The New York Herald Newspaper, December 5, 1853, Page 6

INTERESTING MOVEMENTS. | SOUTHERN AGRICULTURAL CONGRESS. ADDRE*S OF TEE INDEPENDENT DEMOCRACY. Opposite Views from the North and South, ae, &., do IMPORTANT SOUTHERN MOVEM tT. [¥rom the Kaleigh (N. U.) Register. Nov. 19 | \ We wk attention to the followiug sble cirsalar which was wsued by the Execa'ive Committee of the Southern Central Agricoltural Soziety. We publish 8 with the hope that it may be opportune in arousing the attention of our planters and farmers to the third meeting of the Agricultural Association of the slave- Bolding States, which wi! commence its session in Columbia, South Carolina, on the last day of this month. Phis circular riy sets forth the maio | of the Association, which held a prelimi- | Mary meeting in Macon, Georgi it twelve | mopths since. The second meeting took p'ace Montgomery, Alabama, in May last, when a const tution was adopted, and lectures and addresses were red upon several agricultural subjects. Under its constitution, every citizen taking an in- tere-t in agricultural matters may become a member | of the association at pleasure. Toe admission fee is | $5. It is required that the association hold its ses- | sions semi annually, and in succession in the States | reprerented in it. At the meeting ebout te take | at Columbia, provision will be made for lec- | 8 on geology, botany and entomology, ia their | relations to agriculture. The spring meeting will probably be held in Lou'riana or Mississippi—that of the fall in North | Carolina; as the pohey seems to be to strike alter | pately vorth and south from Georgia, where the movement eriginated SOUTHERN AG PURAL CONGR The Sourbero Central Agricultural ety of Georgia, taking into cossideration the great advan teges which may reasonably be expected to iloy trom periodical meetings of persons reorese jing the planting interests of the slavebuiding States, iu vite the cultivators of the soil, ia every section and district of the same, to send delegates to. Macon on the 20th day of Vcwher next, fur the pargose of adopting measares preliminary to the assem) an Agricaltural Congres: of she slave} at such time and piace se may be de eeptable to the States to be represented in it. ‘he reasous which have prompted this anpnes! to our fellow-aborers engaved inthe fulfilaent, of the sublime command of God to man, which involves at once his obediente and his happiness, may readily | present themselves. to those we address. We will, therefore, mainly speak of some of the purposes aud objects which it is expected would claim the atten- tion of the proposed Congress, and which we deem of sufficient moment to enlist che patriotism, intelli- gence and talents of those so whom we appeal. Our preposition embraves a representative asso ciation of those engage {ina common pursait, for the purpose of advancing that oursuit, and harimovizing a@ great intereet which supplies fiveeighths of the exports of the United States—to give to tuat interest acommunity of feeliug, sentiment and thought. and to impart to it a weight, dignity, and stavility oommensnrate with it importance to the State, to the United States, and to the world. Probably nothing is more characteristic of the age jo which welive, than the prevalence of vol ty associations in all the ramifizati’ns of society Everywher> we see organized, and apparentiy actively alive, associations for religious, moral, liter- ary, professional, scient fic, and charitable purposes. If the want of intercommunion among those en- gaged in s common pursuit be in preportion to their @eparstion by space from each other, certain'y few clayres of society may be said to stand more in need of associations than the cultivators of the soil in the slavehcld:ng States. If the amount of industhy, skill and = science involved in the advancement of agricultural knowledge be eonsidered, strong inducements for voluntary a-so. eiations are presented to us. And if we & mind'ul of the calumuies which some of our polit cal brethren of the North have been so long propagat- ing against us, both at home aud abroad, we ure sternly admonished to come together to strengtien eur defences and fortiiy car assailable poi to establish among:t ourse!ver a public opinion jast to ourselves, and stropg enough to barmonize all ow social elements, and save u+ from the evils of an igvorance of the bene‘icent workings of our system in which alone consists our dauger. If, returning good for evil, we are prompted to in- crease and multiply our staple productions for the use of our enemies, to whom they are as neces» as they Dave been fertilizing; or if, followi example, we look alone to their froctifyi ences upon ovr-elves; or if, taki ga wider eebold the commerce of the world in no iaconsider able degre ‘pendent upos the prodacts of oar slave lebor, on which reposes to no sma'l extent the peace ful character of our age, aud through which ¢ mon is extended, and Cristiani y propag: are impelled sy aumerous and exalted consiveratio 3 | to organize such associations among ourselves a3 vill best enable us to micet the requirements of oar posi tiov, and fulfil the destiny which is in store for us. In the peculiarities of our staple prodactiona, their - necessity to thejdemand of commerve and to the pro gress of civilization, and isolation to which a pharisaical world would saly 18 on secount of the peculiar character of the labor by which we produce these indispensable staples, we find the strongest en's t) unite us in maiotainicg and vindicati tnat labor against the aspersions o” thore who eon demon it from mulice or ignorance, and consume ins products from instinct. If reliance may be placed on the history of the, it, agriculture jhas uv roysl road to success. Man now, as in early tines, to earn bis bread by the sweat of his brow. There is certaii which invokes the ailof more of the s: renders tributary more of the departments ledge acquired by the toilsome investigations of va- ture. Whilst progress, in the acquisition of trat Knowledge, has been steady, and of late years wit a cmstantly accelerated step, it will not be denied that much is yet unse'tled, and perhaps mac» more ‘to be explored. Agriculture has not been unmindful of that pro gress. Ii she has been sowetimes distrustfal of the | pga ty of mecent Giheorerms to her purpose’, she has, at others, aevepted the proffered aid with a precipitancy not justified by the resul:. [tis throagh the agency of sgricultural associations over a broad | surface, supplying the means, intelligence, aod skill, | that we are w derive a knowledge enabling ust» discriminate between the trae and the falve in the teachings of scievce. Wherever such associations have acquired the confidence of the public by the character and e'emeotsof their organization agricul ture has advanced, aod the earth has yielded a great eriucrease. {t is fur such an organisation that we | now sppeal to the cultivators of