker and restore har- mony and tranqnillity to the Union, by arresting, e!- fectuaily, the tendency of the dominant and stroager section to oppress the weaker. When the constitu- tion was formed, the impression was strong that the tendency to conflict would be between the larger and smaller States; and effectual provisions were ac cordingly made to guard against But experience has arhg this to have been a mistake, and that in- stead, the conflict iv between the two grea’ sections, which are 20 strongly distinguished by their institu- sions, geographical character, productions and pur- suits, Had this been then as clearly perceived as it now is, the same jealousy which g0 vi idsntly watched and guarded against the danger of the larger States oppressing the emaller, would have taken equal pre- caution to ck sgainst the same danger between the two sections. It is for us, who see and feel it, to do what the framers of the constitution would have done had they possessed the knowledge, in this re- spect, which experience has given to us—that is, provide against the dangers which the has eaves hor no lonial practically developed, and which, bad been foreseen at the time, and left withont guard, would undoubtedly have prevented the States form- ing the Southern sections of the confederacy from ever z to the constitution; and which, under like yumstances, were they now out of, would furever prevent them from entering into the Union.” Thave no doubt in my owm mind that it was the cause of the deepest anxiety in the mind of Mr. Cal- houn, when he reached Washington, and found his health unequal te the SARC Oe speaking out these clear and long matured opinions, that these views were not before the public. He alludes to them in his last speech, when he speaks of the “ constitutional guaranties” necessary ; but there was not time left to him to give them in the Senate, when he said the day before he died, I would give ‘a life for one hour to address the Senate; that it the wish could have been granted, the Senate would have listened to the prophetic warning they can read now. As early as December, he d me if I thought you would publish (what he had intended to be published after hig death) in the Henan, bis views prepared at Fort Hill. He pre going with me to New York, between t Christmas (1849) and New Year's day, and making some arrangement for their immediate publication; but about this matter I shall have a whole chapter, which I will write, and do full justice to this subject. To give you one single instance of how wholly his mind was engrossed upon this great subject, to the ex- clusion of all minor considerations, but two or three ask before he died: He learned that his friend, R. M. T. Hunter, was going on a visit to Virginia. The manuseript of what had been prepared at Fort Hill, had been lent to Mr. Hunter to read. He sent me for it at once, and was not easy until I got back with it. Mr. Hunter nad left, but had left the package where I could find it. This was but one day before he died. Even then he conversed upon this subject, when he would not converse with any one upon what the Christian world would have regarded as a greater subject toa dying man. His country, the South, and its future, was all to him. He did not care about his own ‘ture. It was a small matter in his eyes, as the iollowing little incident will show. For two days before he died, and when it was generally known in the city that he could not live, many visiters called at the house. His physician, Dr. Hull, insisted, for his own comfort, that he should see as few as possi- ble. Mr. Calhoun acquiesced, and added, “ Mr. Scoville knows who I will see and who not.’”’ I, of course, went to the front door whenever the servants announced a visiter to him, avd answered the re- quests of those who wished to see him. On oae oceasion, (the day before he died,) [ found the visiter to be the Rev. Mr. Butler. 1 told him Mr. Calhoun was very il!—‘ to ill too see any’ one.” “ That is the very reason why he should see me. Will you have the goodness to announce me, and tell him that I do wish to converse with him, as a minister of God, in reference to his situation!” I hesitated for an instant, and then remembering that Mrs. Calhoun was s comrounicant in the Episco- pal Church, of which Mr. Butler was a pastor, I con- claded that if I wished to stand well in her future regard, I had better forego my determination of sending off Mr. Butler, and so! said, ‘“‘ Wait a mo- ment,” and I left him standing at the froat door, while I returned to the bedside of Mr. Calhoun. God bless his glorious soul! I see him nowas I saw him then, his head propped up by pillows—his pale, emaciated, but stern and commanding eyes—his | eyes piercing as an eagle's, and fixed upon me as I entered the room. He knew I had been so see some ore who had called. ‘‘Who is it?” he asked. “ Mr. Butler, sir, —.” “ Why do you not bring him in at once? It is his | right, as my colleague.” “ Tt is not Senator Butler, sir.” ps “ Butler?