The New York Herald Newspaper, November 27, 1853, Page 4

gAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR AND EDITOR, QYrICs %. W. CORNER OF FULTON AND NASSAW 97:8. RMS cash in advanee. iE DAILY HERALD 2 conte per copy—$T per crmmem, THE WERKLY HER‘LD every Saturday ct uy cen's annum; the Euro. ean Edition te per as Great ' ritain and $8 tw any pert of tie or $8 my th te tule ta ce Witt ONT ERY CORRESEONDENCE. containien imper neta solicited from any quarter of the world; if used will | liber a. id for, RB VURFORKIGN CORREMPON DENTS SiweNeetn, Sayustare ees ieee as aoe hays BRT US , 5 ‘ERS by mail for Subseri; tions, or with Adver- wee Th eM IS tr he pommge Will br ceducted from emilted. fi AO NOTICE taken of anonymous communicc-tions, We do mm wT PRINTING circuited with neatness, cheapness, and “TovER TISEMENTS renewed every day. AWUSEMENTS TO-MORROW ZVENING. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery—GamrsteR—CARPENTRR ev Roven BROADWAY THEATHE, Broadway--Evavnn—Love— Poor Pruuicoppy NIBLO'S, Broadway— BURTON'S THEATRE, Chambers street—Fox Cuase— Biuasicse Pwrss. NoTIONAL THBATRR, Chatham street—Unere Tox’s ABLN Prorner. Broadway—Cune ror Co ruaw ONE. ALLACK'S THRA evrries Mone Buoy KS AWERIGAN MUSEUM—Aftormeon——Quren’s Own— Srare Suckers. Bveuing—Oxcie Tom's Cauin, BROADWAY MKNAGERIE—Siauese Twos ave Wiio Beasrs. BOW2RY 4XPHITHRATRE, 397 Bowery—Equesrnian WRRvoORMANCES. @HKISTY'S ANBRICAN UPERA HOUSE, 472 Beosdway —Erniovsan Mevopies sy Cunisry's MivsTRELS. WOOD'? MINSTRELS. way—) ruroPraw Minar: Micotrel Mall, 44 Broad- BUCKLEY'S OPREA HOUS Bruoriay Orera Trovrz. BANVARD'S GEORAMA, 696 Broadway—Paxonams oF wne Bory Lawn. RHENISH GALLERY, 663 Brondway—Day and Eveninz. 'B, 689 Broadway—Bvcancr's SIQNOR BLITZ—Sruvvasant Ixsrrrvre, 659 Broadway. ACADEMY HaLL, Brosdway--Peruau’s Gurr Exxz- WrIrION OF THE SEVEN MILE MIRROR. POWELL'S GREAT NATIONAL PAINTING rox tux VERNMENT is NOW OPEW-AT THE NATIONAL AGADEMY OF RsiGN, 663 Broadway. HOPE CHAPSL, 718 Broadway—Joxzs’s Panroscors. WORLD IN MINIATURE—Broadway, eorae: of trees, New York, Sunday, November 27, 1853. — The News. The ship Bavaria, Captain Bailey, from Melbourne, (Australia,) arrived at this port yestefday morning, after a very short run of eighty-seven days, bringing @ur newspaper files dated to the 27th of August. She had also six thousand ounces of gold dust on Sreight to Messrs. Adams and Company, and about $120,000 in the hands of her passengers, all of whom had been most fortunate in their mining operations, This ship sailed from Hobson's Bay upon the 30th of August, and Port Philip Heads upon the Ist of September, and has delivered the first direct mail from the Australian Continent to New York. Mr, Adams, bearer of despatches to the government at Washington, arrived in the Bavaria. The anti-laud tax agitation was progressing, and the tone of the jndependent speakers was becoming more bold and enthusiastic. A great many other crowded meetings were held at the different ‘ diggings,” at which the @etrine of a local representative and independent government vas freely advocated. American enter- prize was pervading the entire Continent, and ex- tending to every source of improvement or profit. A correspondent furnishes us with a brief bat Piquant review of the career of Tom Warner, of tor pedo noteriety, noticing his studies, his occupations, and his professional and literary exertions, sia:e @eis arrival at Meloourne. The Melbourne 4ryus publishes a very caustic but an amusing letter from @ student of heraldic lore upou the guvexument scheme of a“ Bocany Bay Peerage.” The latest gold circular and commercial advice are published elsewhere® The mails of the Canada, from Boston, were de livered in this city last night, when we Engli-h and other European letters and advice: dated to the 12th instant. We publish the most in teresting of these documents which have more imme- @iate reference to the progress of the Eastera war. The letter of our London correspondent confirms the account of the great batue between the Turks and Russians at Oltenitza, and the rout of the latter. Mr. Bachanan’s speech at the civic banquet in Gui.d- hail, London, is reported, as also the progress of the gigantic works of the Vi-toria Dock Company. No tices of theatrical, mercantile, and manufacturing imterest, are also given. By an arrival at New Orleavs we have news from California to the Ist instant. Trade was exceedingly