the soil in the slave holding State: The chief samed, would be:— To improve our own agriculture, yielding pecnliar | productions, threngh the agency of a nora lazor, | requiring a distinct economy, snd dependent ou 4 elimate of its own. To develope the sezources and unite and combine energies of the slaveholding States. as to ii crease their wealth, power and dignity as membe ot this confederacy. ' To establish aud fortify a public opinion within our borders in autagonism to that without, in rela jects of such an occasion, it is pre correspour \ quently Christiani y. tion to ourselves and our institations—the emauatious | of oar own intelligence, power and energies—a ni | tional sentiment—a great truth, e-tabliehed by the experience of she past, founded on 4 soand morality, @ broad humanity, and that Coristianity which espe cially in.nlcates a sincere humility aod « boandiess | eharity To enforce the growing sentiment that those who. are to come after us and inherit our institiions, and | the dangers which threaten them, shall be re sred at home, and edueated in a full knowledge of their Trighta, duties, and resp ysibilities, and to establish fully in the public mind the two fold value of a higher and a higher standard of education, which will im pose such application on the part of the pupils, and demand such qualifications on that of the te: as will aikb inéustrione habits ia the former, and enable the latter to instil aad confirm in them a taste in after life for what has been learned in youth thus eopplymg the two most efficient agencies t prompt « career of usefulness and honor, industry and cultivated aud refined tastes, and making our seate of learning effulgent centres of piety, science, Jiterature, and refinement ; illuminating and har monizing ai! interests, and blending all classes, the pride and g! ry of the coun*ry. ‘To eniist and foster those scie stifle pursuite which Feveal to us the elewents and character of our eouls ~—instroct us in the presence of those magazines of fertilizers which nature has with so bountiful and copgiderate a band provided for the uses of the*indurtrious and enterprising —and search ont the histories and habits of the in-ect trisea which de- stroy (it i believed) annually a fifth of our crops, and supply us with a knowledye of them which may enable us to guard against their future ravages To promote the fuechanic arts directly aud indi- rectly carmen ld © Eeemetiatge by a generous coatidence and liberal patronage, iaive those engaged in them to a social pesition, always the just reward of intelligence, industry and good conduct. To direct, aa far as may be done, publi¢ sentiment against the barriers which have been artfully rawed to cut off our commercial intercourse with distact countries, save through such outlets as are sujplic i by nerthern marta, exacting tribute upon what we and consume. To exert an influence in establishing a system of common school inatenction which whl make Coriv tape as well as scholars ef our children—which, in arming the rising generations with the instruments of knowle4, inetruct them also in their pro, ases— im ig upon therm, ‘rom first to last, that how undey ous form of government) private | by the time thas slavery sh | Tiastion hefo: worth constitatés the aggregate of public good—snd that no ove can disregard his duties to those around him, without positive ivjury *o hiuself. To cultivate the apiinadion ae magn rece, fos i d consequent hristianity, so . Spores ; al have fultilied its bene- ficent mission io these States, system may be au | thorized by the social condition of tbat race here, to | rel eve it from its present servitude withoat sinking | it to the condition, moral, mental, and physical, into | which the free negroes of the Nortbern States aud | West Indies have Lagi hopelessly. port oitayed a | imposing upon them the duties and penalties of civ! be y be they have cast off the features 0” their African barbarism. These cons‘iiute the main purpose for which we appeal to the individual and aggregate interests of | the siavebolding S:ates to meet us in an Agricultural Covgress. Io that, let us assemble and confer aad consult, as in 4 great family re uvion—having a com- mon object and actuated by @ common patriotisin. It is believed that such an as ion as is here recommended to our brethren of the slavehol ding States, with local societies, with like objects, woul echieve the most valuable victories over our stub- born scil, and the still more stabborn ig- | nran’e of our opponents beyond the pale of our | wwetitutions. It may be that this latter expectation will not be realized, und that they who have hereto- fore closed their eyes to all the testimony which we have freely and earnestly offered to them, will still keep their minds also clored against all futare efforts which may be made to vindicate ourselves against the gfossest misreprerentations cf us and our insti- tutions, with which the public opinion, at home and abroad, has been supplied in the greatest profusion, Should this aporehension be hpectang ange Prag onong the conclusion will be forced upon us, that there have been other purposas to serve, in the deliderate aud calculating policy pursued. of endeavoring to reoder us the beatben people of modern times, in the belief of all Christendom, than merely to rebuke an imputed error, or correct a vicious morality which is ascribed to us—and we shal! be confirmed in the be- ef, already taking some root, that the monopoly of our trade is at least an element in their calculation of the results which are to flow to them by impress: iv g upon the public mind of Christendom, that slave: ry ba» not merely enervaied our bodies, but has also made us ap infidel people, regardless of our daties, faithless ‘oO cur cugagements, and perfidious to our friends. tion of slave labor to the cultivation of ‘The appli the earth, gives to thas agriculture a distlactive cha- ricter, |taimparts to the proprietors special privi- leges upd enlarged doves, and imposes avon them Givervified cares and peculiar respoosibilities; aud Whilst it sets them apart trom the rest of the world, itenjvins the strongess motives for combination of purp se and concert of action. If the insti'ntion of davery isto be maintained—if it is to have wita us, as elsewhere, in past times, its old age, and to descend in cue :ourse of nature to an honorable grave—the reward of a useful and well spent life—it mus‘ rely on its own powers and energy to maintain its rights, establish its security, and vindicate its dignity. It is not by legistatioa | nor by s‘atesmanship that slavery is to be sustained. It can repose in security ooly on ita own me: to theee who have inherited it, and wili abandoa all before them bave done, whenever, in the pi of population, its evils shali outweigh its benef and on its power to those who, having for their own | purposes raived one standard of morality for them- | seives and another for