—I don’t know any other. Who is he?’ “Tt is the Chaplain of the Senate, sir—the Re- verend Mr. Butler.” “ What does he want?” “He says that he has heard you are véry low, and considers it his duty to come and talk to you about serious matters.” “Send him off about his business. To come to talk to me his nonsense at,such a time as this!”” 1 went to the door and informed the chaplain that Mr. Calhoun was to ill too see him. ee ECE) must be mistaken. Does he know 's me I cut the matter short with a decided “ Yes, sir, he does; and he sities don’t waut to see you, and I won't disturb by going in again with your name.” The Reverend Mr. Butler left, and when I returned to the room the impudence of the call was still in his mind. His eyes were closed, but I heard broken sentences, such as ‘' To call on me for such & purpose!” “Young man not grown’’—‘‘ Subject I have thought of atl my life.” Jan. 23, 1854. Jossra A. SyOVILLE. Our Para Correspondence. Para, Dec. 12, 1853. Exploration of the Amazon—A Brazilian View of American Enterprise—The Climate, Amuse- ments, §c. The steamers built in New York by Faulks & Lawrence for the government of Peru, and intended to be used for exploring the Amazonian tributaries in that republic, and taken to pieces and brought out here by the Star of the East, were put together by Gilbert G. McDonald of your city, unde? the su- pervision of the indefatigable Dr. Joseph Whitmore, agent of the Peruvian government, a gentleman well qualified to conduet any enterprise where scien- tific knowledge and perseverance is concerned. May he have many such jobs todo. But at the same time the little fellow, McDonald, deserves more credit than mere praise for his part of the perform- ance. Although a young man, he seems to be old at steamboat building, for in about ten weeks he has them both ready to run, and they will be off long before you read this. He had only three American mechanics, besides a lot of natives to assist him. You may expect to hear occasionally from the expe- dition as it progresses, and if one fourth of ita ex- pectations abou ld be realized in the way of discov- eries in gold diggings, @ California and Australta will be combined one. Indeed, the Braziliaus talk about their succers as a matter of fact; and they are getting very jeajous of Americans and American in- terests— icularly of American enterprise, such as putting a couple of steamboats together in half the time they can build a skiff with double the men. To carry out this ill begotten prejudice, one of their papers, (there being three printed here,) eight-by-twelve inches, called the Commerc®, has had a series of articles abusing America and Ameri- cans, in which {t calls us the locusts of Egypt, scattering ourselves all over creation, and spresding death and de:traction wherever we go, and holis up the Japan expedition as an example of American grasping and A‘nerican injustice. It farther says that the cutshronts of North America, (another name for us,) will‘uot be satiefled until they take Mexico, the whole of Cen- tral America, and then South America; so you per- celve they are laying out a considerable job for us— one that will keep President Pierce tolerable bus) for four years. The only project that I feel muc! interest in at present, in reference to this beaighted land, is the opening of the greatest river in the world to the world, but more especially to the “Stars and Stripes.” Keep this before the people, and it is sure t> be accomplished sooner or later. The cli- | mate I find to be delightful, the thermometer rang- ing from 68 to 70 deg. the whole year round. Here we are Lge J all the tropical fruits, just plucked from | the tree, while you are toasting your shins and freezing your backs before a coal tire. The pio apple, the orange, the bavana, sre always in sea- | ron; £0 leok out fora taste when the schooner Union reaches your port some week or ten days after you get this. Commercial matters are in a prosperous condition, coffee, cocoa, ruyber, hides, &., bring- | ing a better price at present than they have for some time past. There are two or three new Ameri can houses to be opened here in the course of two or three months. One will be opened here in a few | days by a Mr. Sparhawk, from Boston, with a fine | stock of goods, and an ania le family to cheer him on bis way He has been an old wheel-horse here, | and understands the ropes. He is juet what an American ought to be in a foreigu country—a gen- | tleman in eve sense of the word. Nothing new | has occurred since my last. The usual routice has been going on—feasts, fandangos, and theatricals of | a Sonday night; and | am sorry to see many Amer- | i patronizing these Sunday desecrations. More \. N. | Commanper Ixcranam ar Cutoago.