dull, and prices of all descriptions of merchandise, excepting flour, had declined, with large stocks on hand. Phe accounts from the mining di:tricts were very favorable. Between two and three millions in gold was despatched by the steamships which left San Francisco Nov. lst, and will arrive at this portin @ day or two. Ten days later advises from the Sandwich Islands have been received by this arrival, Prince Kamehameha had resigned the office of Prime Minister, and John Young succeeded him. Intelligence from Havana to the 22d iast. bas been received by telegraph from Charleston, at which port the steamship Isabel arrived on Thurs day night. The news is unimportant. The first tele- grapb on the Island of Cuba was inaugurated on the Queen's birthday.” Sugar and freights were very dull. The packet ship Silas Greenman, arrived yester- day from Liverpool, lost during the passage her ehief mate, Mr. William C. Cook, of Newport, R I, and twenty seven passengers, by cholera, She lef Liverpool with 351 passengers, and was fo-ty-five days out. According to the City Inspector's report there were three hundred and seventy five deaths in this city last week. Consumption carried off 42, conges- tion and inflammation of the brain 21, inflamma técn of lungs 22, smallpox 22, congestive fever ). Of the whole number of deatis two hundred and forty-three were under twenty years, of whom 31 died of convulsions, 14 of croup, and 17 of maras- mus. There were 8 prematare births, aud 25 stul born. 68 were Irishmen, 12 Englishmen, 4 Scotch- men, 52 Germans, and 3 Frenchmen. A nolle prosequi was entered by the Uniied States District Attorney in the case againat Mr. Merrit assistant engineer of the steamboat Henry Clay, wh) ‘was charged, together with the oflicers and owner of that vessel, with haviag caused the ealamity of July, 1852. It will be remembered that the defend- ante were acquitted, but Mr. Merritt did not appear to take his trial. Hon. Marray Hoffman, one of the recently elested Judges of the Saperior Court, bas been commis gioned by the Governor of the State to fill the anex- pired term vacaut by the death of the late Judge Paine. In the Court of Oyer and Terminer yesterdsy Woodson Anderson was tried for the murder of Joh Branagon. The jary rendered a verdict of wu slavghtex in the fourth degree, and the Court » tenced the prisoner to two years hard labor. Judge Duer delivered a decision in the Superior Court yesterduy, declaring the injonction agains! the Broalway Railroad jn ojest perpetual. In another coiumn will be found a detailed ac- eount of the execution of Lauretive Fogarty, on Fri day last, at Buffalo. With bis last brewth the un- happy ¢ iminal asserted his innocence of t¢ crime for which he has suffered, aud firmly stated tat he had never bebeld the facé of the murdered man. It seems almost impossible to reconoile with our ide. of humsn nature the fact that 4 man upon the verge of eternity, with not even the shadow of a hope for dan soiety, should boldly assert and reiterate with Lis that he was innocent of the crime charged against | him, whilst the most conclusive evidence was ad- duced upon his trial to satisfy a disinterested and humane jury that his bends were stained with a fel- low creature’s blood. Our charity prompts the con- | clusion that the enormity of the cffence had so worked upon his imagination as to turn his brain, and his assertion of innocence came from a mind insane. Our despatches and letters from Washington this moruing contaivs much that is interesting. An adjourned meeting of the Assistant Aldermen | Committee on the Harlem Railroad improvement, so called, was held yesterday afternoon. A full report is given in another column. ‘The meeting adjourned | sine die. The robber of the Bank of ths State of New York was arrested in this city yesterday afternoon, ani over thirty-three thousand delars of the stolen money recovered. An account of the arrest will be found elsewhere. news from Europe. | Fogarty standimg upon the gallows and contending | do hear occastepally of a splendid talent being NEW YORK HERALD. | erurbed by a cabal of unjust erities ; but, if the truth were known, the crities would always be | found to be innocent of the murder, ‘Those who | are able t form an opivion on such matters, know well enough that the most influential critic is powerless to destroy the popularity of | on ‘artist of real merit. Newspaper attacks generally put him on