us, without the sanction of | the Bible to either, denounee us for coercing our | slaves to labor by the same means that they con- strain the obedience of their appreatires and chil dren, and coolly say to their free laborers, “ work or starve,” with tbe ability and tbe will to enforce the | alternative. W beever doubts the sure mercies of slavery to the | nezro race, may satisfy ac bonest pursuit after trutn, by looking at the condition of the race in Africa, | whence our negroes have been derived, avd compar- ing our slaves with the free uegroes of the Northern States and of the West Ik dies. { agers, that the body of the people are democrats in principle, and intend to give their votes for the ticket which they believe wil! most truly represent the will, apd most faithfully mes the objects, of demo- omacy. To putting i forward as the truest aud most consistent exponent of democracy, the inde- pendent democratic party is well sware of the re- sponsi> lity it assumes, and stands ready to make Saree ita pretensions by appealing to the records of istory, aud to the sober judgment of the pe role in rte to the present position of paviic affairs. Vbat is democracy? It is self goverament—gov- erpment by the will of the he people gov- erning themselves, There is a manifest difference between a democratic government and a government, by rulers who are only elected py the people. The present Emperor of j Lossy is his office by the almost nnapimovs vote of the people—yet his gov~ ernment is not, therefore, democratic, for he does not even profess to govern according to the wiil of the people. His very was a testimony of the eople that they were incapable of sel’ government; at they need a master, because they had no ability or will to govern themselves. Neither is it a demo- cratic idea which allows the people to choose any number of rulers or magistrates out of a class or circle of men, who sre entitled to the exclusive privilege of governing according to their own views of What the public good requires. The true idea of democracy is where the ple elect represen- tativer, according to their own intelligent preference, who will administer the various functions of govern- ment in the way which the people themselves jadge to be the best." That is the government whic ap body of the people of United States wish e. For that they have been striving fortwo centuries. Each successive itical conflict. which our national history reveals, been a struggle of ais people to make the government conform to their wil, It is well krown that there bas always been in this country a very powerful anti democratic element—a large Claes of pereons who distrusted the people,who believed it necessary to impose checks upon the popular will, who desired, in tact, to confive the government to the will of a select class, who-e wealth or intelligence, or other distinction, is supposed to be a beter qualification for goveroment than belongs to the masses This is not the place to describe in detail the several cecasions and the various forms ia which this anti democratic element has operated at different limes, nor ever to enumerate the names it has as- sumed to itself. We give it one name, by which you insy slways designate it justly: Sane demaceny , that hincers the people from exercisiog their own intetli- gent will in the covernment. Te go no further back : it was democracy—the Will of the peonle—which decreed the independence of there colonie Auti democracy, conservatism, distrost of the people's capacity for self-government, kept thirgs quiet as long as possible, with ex- travagant resolutions of leyalty to the throne. And when at length such men as the Adamses, | avd George (Clinton, and Patrick Hesry, saw that | the tame bad come to raive the ery of freedom at all hazards, they were not demagogues; they did not | go before or Jead the people; they were but the repre- reniatives of the popular will, which at once respon- | ded.to them and gave them success. This struggie being over, and the pressure of external danger re- moved, we find the counsels of anti democracy large- ly influencial in the formation of the federal constitu- tien. Distrust of the people, and a solivisude for | power ratber than freedom, sere so promiueat ‘eatures in the instrument, that it was with great ifficulty the democracy could be persuaded to sub- mit to it, and then only oa the condition that addi- tional eaieguards should be provided for p:rsonal liberty and the rights of the people end the States. Both parties felt the necessity of a pational organiza tio, ane each looked to the practical construction of “be coustitution for the fartuerance of its views. The earliest coustructions given were chiefly anti- democratic, this tendency became so flagrant that the democracy, with-au overwhelming purpose, changed the administration, avd placed the govern- ment in the bands of these who would carry oat the Tre broad surtace of the earth does not supply such gnother country of the rame extent, wich s0 | much tbat is desirable and so little to object to—so much of good aud so little of evil. Sucvis the home || with which a mereifal Providence has blessed us; | end He has from av Africsn race supplied a labor rhich bas calied these resources into action, 4s | alone coud have been done, and certainly much to | our aévai re,and much more to the improvement | of that race. Here, slavery is civilizing the savage, | and doing more to Christiavize the African than bas { been dove by all the missions to Africa since the | days of the Apostles. Asno savage ton understand, | and consequently appreciate and adopt Chris- | tianity, so bus the selfeacriticing missionary, with ell bis deyoticn to the great cause, habisa- | ally reaped a return very disprogortionei to his labors in that field. With the negro race slavery has been by far the most suecessfal missionary. It has made the black man in America in afew centuries, what thousands of years hi ed to accowpl: bim at bome; and it may afely declared that the ertain and effective mode of forcing him back his frmer condition, sud making him more sa han ever, is to throw off the wholesome re n our slavery bas imposed upon hm, re b 8 become fitted for 4 mental and physic can slave been um. reved within the recollection of many now living; and with that improvement has been a gz emendment io his management and | treatment-the one the direct and cert quence of the other; and this will and mast conti | bue. And it may be safely affirmed that whenever the African in the instructive and wh me pi age to which he is subjected by hi slavery, | shall, in the se of many generations, reach | a point of civilization rendering, that pupilage | useless to him, he will cease to be a slave, | as paturally acd certsinly as the training of a child merges gradually bis minority into manhood, | apd fora /ke reason. Ag all the fruits do not ripen on the tree ut tLe same time, no more wil! all our ne- 