—The Ger- man of ixeps of Chicego, Ll od a msgniticent silver rented to Commander Ingraham, of the U sloop-of war St, Loais. It bears the following iaseri; tlon = eoccceooooescooooe co OeoNOS ° o Presented to Cart. DuNoaN NGRANAM, of tie U 8. Navy, As an acknowledgment of bis gallent conduct, by hi Germas fellow-citizens of the etty of Chienga ‘De you claim the protection of the Uaited Stater f--you #t all have it !"” eoeoceccooceoooes ooo coe fes ®see00cect occ? o ° ° ° ° ° ° o ° Tar Cvnrext Orsrations or Ta Trrasvay Derartugnt.—On the 23d of January, there were of Treasury warrants entered on the books of the Department— Reeemption of stocks... . $34 168 75 Treasury D> psrtment, exe! #22 98 Covered into treasury from 6,239 47 Covered into treamry from i” 2.040 79 Covered into the treavury from 1m! "7 | @ulogised the message of Franklin Pierce German Newspapers in the United States, TO THE EDITOR OF THE HERALD. The general character of the German immigration w the United States has undergone a remarkable change during the last five years. While formerly it was almost exclusively the desire to better their material condition that led the Germans to the hos- pitable shoré® of America, the revolution of 1848 drove large numbers of people away from their home, who, either persecuted by the minions of tyranny or diggueted by the dreary spectacle of expiring free- dom, sought, in immigrating to America, more for the enjoyment of its political institations than for a mere subsistance. A much larger proportion of those who came under such ci:cumstances, and ac- tuated by such motives, belonged to the better edu- cated clasees of Germany. It could not be expected that the last named class wold forget their “ father- land” as soon as the older immigrants, who most generally had left nothing behind them but misery and desolation, while in this country they found not only the means of subsistence, but in many cases wealth and prosperity. Those who have come here since 1848 had intheir own country seen at least the dawn of a brighter morning, and the thought of the country they had left was not altogether discon- nected with cheerful hopes. Thus, even while trying to acclimate themselves to the political and social atmosphere of this country, they could not forbear sending longing thoughts back to the country that gave them birth, and this became manifest in their tendency to construct the policy of America always with a powerful direction to the old continent. Add to this that the social customs and manners of the American people‘are so vastly different from those of the fatherland, ‘ that the seeming frigidity and iey coldness of the Yankee,” at the first acceas, almost invariab'y chills and freezes the highly sus- ceptible heart of the gemitshliche (sociable) German; and last, though not least, that the large number o the immigrants diminished the necessity, nay, even the opportunity, of their mingling among the native population; and it will easily be perceived how and why the Germans, recently arrived have to a greater degree, their own speciiis nationality, and have been Jess influenced by the assimilative influences of the American national character, than the older German population. These simple facts go far to explain the remarka- ble changes which have occurred in the German newspaper press of this ripen 8 Since the year 1848 there has been imported a much larger amount of literary talent than within any score of years before, while, on the other hand, the number of those Germans who take a lively in- terest in newspaper reading was at least doubled. Hence it is that in a very short time the number of German papers increased in an almost incredible proportion, and that simultaneously their general atyle and character improved in a most remarkable manner. Before the year 1848 most German news- papers led a miserable existence, halt starving for want of patronage, and the time is yet within memory when one of the pioneers of the German press, a Mr. Hartmann, blew out his brains from sheer despair. German literary men at that time had the fullest op- portunity of testing the truth of those beautiful nett Wer ale sein Brod mit Thriiaew ass.”’—Goermm The larger proportion of the then German popula- tion having in their own country belonged to the less educated classes, and never taking an interest in the literature of Germany, were, indeed, not very apt to lay the part et Mm@cenas. Used as they had been in the old country to mistrust all well-educated men as tools of their royal CP prenenre, they even here indulged in sneering and ridiculing all those of their countrymen who had not belonged to their own class, and who proved to be their superiors in mental culti- vation and intellect. ‘These were sad times for German editors in Ame- rica, and poor sheets were their papers. With a few exceptions they consisted of awkward end blunder. ing translations from the American newspapers, full collections of all the murders, suicides, and accidents occurring in the country, the whole spiced now and then by a stale joke taken from old almanacs. Edi- tors and printers used to labor under the continuous pressure of the nightmare of unpaid white-paper bills and