his mettle, and the public invuriably leans to the side of the party assail- ed. Dramatic history teems with accounts of great actors who have risen to fame in the teeth of cruel criticism ; it occurs, in fact, far more frequently that a mediocre talent is gead- ed into sublime efforts by attempts to injare. than that a real genius is extinguished by such means. Even if it were not so, is it not far bet- | ter that an occasional injustice should be done to a popwlar performer, than that the public | should bave no guide in such matters? Artists The steamship Atlantic is now due, with ‘later | The propeller Independence, when about: mile | from her dock at the head of the Portage River, on the. 21st inst., burst her boiler, killing four persons — the first engineer, one passenger and two firemen— and badly injuring several others. The boat and cargo were completely destroyed. ‘On our inside pages may be found interesting let- ters from Rio Janeiroend Pernambuco ; xplosion on board the steamboat Robert Martin; A Week upon the Island of Tobago; A Fast Man ; U. 8. Commis- sioner’s Court; Religious Intelligence ; Musical and Theatrical notices: Financial and Commercial news, &e,, &e. ~ Dramatic Criticism and Pufery. No department of this paper hes given us more trouble of late than our musical and dramatic criticism. Our instructions to the gentlemen who are entrusted with those branches are confined to the simple injunction : Be just. Unfortunately, it would seem that their notions of justice seldom coincide with those of the performers whom they criticise, for the appearance of a critique in our columns is almost sure to be followed by the appearance of actor or singer in our office, complaining bitterly that he has been maltreated. abused, insulted. We are called upon to interfere to protect him from the malevolence and rancour of our attaché. If the appeal were made on the ground of error in the critigue, we could have little hesitation in deciding how to act ; most artists are indifferent judges of their own performances, and we are not in the habit of entrusting duties to writers in whose ability to discharge them we cannot implicitly rely. But the appellants seldom impeach the accuracy of our strictures. They prefer the argumentum ad hominem to the argumentum ad rem. Thu we are told that our censure is destroying ‘the prospects of a most promising young man, and will drite him into some employment of a less exalted nature than the stage. Or we are ac- cused of blighting the tender hopes of acharm- ing débutante, whose gentle heart will surely break if we continue to accuse her of pro- nouncing the vernacular incorrectly. Or, we are given to understand that a devoted wife and seven sweet children will be reduced to beg- gary, ifwe repeat our objections to Mr. Snooks’ rendering of Macbeth or Julius Cesar. Or, we are warned, with awful solemnity, thatwe shall certainly bring old Mr. Smith’s gray hairs with sorrow to the grave, if we allow our wicked critic to hint that his daughter, that infant phenomenon, Amalia, had better be in the nur- sery than on the stage. Assailed with arguments of this nature, occa- sionally not unmingled with rather clumsy at- tempts at flattery, we find it sometimes difficult to resist the charitable impulses of our heart, and torefrein from yielding to the piteous appeal, even at the expense of our critic’s reputation and our own consistency. Whether the triumph thus achieved by our petitioners is of any sab- stantial benefit to themselves, they can decide better than we. We are content that they should make the most of it; but as the practice appears to be becoming general, we should like them. before going any further, to think calmly over its character and consequences. Reduced to plain words, the pretensions of | the artists to whom we allude place one simple question in issue: Shall there be any euch New York, or shall there be nothing but puff- ery? This is the real point to be settled; and it is worth a little careful examination. Puifery is not without its advantages. It is | a very pleasant thing for a singer to perecive that half a million of people are told that his voice is admirable, his style perfect, and his accentuation above reproach ; for an actor to find the same number of confiding souls perus- ing a vivid narrative of his spirited perform- ance; or for an actress to read of the witchery of her voice, the brilliancy of her jeu, and