8 become fitted at once for releace from slavet as they do become qualitied, they will he libs d y have been. fn many slave jes, we see negroes who lave be- | se, having acquired the essentials o ¢ ion, by sn ir ‘tible law which man cannot, if he would, vefeat, they are raised from slavery to | freedom, without detriment to the master or man. | ch has been the operation of slavery geaecally | throughout Christendom; for there bas been a time y existed in each Wuropean ceuutry, | and history scarce reveals when it termicated in any of them—s0 rata: ta death—expiring of oid ege— dying out by ble degrees. This is the ceeth to which slavery is doomed in the United | States This is the only termivation which it | can reach, consistent either with our owa rights, or with our duties to the African race pi ee here, whee reas ma labor bas | enriched the land, and whose si ‘ions will have prepared it’ for civilization, and : fp speaking of the termination of slavery h that civilization, 1h pagacism-—twe civ. Otne 1 inferior which have worn tuemseives out, did not aad could not exercise 30 Lenefizent an influence, for want of the elements of ovr lasting and progressive civiliza op. Jnasmnch ur Ization 13 founded upon Cbristianity, it will be as durable as that fa'th, however it may become moditied and improved in its progress. Christiauity is the first faith which bas incuic as a first @ity, love to our neighbors: ‘ which has grown up under its nminating power, is tse ouly one that the world | ever knew, which bas been established upon a broad Lumauity. Itis that hamanity woich to ita | vuality ts a bigtier for their new duties in their recent relat To the slaveholding St has supj il the vaces of men up toa bigher and | in transition | 18. o7ideuce Pj nver and greatness. | We have climates and sola which advantageously | forpish the cer and the grasses—hemp and fax. | The best tobacco climate ties within the 1 line of our dominion, and cotton, sugar and ric the mo-t suitable temperatures and oils further south, of the tropical fruits grow well on our re. Ovr country is abundantly wa tered by the noblest rivers. Bays, in'ets and har bors jncent our coasts. Ovr mountain ranges, with | ther rich teble lands, abound in coal, metals and marbies. Webave the best climate for every seavon | of the year, and now the enterprise of our State govermrents, and numerous priva‘e corporations, ore carrying the railroad with acceler sted progress in | al! directions, uniting our east with oue west, con biving our north with our south; all these afford | capacity, /a¢ility und dispatch to reward the vultiva- | torof the soi!, on whose labors repose the prosperity the very life biood of every otoer pursuit. 1 all these, invoke us to consult together, to de concert measures best calcnlated to elevate us 1 age randize our power, and to combine our energies and vindicate ourselves, our institutions and our mtry-—and make it what God has decreed it shall yreat, powertu) and beneficient to the purposes of civi'izahon and Cbristianityfand consequently to the great canse +f hamanity. Should we, heediess of the bounties of Providence to us, and unmixdful of our high responsibitities, with coward hearts sbrink from the stern duties which they impose, and vrove ourselves unworthy of so eminent a destiny, may not He, who bas made nothing in vain, inquire of e—Why cupber ye the earth’ Wa. ©. Dantes Chairman Ex. Com. 8. 0. A. Soo V. Jonps, Secretary. THE FREE DEMOCRACY. address PAR STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE 0 PENDENT DEMOCKACY YO THE SHONLE STATE OF NEW YORK. Fellow: citizens; You see before you three separ- ate ticketa for State officers at the ensuing election each claiming your suffrages in the name of demo cracy, besides a fourth, calling itself by the question- able title of democratic whig. Such a sta'e of things roglaime the universal convietion of political man- oF THR INDEX ov TAB | democr ) parties bi willof the people. Anti-demoeraecy tried to defeat this will at the last moment, by voting for Aarur Burr, as President, but indignant democracy chaoged , the constitution itself, to prevent the recurrence of such a danger. Tt we lock beyond wm. anti democracy prese iti forms, but, in fact, al «: the sam usting tue people,tsceking to extend the functivus and increase the eplencor of government, favoring power rather | than freedom, enla: isdiction of federal over State authoriti Jevating claims of pro- perty over the righ's of per. maligning with intense bitterness the advocat nd represontatives Its ai roe principles, its policy, ite the at things, we shall find If of'en nader speci ms be churacter and aims of dewocracy, on the. other hand, have a like consistency. Its cou-tavt aim has been 10 keep the functions of government within the narrowest range tha; the pubiie welfare will admit, ed low the greatest scope f 1 action. fer personal rights abi the claims: It always sta-ds wp for theri Is own terr tture ensroashed up: ny Of its co State lay apd expense, government to the small income th wade to urposes of the a hevor of t i be earth, where those great t honor and inéeg sovereignty of the States under a cloze limitation of the federal government, the rights of personal liberty obove all other interests, and the behing d of the peop'e for self-government: this is what the great bedy of the people of the United States hold to, and wish to see carried out. And this is so self evident, that it weuld seem almost absurd te suppose that apvything can prevent the complete exemplification cf such a geverpment. A close examination, however, will show that auti- bus great resources in its pou and that always be expected to employ i duity. The educati: employments, the jotcrests, y ns, separate them from the mass of the 7 and there classes possess so large a si wealth, intejlectual culture, pride, and iwinence, a8 to create a power, wich almost spontarea emocritic—qhich expanded views and mtevse patrioti-m cam ren- y a cratic. In times of great national , the peop ff 8 s, be er ti f (fice aid station to 7 distras' rough their assistance. y of the psople have go their own concerns, they are ith the course of pub nwers have hecome too onger, and then democracy nud after a struggte cr two, dit has been, aud 30 we expect it mo. ions are needed. And in ¢ tendene the hold of anti-demec peepie to ge in the mea, much to de w at we are vot now woverned de- democracy hws a dangerous of pir aud that an gency has arisen which loudly calls upon the democracy 09 rally in upited phalanx fur the recovery of its riz a restore to the people the power of self. t plece, the are hindered of t , by the exist n of nomina and irresponsible conrentidas another provision, which distrust of the porated into the constitntion-the choice of ent by electors—aun demecr 1s organ zed a set of politicians ‘nto two great rival parties, | ence being that one is pot the othe: placed the goveroment as