lost subscription moneys. That time has happily passed. There are now German papers published in this country which, not only in size or the number of advertizements, but in their original reading matter also, may safely vie with the better English papers. Authors who in Germany earned a lasting name on the field of literature are bow conducting newspapers in this country; and if their number is limited,so much larger is that of literary men who at least acquired a good and solid reputation as journalists. Of course there remain plenty of inferior sheets, and there might be men- tioned even one, the editor of which continues in a sad capflict with the orthography of his own language; but generally the more prominen: of the German dailies and weeklies can compare favorably with their cotewporaries in the old country. But besides this fact there remains another to be stated. It is not only the competency. of the editors in which a remarkable change has been effected, but more #0 even in the tendencies of the German. press. If a large jority of the German papers are unanimous in acknowledging the wonderfal superiority of the political institutions of this country, compared with those of the Old World, still, on the other hand, they deem themselves en- titled to find fault with some of the social customs, and to express their disapproval in such terms as they see fit. Thus, for instance, all the German papers in this country, with one solitary exception, (among 200,) are dead agains$ all and every pro- hibitor bear Beier law, aud at least nine-tenth: of them day the right of political authorities to en- force the celebration of a certain week-day, which a certain religion sets a} for praying. It may as | well be mentioned in this connection that even those Germans who frequent churches are not in the habit of approving the American style of keeping Sanday. On the other hand, it would be idle to deny that Atheism, or rather Deism, has many friends among the more recent German immigration. There appear some papers advocating this creed, and in some larger cities there are societies of ‘* Freemen,” as they call themselves, or “free communities, (freic Germeinden.) But it remains to be proved if the diffusion of their ideas can really cause mischief as regards the political institutions of the country; the more so as several of the fathers of this republic— Thomas Jefferson among them—were avowedly dis behevers in the dogmas of Christianity. As to abolitionism, there is scarcely one-tenth of the German newspapers advocating it, while nearly all concur in the wish of a speedy removal of slavery by the action of the single sovereign States. It may be added that there are many German editors who would advocate abolitionism if they could safely do 80 without fear of being deserted by most of their subecribers, for the fact must not be overlooked that ninety per cent of the German Americans are the most “ reguiar democrats.” We subjoin a list of the German papers published in this country, appending some remarks regarding the political character, style, and ability, to the names of the more prominent. The circula- tion could of course not be ascertained with any de- gree of safety ; but in the aggregate it may prett near reach to 30,000 copies of the daily papers, and, perhaps, 200,000 of the tri-weeklies, semi-weeklies und weeklies. The largest circulation is that of the N. Y. Staats Zeitung, (near 7,000) ; of the other New York papers, the Democrat and the Abend Zeitung have 5,000 each; the Reform probably 1,200 OFRMAN DAILY PAPERS, PUDLISHED IN THM UNITED STATES. ¥RW YORK, N, Y. Staats Zcilung, (State Gazette), 19 yearn old: a national Cemceratic paper, but recently grown soft, (rome custom Loute fo.p having been applied to ite sditor). This paper has the largest circulation of all German papers published in this country, bat {7 genersi ly taken exclusively as au advertisement sheet. N mthr of the renting matier censist of extracts fro ropean papers. The Sanday paper of tae itary ie a reprint of the Augsburg Gazelle and the Migaxn fur ic Literatur des Auslandes Now York Dew ckrat~Van Buren thuriastic for Frank Pi since the lat means; erable falling off of t « mpathies of the German ell zene with the prevent adminisiration)—seven years oid. The Hecbachter, (Spy,) Sunday paper of the Demokrat, in Guiger in savage attacks om ‘atboliciam, or to spsak more correctly, on Catholic priests New years ago ae ‘ork Arend Zeitung, (Evening News,) started three soctalintie paper, bat very soon converted Gemoeratic one. Under its it jent democratic paper, of Young America Since the Inet m it+hows the cold shoulder to the President, and makes furfoud one siavghts on Marcy. Anti Jeruitieal and Atheiatic At lantische Blaster, Kurdsy paper of the Abas Zalung, comtatre select literary matter. Die Reform, started in O: er Jast, purports to be the | orgen of the working trea; almost wholly confined to Europese po itieal ma!ters, aod floding fealt nearly