the charm of her manner, These things are, we say, very gratifying to be told, more especially when a strict conscience would have been satis- fied with a much milder form of approbation. | Nor is puffery destitute of recommendations to the newspaper which puffs. As compared with criticism, it is incomparably easier and plea- | santer todo, Any blockhead can beslaver a performer with indiscriminate praise, sure that, in the delight with which his drivel will be read by the object of the puifs, such trifles as grammatical errors and dashes of nonsense will be graciously overlooked. We can buy pufls dirt cheap ; criticism, like other valuable com- modities, fetches a respeetable price in the lite- rary market. It must not, therefore, be said that puffery is indefensible. But still the question remains: what is the use of the stuff we call puffery? Granted that it pleases artists, and is a considerable economy for newspapers, what is the net result and ny- shot of the practice? Does itreally confer aay solid benefit on art, on artists, or on our- selves? Is there a single instance of art rising to a respectable rank in'any country, where criticism was not loud, fearless and severe’ Can a single actor or singer be mentioned who gained a jog porition through newspaper pufis? Is it not perfectly obvious that of all possible performances, lavish, senseless praise is, the most wearisome to read, and the most direct- ly detrimental to the character of the paper in which it appears? We shall be happy to re- ceive further light on the subject, if we are in error ; but it does seem to us as well establish lished as any other lesson of experience, that nothing tends to degrade art, artists, and critic? so directly os the system of indiscriminate puMing. <A jad 18 censorship is as necessa: to the formation and preservation of a fi draw.a or lyric talent as study or practice and, in like manner, the adoption of a tone of strict justice hy Gritics ia as essential to their influence as a knowledge of the rules of art. . We are told that such or such a criticism was unusually—unnecessarily severe, Suppose it was, what practical injury flows from the fact ? iXow mauy artisie of real merit have seen their ying board a falsetwod; sud ye: we find thia man | provpects destroyed by adverse griticiam? We thing as musical and dramatic criticism in | | circumstances, must learn to get rid of some foolish notions | they have. They must try to convince them- selves that no man, in the position of a critic, would venture to undertake a gratuitous and systematic persecution of one of their number, it the public were not of his mind. He, like they, has a reputation to preserve; and he may lose it as readily by unreasoning severity as by elavering praise. © Repudiation in Mississippi—The Honor of the Sputh, A contest is arising in the State of Missis- sippi, in which the national honor is involved. That State is now the only one in the Union which has not provided for the payment of its just debts to foreigners. Some short while since the quibble on which an attempt had been made to defraud the State bondholders came before the courts, and to the satisfaction of every man of honor in the country, the Chancellor and the Judges of the Court of Errors decided that the conduct of the State Commissioners could not absolve the State from liability, and that Mississippi ought to eprovide for the payment of the bonds issued on account of the Union and Planters’ banks. It would now appear that this decision has given great offence to the citizens of our sister State. They indignantly repel the imputation of honesty, and testify their dissa- tistaction at the conduct of their judges by de- feating Judge Yerger, and menacing his col- leagues with asimilar fate at the next election. They are resolved to maintain their character tor dishonesty, and will not brook any com- punctions of conscience on the part of their State officers. It is said that this resolution had something to do with the defeat of Gov. Foote, whosaw no reason why a State should not pay its debts like a simple individual. Whether this be true or po, it seems beyond a doubt that a majority of the citizens of Mississippi are de- termined to persist in repudiating, rather than endure the imposition of a small tax to pay off their debts. In view of such a state of things, an honest man is naturally prone to allow his feelings to get the better of his