a shuttle cuck to be bundied back aud forth Is.twe em. Hach party, in ita torn, governs forthe benefit of the politi- | ather than by the will of the vle, taking e that when itself Joses all be sure to take it arty eseary ex! af gamblers 1onor. Both ¢ been tr ed repeatedly, agd it is easy to know which has governed worse by seeing which has | governed last. The people are asurec, when they | of one party, that their only remedy is to | the other. They are thus compelled to choose { two rulers they wiil receive as the least ob- | ivr the time, instead of freely electing the | men whowill best represent tae people's administer the government for the publi _ ivis in such a state of things that poliucians drift | further and fart from the vital privciples of de- | wectacy—the fearless courage for tie right, the spicit of in¢ependence the uncompromising adber- ence to principle, are sacr.ficed to groundless fears | and dastare!y compromises, where justice and free dom sre bai'ered jor party ascendency aud ageran t. ping power “ in the line of safe precedents. ders are Lotbiog, names are nothiag, organiz nd regular successions ae nothing; a demo- cratic party which shang new issues, has tied up its own hands, and ‘Dit is more solicitous to be na- tiopal than to maintain liberty, it is worn out, and fit cply to be cast away. What isthe “ natious! democracy” of 1853, but a renewal of the “ national repoblican sm” of 1433, aa this latter was but another name for old federalism, gone to seed | ‘Lhe ascendant power of anti-democracy is clearly seen in the whole system of cowardly counsels and corrupt sompromises which have controlled the course of Congress for the last five years, It ia not democracy which has heaped up thirty millions of dollars in the treasury, of money extoried and with- held from the people, for no object but to be scram- bled for by speculators, colely becanse no politician has the courage to propose a reduction of the tariff. It was not demosracy that kept free California out of the Union unti) the tissue of political bargains could | be completed. it was not democrasy that i Fillmore act, tramp!ipg down at once he the safe- | | Act inde | days eince, L was | startling fact- . panies and English expi | eruise around nati! we r , “age will not be, as has been the inal eager pc libert; Rr heap ges on Ty , out of abject obenvighey sectivnal class interest, Nor is it in the spirit of democracy, ledge its “acquiescence” in measures acknow! be wrong, or to admit the power of one Congress to bind ite successors to perpetuate an abuse, be- cause it has been called by its authors a “fiual”’ set- tlement. In the name of a denocracy which recognises no finality to reform while abuse’ remain, and whieh ac- quiesces in vo compromises by which liberty i# sar rendesed, we reopen all eer lames. We reaffirm com] or for sel’-government, and to Pee fom ameng’ themeelves, and not by the dictation of politicians, tue men who will admin- we the nen - at value of 8 at inte up now mount value PS ase adh all of property, and for the sove- reignty of the States against encroachments of federal power, however insidious; and we step forth with the foremost in vindication of the power and in- dependence of our country among the nations, while we seek to remove, by constitutional means, the oaly evil-that tarnishes our character, or weakens our hands, or embarrasses our arguments, in our rela- tions with foreign powers. Fellow-democrats, who have never acted with our organization, we are sensible that by this title we may speak to the great of the citizens of the Empire State. We ciaim no merit of superior intel- liget.ce or sincerer ‘otiam. We are not intoler- gnt of differences of opinion. We have ourselves learned Hy Soares! the fuller application of princi ples which are as dear to you as tous. In thisim- portant developement of humanity, imperfection is ae dpaineesiey Lesage inconsiitency a of pocrisy. We ovly as whether you ar3 not tea of going back and { between two val sets of politicians, of which the main difference is, that when one set are in power the other are out. Are you not convinced that true democracy is not to be found among nati palized politicians, by whatever name they may call themselves? We ask you now to look after the remedy for these abures, by first tracing them to their cause, And that canse is to be found in the politicel ascendancy of the slave power, by which a déspotical moneyed oligareby ot a few thou- sand persons control the whole government of the country for their own advantage, and in derogation of the righ«s of all others. You have been long accustomed to look to the slave interest for your. politioal leaders-— your model democrats, And, indeed, they are loud-moutied ia defenee of personal liberty when «their own rights are in danger; they are jealous for State sovereignty, except when it shits them to trample ou the so- vereiguty of their sister States; they are bold for the national independence whenever their great and paremceunt interest of slavery does uot demand the sacrifice of honor. But, bow caa slavebolders, a3 8 body, be democratic, when they hold the interest of slavery superior to all other interests and rights, of themselves or others? It ia only by throwing offits dependence upon the slave power, and its old defer- ence to the owners of men, that democracy can re- cover its own freedom, and be thus prepared for the further reforms which time may require. ee aoa are we persuaded of the soundness of this rast that we have taken our permanent stand at bis point, and have resolyed to follow no lead and sustain no political organization, which is not inde pendent of the dictation of the slave power. Few or many, and be the strogele longer or shor:er, here is the position to which the country must come, or de- mociacy is prostrate forever. independeat demo- cracy or none, is the alternative before us. We appeal to those who acted with us ia laying the Buffalo platform in 1848, a3 well as to those who then admitted thit we were on the right ground, only the time was pot quite come for tbem to join us. Haye you gained anything by pursuing mp orizing policy? Is democracy avy nearer its triumphs, or more free from its embarrassments, by all your com- promises, and reunions, and acqulesciegs, and bar gains? Is the present political condition of the coun: try flattering to your sagacity, or consolatory to your patricti-m 7 Ob, fellow-citizeus, arouse, and burst the con ; temptible bands by which politicians have bound you band and foot, to make merchandise of you once more iu the shambles of venality and intrigue. Exercise your freedoin, end then you are free, ndently, aud then you are independent. Choose for yourselves, and then you acquit power of choice, and then democra ty shall free, Lyman Crary, Roprrr R. Raymoxp, | E. L. Sovie, + of Onondaga. Exocnd Marks, | Cuanes A. Wuraton, | R. H. Sernxc English Commerce and Influence