with all that ts Amerioon; hat ® very rpicy eorresp ndence from Washington; formerly made continuous attacks oa the New York Hsnatn probably with the view of being pedin that paper, Nortllen Zeitung, Sunday paper Reform, contains select resubil:ations o’ novels, poetry from pt "* puplivhed ia Germany. PHIL ADELPHIA. Philedelpbis Demo.rat, ol) exceedingly small proportion so coean of acvertirement lormerly of tren Hone, or son‘ ensations from Youn Wenarp as origival matter Fre Presse, (Free Prees,) & milk aod watery ooneern, round like « windmill, s metimes appealing t) tométimes jamping upoe the Baltimore plet gr erally boasting of being inde; wenn in glowing , just started Post witb Taleat and abil ty jnted sr:iclen icles of the New terme. Philadelpbia Abend Zei! et democratic p+per, wry Ane jeamisienl anh atheistic, like its namesake in New ‘ork, r re Deutsche Correspondent, one of the oldest Gert in America; regular democratic: bas wometlines bao but generally prefers to borrow from other pspe more Wecker, (Waker,) ® small sheet; calls itself pendent, but might better be styled shaky; anti- Ba inde jem BUFFALO. We tind Demoorat, (Coamopolite and Democrat, ) ® combination of two papers—the one adamantine, the other putty-heeded; the union was effected under the inGuence of prospective shares of spoils; it is somewhat curicus to ses how the two manage to hold together af- ter the great op seit h:;. be Telegraph, » w! paper, or #0, but filling pap hend almost exelusively with paragraphs stolen {rom the New York democratic papers. PITTSBURG. Pittsburg Courier, a democratic paper, held im suspicion to connive to the encroachments of priestly power, but Hoarerly justly # ciheit’s Freund, (Freedoms Friend,) in: 4 dent cemocratic, sprinkled with little sentimentality; dad against Popery, but not from am athelatioal point of West Pennsyluenitche Staats Zeitung, largest of the Ger- man whig papers, lacks nerve and comistonay. OUNOINNATI. Volksblatt, (People’s Paper,) democratic paper, with an takiisg of Young Amerien; severely oensuring the ad- mi ‘ation; expressing ite antipathy against Po} io lemorcr ‘Democratic Jo s hack; rather lukewarm in regard to reine priestly power; using shocking bad language in the dis- cussion of Polisionl questions, Republikaner, formerly a whi; now boasting to be indepenpendent, after the ‘a ie the New York Daily Times, but confessing its abolitioniam with more cpenness, and strongly opposing the adminis- tration. The original matter, which is » little soaree though written with ability; pretty critical in its selee- tions. Weak against Romanism. Volks Freund, (Frien¢ of the People.) « Catholic paper, exceedingly tedious in its leadisg articles; labors w look spicy. 4 (Advertiser) indepentent demecrat nee, verti‘er, jepencent lc paper, favoring abolitioniam as far as it can safely venture w do #0 in s slave State. Beobachter am Ohio, (Spectator on the Ohio,) whi paper, #0 poor and miserable that it makes one’s hear Hek, CHICAGO. Minois Staats Zeilung, independent democratic, edited by ene of the aids of Kinkel; is writtea in good style, bat altogether too theoretical and monotonous, MILWAUKIB, Wisconsin Banner, and Milwaukie Voiks Freund, toth demosratic papers, but al- most whi lly comAned to poler ics with Der Scebote (Lake Messenger.) a genuine Jesuit paper, deifying Mr. Bedini, and creeping in the dust before the European despots, ST. LOUIS. Anzeiger des Westens, (Western Advertiser,) » Benton paper; undeubtedly the most inflaential of all the Ger- man papers publiched in this country; written with great nerve auc great talent. A weekly edi ‘ion, containing the principal ecitorial articles, is printed im the English lan- guage. Democratische Presse, Atchisom paper, anti of the Anzeiger; & good average paper as fe vy deste that Tages Chronick, a Jesuit paper. NEW ORLEANS, Deutsche Zeitung, one of the ablest German papers; inde- Pendent, cemosratic and filibustering Louisiana Staals Zeitung, a democratic party hack. BAN FRANCIRCO. Freie Prise, formerly California Staats Zeitung, bolted from the Bigler democracy at the last State election, and since tha: time an independent paper. Demokrat, orthodox Bigler paper, started in opposition to the former; the only German paper printed with Exg- hab ty per. WILLIAMSBURG, N. ¥. Long Island Zeitung, smallest German daily, subsisting by corporation notices, but not altogether without ability. NEWARK, N. J. Newarker Zeitung, edited py the husband of a strong minded lacy, and of course abolitioniatic. SEMI-WEBKLY AND WBEKLY PAPEBS. Of these there are at least one hundred and twenty, probably more, published in this country. The roportion ania merely of rehash from the jailies, and it is useless Gu a complete list of them. We confine our notes to the most prominent publicetions of that class:— Dewsche reve Biater, German, flying leaves, Albany, N. x A good paper, though favoring abolitionism, tri- wee . de nocratic, tole- ‘Onondaga, Demokvat, Syracuse, N. Y., rably