in south America, New York, Dee. 2, 1853. TO THE EDITOR OF THE H Upon looking over a map of tursibly struck by the somewhat riling to an American merchant— that almost all the fureign trade of tha’ country, ag wel! as that of the passenger and mail servi riedon by, and under the control of, English com- 1. mus, (Atlantic side,) and sch Pavama, opposite the pcint of departure, and see what facts we shall meet with. First, then, we find the British Royal West Iodia Company in full possession of the entire northern coast and adjacent islands. Second, we come to the magnificent rivers Magdalena and Orivoco, the two great bichways of all that part of South America north (f the Amazon, a regim—except that of the Valley of the Amazon-- the richest in the world ; on beth of which English companies have the exclusive monopoly of navigation by steam. Next we reach the eastern coast, having direct communication with Liverpool, (not with the United States,) by means of én Dnglish line of steamers, and also with Marseilles by a French line, just established. Farther on we arrive at the La Plata and its mighty wibutaries, draining a vast extent of territory of almost fabulous wealth, again monopolized by English companies, there being uo existing rivalry, Doubling the Cape, we find stili another English line of steamers in ua- disputed possession of the eniire west coast, a dis- iance of some four thousand miles. fo fine. Huglish cavital, propelled by steam, has compictely surrounded South America, and has, moreover, paddled its way, at various points, far into the int r, not only monogolizing commerce, an infin at variance nd doctrine of our iastitations, and our futare mercantile interests. [+ isa u fact Unat the natives of those countries are extremely ayerse to chauge their habits or adopt anything new; end bene they become accus- tomed to the styles and c7tatities of Buglish favrics— when Yankee cuterprise shall have begua to occupy the same grouod—American manufactures will be found at a discount. in view of the arove state of things, is behooves our goverament to awake toa sense of its duty, and prove to the people—what haa appeared of late very doubtful—that it regards our national commerce as of more importance than the appointment of a deputy surveyor tor the Disraal Swamp. It ix the plain duty 0’ our government to foster and give “aia snd comtort’’ to American en- terprise, and lo open, if possible, new chanse’s of tm and consequent wealth—channels greatly needed, now that California has become fairly com- mere ri¢den, avd Australia an unprotitable mart. ‘There is still, however, a feld for American o be, as usual, the pioneer—a field hitherto liivated, revelling in th Id luxtriance of un- bounded and inexhaustible wealth, from ‘mine, field and forest’ a fed destined cre many years to be- come the Goleonda of the world’s commerce. That field is the glorious, ever blooming valley of the Amazen—a region unequalled oa earth for its pre cious metals and minerals, its drags and dyewooda, ive cabinet woods, ship timber and agricultural pro- ducts, but now dead to the world, merely because it suits the whim of Brozil to will it s0 to be, in defi- ance not only of national and civit law, but of com- ton gense and rantual right— the “right of way” to those rations inviting our commerce. No one denies the perfect right of Brazil to forbid foreign trafic on those shores of the Amazon within her territorics; but to exelude from the whole world those countries within whose borders the very Ama- zon itselt has its sources, and part of its course, is an absurd and unwarrantable stretch of power, and un- worthy of a professedly civilized nation. As well might Mnglana deny to the world the privilege of trace up the Mediterranean, because, forsooth, she commands its entrance at Gibraltar. itis a disgrace to our administrations, past and present, that such intolerable selfishness should have been so long submitted to. From_ the tone of Presi- dent Pierce's inaugural, our merchants had reason to expect a nobier and more liberal course of action on the part of our government. Jet us indulge the hope that the forthcoming mes- if ral, “more empty words, signifying nothing,” and that ere lon, there wi be heard echoing among the golden val- lies of the Andes, the shrill whistle of a Yankee steamer. So mote it be. YANKER. si Let us begin at the I Errorras Sreamsiny Lixe ro Porrnann, Me— The arrangements for celebrating the arrival of the first regular European steamer at this port are pro- gressing satisfactorily. The city authorities have ap- oe @ committee to co-operate with the Board of ‘rade. Her arrival will probably be announced b the firing of cannon and ringing of bells. The Sar: Sands may be looked for ia the course of ten days. Next year we sball have a weekly line of steamers Eorope—Portland Argus, Dee. 3, A Letter to the Unton. A FROM A NEW YORK HARD, New York, Nov. 18, 1853. S81r—You occupy # conspicuous position, apd you monzY MARKET. pried that I address you. towards the national demo:rats of New York ; but I shall show to you as much of both as I deem due to the occasion. We have not given you aud your | adherents the severe lesson you“have had to learn + rom our late election, by using hard words. The national democrats of New York are not obliged to tesort to any language which does not correspond aie Be eee their character, or the 38 of their poll position. It is entirely proper to hold you responsible for jour recent political course ; because you have in former veers, firly, established your claim to the respect vl friends of Gen. Cass. You have your. sell pronounced man; public an eul on Daniel 8. Dickinson, before bean to vilify his, You have | om the other fide of the Atlantic, and not shown yo! scrupulous in dealing with | cannot be induced to invole themselves io | reat and pure men, when you wanted to help a bad mas by erin them ; and therefore you must not complain if you are not handled very gently. 1 know that you have undertaken a very difficult task, and I feel ‘sorry for you ; therefore I shall not use any bard werds. Mapvy brave man has been put in‘ fale position ; and I still think that even you will come out, although your friends will smell sulpber for some time, whenever you come into their neighborhood. reer will not be to blame because you have been in company. Yes, you have a hard road to travel, and you may have a harder one yet. When you left Tennessse, to come up to Washington to edit the Union, you would have cut Aa ht hand off before you would have started, if you known what the Cabinet was going to do with yoa when you got there. You have bad to play the part of ‘Good lord, good devil, and other sinners have found it an awkward business. Birton might succeed at it for a night; but you will certsinly break down, if you try to keep it up. It may do very well for the moment, as a political trick, but inthe long run you will find that it ron’t they have al speculating capitalists-took hold of certsia lea sag Editor; you was once a confidential corres- pondent of Ged. Cass, and you have raid and written your full share of noble and “hard” things against the wen that we bave overthrown, with your Cabinet to back them. How do you feel now, when you ap our pen in white ink for one side, and in black in! for the other? Is it congenial business for you to burn incense to Gen, Dix, who consented to ran on an enibalevery ticket in 1848, expressly to defest Gen. Cass, with John Van Buren for a tender, carry- ing the flamin [ase of political abolitionism in f hand, to light the way of the traitor? Mr. Editor, there #re several mem\ers of the Cabi- net which you Blotity every twenty-four hours, that | you wrote and spoke against most vehemently, only | @ year or two ago. One of them is the Secretary of | War, who was the most lurid disunionist in the whole country; who ridiculed the compromise mea- | sures, and you and me forupholdiug them. How do | you fee! now, late at night, when you sit down by | our table in the little bask room of the Union of- ice, and put a sheet of pure paper on that piece of | gree clcth, to write praises oa this trickster? How | do you feel when you see Mr. Guthrie come up, reek- | ing with the crime of negro rlavery—if it be one—to pea abolition lectures to Judge Bronson? We | oped thet you would let ug put down abolitionism | at the North, without sending Southerners and slave- holders, and Secretaries and members of Cabinets, to paralyze us; and, above all thiogs. we hoped that | neither Kentucky, Mississippi, or Tennessee would fornish eulogists on John Van Buren. Mr. Editor, have you thought what you are doing | exactly ¢ I know you are paid for it; bu’ still, you Animalabreed 7 turf feel, after all, that it will take a good dea! to | Baskets 33 favorable for the bears. tions — Nov. 29, steamship Hansa Bremen, specie Do. 20 ¢o. Arabia, Liverpool gold bars. ‘Am. gold Cal. ingots. Am. Total Nov. 26 to Dee. 3.. Previously reported... Total for 1853 .... Same time in 1852... out @ large acm. dsy, Deo 2, 1852:— Hatters’ goods 1 rea'ly pay a man for doing certain things. Thisca- Books. Hemp. binet has level'ed the orly blow agains’ slavery it Kettle: Do. yarn,....1, ever felt from an administration, Everybody thinks | B istl 128 India rabber. that you are enacting “Uncle Tom’s Cavin” ia your | Brevzes 4p Instruments—- paper. That is a very nice littla romance; ba’ I uate ie hink you had better not say much about it. Above | pottoue 36 all, do not Pe iton the “public stage.” ‘The aboli- | Candies... tionists will disseminate it qoitefast enough A very | Canes obscure theatre in New York hed played “Uncle | Carrie; Tom” one or two hundred vights, and made money | Cheese atit. Barnum, doubtless, ached to bring it out bim- | China self in the beginning, for he knew there was abolition- | Cigare iste enough in the country to make it profitable; but ada he was afrsid of the public sentiment at the South, | Gong, where he bad half a dozen travelling menageries, | Balter of the Washington ‘ FINANCIAL AND COMMERCI Sunpay, Dec 4—6 P.-' At the close of the market yesterday prices for the expect to be noticed. Therefore you will not be sur- jing fancien slightly improved At the seoond board were large trarssctions in Erie, principally for cash 1 You have not displayed much charity or respect | se!lers op'ion. Nicaregua, Cumberland, aod Parker sold at higher prioss, and there was a better { among speculators. This may be but temporary, ig our opinion that it cannot be otherwise, for we o no reason why fancy stocks should have a¢vanced It is a matter of considerable astonishment how § securities are even maintained. Mopey ix undoub easier, but that will not help the market much, for e no buyers others than thore who are already fi ld to the brim. Until this is changed there can be manent improver-ent in prices, and we see no imm | prospect of such # change. There is a distrust mind relative to the future, growing of the position of political and fiasneial a, new schemes The commercial classes have he: been extensive speculators in fancy stocks for a rise, a, by their operations, given egreati tus to business at the Exchange. Recent severe | and the present stringency in the money market cut short the demand from that source, and there outlet for the immense quantities of securities | ave accumulated in the hands of the brokera, cies & few weeks since, when prices bad reached low points, and run them up four or five per cent A as they ceased purchasing the market became dulb’ and since it has been with great difficulty sustained clique we allude to purchased largely aud rapidly the effect was for a time favorable, but they #0! filled up, ard so they remain, Stocks gsnerally ar in the street in large blocks, and the brokers ha power to move them. The banks are not #0 libel their call losns to brokers, having loaded thi pretty well by the hy pothecation of stocks which bave but an imagiuary value. The pr orpect is dev The annexed statement exhibits theamount of | exported from ‘hia port during the week ending #) cluding Saturday, Dec 3, distiegaisting the d! ‘The stes mer from Boston for Liverpoo! on Wed next will take outa large amount of specie. Th¢ from this port for Liverpool next Saturday will a Tom Thumb:, and God knows what, But theother | Corks. 18 day he announced it, aud in a way that Mrs. Stowe’s | Cotton yarn... 45 invention would never have thought of. Highalong | Cottex........ 81 the cornice, some fifty feet, in orpamentel letters | Dag’pe plates. 7 beautifully done, I saw “Uncle Tom's Cabvin;” be PrORR— low it some five hondred yards of cotton 'mua- | Acetic acid... 30 ‘in, repfesentirg @ wegro dance on ove side, aa and the antifugitive slave lav fight between TH Sheathing ibe raneways and paid porsuers on the | Avec fotide u 432 Iron, tons. other. The latter ¢: was done remarkably | Balsamecop 49 Hoop do..p! well, and Barnum, who don’t pay very high | — Do. tol 9 Pig do.. tous. 4450 for these things, must have drawn his pocket a R.R do.,bar.14 992 little for that, ior it was done by a man of talent. Sheet do. pia. Now, Mr. Editor, how muvy abolitionisis do you Bora suppose Barnum makes there in Broadway with this Tate scene every hour? Not a tithe as mang a3 you make whenever you print the U.ion, small as its cirewlation may be. Baraum influences common tminés—you carry with you the sanction of a national administraiicn, But you have mot the slightest ijea that Barnum would have dared to paist sbolitionism | over the whole facade of bis theatre until your Cabi- het appointed free svilers to cffice, and their official editor was told to eulogise them. Mr. Editer, I be- yin to think the South is abolitionised, and I will tell you why. Jefferson Davis was a ranting secersionist when he stumped Mississippi against Foote. He made no distinction between Northeruers and abolitionists, | and you know he talked pretty hard about any Mis- eS who would vote for any Northera man for the Presidency. And yet you published his letter the other day, in which he plays the very Knight | Paladin to Prince John. Mr. Marcy attempts to re-- store the Van Buren dynasty in New York, by con- Paper. . Do, hangings Papier mache. Berfomery. Sulphur. centratizg nearly all the offices of the State upon | Reg antimony 11 +100 the men who defeated our party and Gen. Cass in | Tortaric acid. 10 Plaster, tons..1080, 1848. Mr. Dobbin, another Southera gentleman, sits | Tenqua beans = 7 Potatoes, bush 8800, in those + igh abolition Cabinet councils, and ejiher | Vermillion.... 