gocd in its original matter, better atill in its seles- tions. Criminal Zeitung, New York, edited By the proprietor of the National Police Gozette, inde ndent in politics though ® little hard Besides plenty of blood and a8 good leading articles on legal Neer | and goes fa: in introducing its readers to & knowledge of the laws of the o.untry. Katholtsche Kirchen Zeitung, Catholic church organ, @ Jesuit japer, raving mad in its attacks on republican- Wachter am Erie, (Sentinel on the Erie,) Cleveland, a free democratic paper. Quincy Tribuene, Quincy, Ill, s Greeley paper, written by the former clown of the Germaa parliam'nt, and throughout clownish in style and character; got up by the whig par'y. Westbote, (Western Mesierger.) Columbus, Ohio, an old pati pal democratic paper, rather tough. Indianapolis Volk:biatt, Indianapolis, national democra- te bot incining to Young Americaniam; s good substan- ‘al r pape: Freie Presse, Indianapolis, abolitionist sheet, but oulti- vating apy isms indiscriminately: Beleviller Zatung, Belleville, 1il., bard and tough. Virginische Staats Zeitung Wheeling, a respectable de- mecratic paper Galvetoner Zeitung, Galveston, Texas, democratic, o Neo Braun ele Zeitung, Texas, strong and vabstantial few Braun fel y Tex wal af der ocratic party organ; parsn) ta the ‘San Antonio Zeitung, a large weakly, the N Y Tribune, and puted by the Iter. ‘toner, Louisville, edited by the former editor of the York Schnelipost, denying all id every thing except the editor; athen tic ss @ matter of course Milwavhic Flugblatter, an illustrated weekly, satirical aginst priestcraft, and supposed to be quite a formidable aptegonist of Catholiciem. Hechwachter, (Sentinel,) Cincipnatl, atheistic paper; as regards style, one papers Qumunist, Nauvoo, lil, organ of the Icarian commu- a Republik der Arbeiter, (Republic of the Workingman,) York edived by the famous communist chief Welt: significant in every respect. ‘m, Evansville, Ind., independent democratic. latt Detrict, Mich , Cass paper. O., free democratic. Keadir yer ader (Eagler,) s venerable Pennsylvania Daotch paper of fifty eight years standing—oldeet German poper in the United Staten, rofessionally an the best German, Natunal Democrat, Wathing‘on, D C, abolition paper; paia by the We Turn Zeiturg. Philadelphia organ of the Tarner society; har cesred to be socialistic and atheistic by a change in the editorship As stated betore, this list of the weekly and semi- weekly papers is far from being complete. In the State of Pennsylvania alone there appear between for- ty ard Se papers of more or leas local im- ortance; in Wisconsin, ten, of which we mentioned four; in Lilinois, nine; in lowa, three; Missonri, nine; eee seventeen; South Carolina, ove, at Charles- Ne In Canada there are published three German papers. In conclusion, we may as well mention that a German paper has been startea at Rio Janeiro, Brazil, under the title Der Deutsche Auswanderer, (the German Emigrant.) +8 Bavannag, Jan. 14, 1854. James Gonpon Bonnar, Esq. Sir—In last Sunday's HsRa.p you published an ar- ticle on the foreign press of the Uuited States that con- tains many very interesting facta. Permit me to direct your attention to the fact that the number of German newspapers is estimated by far too low. The St. Louis Anzeiger des Westens, the most influ- ential paper in the West, published two years ago & partial list of the German papers. It is too long to rend it to you inthis letter. If you want it, how- ever, it will be at your service at anytime. But I will give you a short review of it. The number of papers at that time was 127, The increase in one year was 38; so that, (assuming the same ratio of in crease for these two years,) there ought to be now 203. Of those 127 papers ninety five were democra- tic in all sbades, (from communistic tosocialistic and bunker;) seven whig; seven Catholic, (ultra mon- tane;) five belonging to different Protestant secta; six rationalistic; one politico-economical ; four de- voted to belle lettres; one devoted to education. All except the seven Catholic ultra montane papers are taking a more or less decided stand sgain: montapiem. Those 127 papers were eighteen of the thirty-three States, viz.:—Thi: three in Pennsylvania; twenty-one in New York; twenty-one in Ohio; eleven in Missouri ; eight in Wisccnsin; eight in Hilinois; six in Maryland; three in Iowa; two in Kentacky; two in Texas; three in Louisiana; two in Virginia; two in Masaachnsetts. One in each of the following States:—California, South Carolina, Indiana, Michigan, Tennessee. The most powerful writers, that enjoy even a European reputation, are, Kar! Heinzen,* editor of the aed in Louisville, Kentucky; Heory Boernstein, editor the Anzeiger des Westens, in St. Lonis, Missouri; Francis Hassaurek, editor of the Hochwachter, in Cincinnati, Obio. Very neverely ng of the Brearp en Imrortaxt Surr.—The galt of Cee Bota and inst the wre Lowell Railros: ieeias f aff et nfl noe, places within five miles