2 Eseatofioar, .. approves of what is done, cr does not deem it his | Gata 92 duty to fo'low the example of his predecessors from | JTev cog e otg Rope “4uaz the same State, and frown down incipient treason. | Seen, 523 Salt, bush. . 18,452 One by one the Southern prees come over to the suo- | Em 1. 110 ¢ 40 rt of this abolition Cabinet, and wherever a m2n kicked he was fettered with office or patronage. At last the great gun of Rishmond is spiked—the Jn- quirer turns its hack on the man that fought for it and the South in 1548, and have ever since, because the South had the constitution on its side, and rot | because we loved merchandise in flesh and blood, be they never so biack. Mr. Editor, betore our late election you tried to make tbe South thiak that the grand issue upon which ite fortunes hung wis a family quarrel in New York. If it was, neither your payer vor your Cabinet hed any business to mix up with it. But, sir, you have seen that it was so:e- thing more. Tbe stake for us io that election was the Union—the stake for you was slavery. You in- sulted us; yaur people sent hired bullies to the con- vention at Syracuse; they wrote resolutions, by which they made your New York free scilers lick negro dust, and confessed that they were scoucdrels ia 1848; and you thought by these means you would carry the State. Now, what did you sucaeed in do- ing? You only proved that your free soilers were not only scoundrets in 1848, but are rascals now; and you know in your own heart that you did not believe in their sincerity then, and you don’t believe in it now any more than I do, Is, then, the South sbotitionised? Has“ Uncle Tom's Cubin” dore its work? And has Mrs. Har- riet Beecher Stowe told the trath after al!, aud not Hops.eceves Articles for © Pal Exhib’n Otier imports, 7 GiThe principal items of import during the + been as follows :—bristles, $58,010, negats, $33 6 oly converted us, but you’ Mr. Editer, in a | $99,126; feathers, $26,090; raisins, $55,692 far: few days the next Congress comes together; | hemp yarn, $39,203; dressed skins, $33 970; and we shall make a discovery. We shall | jing, $149,175: brandy, 36,496; copper slirnth eee whether the South sent up the howl of “ wolf! 186; iron, $136,069; pig iron, $63,735; raitt wolf! wolf!” asatrick: becouse it wasa trick if ake you are right. But, sir, I believe that you are | $106,726; sheet iron $04,244; hardware, vi ‘wrong; thet you misrepresent the genuine feeling of | $110,814; steel, $39,774 tin, $80,610; rope, $61,f 39,6468. The aggregate val It is about time for arrivals fo) the South in every column you write. I believe that your Cxbinet has bought over that part of the Bouth thot was in market, or cold be dragged there; Int I do not believe tuet you have bougbt up the statesmen of the Sonth, nor the men of the $79,725; watct is increasing. will be immense, For some time past # large goods has been going into the warehouses, aud/ the demand eprings up they will be immediat the market. A comparison of our foreiga tre first eleven months of the present and past present some very curious results. We annex Sonth—often greater than their statesmen —although you make a very handsome show in the newspapers John C. Calhoun has gone to his honored grave; so has Webster, whom the South betrayed; and Clay, who was betrayed by the north. But the people of the South are loyai, true, great; and you have be- frayed them, I think; I don’t know, but we chall see, as we did about the New York election. Another thing I believe. When your old friends from the Southern States come up to the councils of the nation, as oy are coming now, before they take your hand as they used to, they will look you full in the face, and ask you, ‘“ What, in the name of Ged, you have been doing.” That day wi'l come bP das Peer ve Whe sir; be it is all vain to play off t) charlataniam any longer ona great community like that of this Soaatry, You| 1 by arm Lif a pesaltat cannot meet a true Southern man, a3 you seemed to | Value of impo e exports her be only a year ago, without tdi after the part | thesggregate. The balance against us in | you have’ played, very corions. You will not be | trade of the port has, however, annually inc able to give a straightforward, cirect, and satisfac- | the fret eleven months of 1863, {t was-nearly tory answer. It will be meapegg to take a g00d | 4. the name period in 1861, But for the incre: e while, and you will want to men, (by the hundred,) be the arm into the sroggery ‘at the west | tation of merchandise this year, there woul end cf your building, and sit and talk it all | bute trifling variation in the aggregate, for over, This wi'l dowith some of them, but it won't | ment of apecte, compared with the correspor 0 far. On this oer the South are not going to | inst year, has been about the same, Up muddled by bad liquor. Mr. Editor, in Tsay, December, 1863, the exportations of speci port was but $204,445 Jess than to the sen I think you have betrayed the South, and I know that pe! will be told so by a thousand men, if you seen: She or 1868 will probably ex live Ull spring. And yet you may be right. Mr. Marcy may turn out to be the ebrewdest and the wisest of our politi- ciane. He has acted exactly as though the Soath was abolitionised. So bave you. If you are, New York isnot. But ifyou are, we have fought for you our last battle, and f have nothing more to say. Your obedient servant, A New Yous “Harp,” tiod:— Commence or THx Port or New York—Imron Pr Z Months 1861, 1852. een id 606.357 $126 331,515 8! + 179,099,882 64,822, 2: seen of Imports Faegr export... $45,496.525 $60,600,616 | steady incre movement of specie has long since ceased to ‘alarm or appprehension in financial circles | of the Atlantic. We have an overplus ae well spare it for the liquidation « G@ebiedners as 00 much of any othe j gate value of imports and exports for the ep | Auctuated | | 1852 by two or three million of dollars. T | apring trade, and the probability is that the im | t | sy | SmrMEnis or SrEcir YROM THE Port or New Me B41) 175) The annexed statement exhibits the quantity ar of certain articles, other than foreign dry goods, ir into this port during the week ending and includ Commence Gets Port or Naw YorK—WEERLY Im Hair manutd. 14" |