reason, and to give vent to his indignation in appropriate terms of cen- sure. We cannot doubt that such is the recep- tion which awaits the news from Mississippi abroad. We who, though not pecuniary losers by the decision of that State, have even a more direct interest in its reversal than the bond- holders themselves, must subdue any such in- clination, and refrain from upbraiding until persuasion has finally failed.” The debts now claimed from Mississip, been declared legal and just by the highest courts of the State. The decision of the Court of Errors exonerates us from any obligation to inguire into their nature and validity. Judges appointed by the citizens of that State, and on whom no imputation of bias or suspicion of ig- norance can rest, have formally pronounced in faver of the bondholders and against the State. Their judgment has been confirmed by every legal mind throughout the country. The unani- mous voice of the American people has given fresh force to the sentence, by recognizing in the most emphatic manner the moral claim of the bondholders on the State. Under these an intention on the part of the citizens to renew their repudiation scheme can only spring from deliberate dishonesty or singular ignorance. At first blush, the former appears the more natu- ral motive. The case of the Mississippi bond- holders has been discussed so thoroughly and so frequently, both in this country and abroad, that one can hardly understand how any one, i have much less an interested party, can still remain in ignorance of its merits. But the supposition that a whole community, like that of Mississippi, can be so utterly lost to every feeling of honor and policy as to brazen outa deliberate fraud before the eyes of the world, seems so unnatu- ral and inconsistent with our experience of | large bodies of intelligent men, that we cannot, without further evidence, consent to regard this as the real sccret of their recent policy. We are more inclined toregard the act as arising from short-sightedness and a narrow view of finance. Mississippi is, as compared to New York, a young State; and it is highly pro- babable that the nature and principles of finan- | cial credit are not understood among its citi- zens. It is unreasonable to suppose that they realise all the injury repudiation will inflict upon them. They see that by repudiating they will shirk the payment of a small tax, sufficient to pay off their debts at periods of fifteen, thir- ty, forty-five, and sixty years; but they do not see that they will thus shut themselves ont for ever from the commercial and financial world. They cannot be aware that a pursuance of the policy now popular omong them will be a total bar to the negotiation of Mississippi bonds and securities for ever hereafter. It Mississippi were a barren State. offering no promise of in- ternal improvement ; if it never intended to build railroads, open canals, construct bridges, or undertake any great State work re- quiring a large outlay of capital; if the planters had made their minds up not to participate in the progress of the Union, we would then understand, if we could not excuse, their deliberate parade of their disregard of the obligations of honesty. As it is, while every- thing around betokens the coming develope- ment of Mississippi’s resourees—when the Pa- cific railroad is being discussed, and a thousand otber great schemes to enhance the value and productiveness of land within her borders are on the tapis—we confess that we are entirely bewildered by the intelligence of the fact. Even at present prices, the tax suggested by the bondholders’ counsel would fall lightly on the planters; and with our prospects, it may be fairly assumed that a few years hence it would not be felt at all. Itis absolutely incredible that so trifling an inconvenience should induce intelligent men to doom themselves toa posi- tion of permanent backwardness and a lot of eternal inertia and disgrace. We retrain ‘som eomamute upon the elect so _________ of repudiation upon the credit, of the United States. At the present day, o@ing to the hones ty of the bulk of the States and the prompt payments that bave hitherto been made of our foreign loans, our cred‘. stands as high in the English market as thatof any country in the world. Should a furopean war occur, it is probable that our securities would rise to a fabulous premir.m on ‘Change in London, Paris and Vienna. One event alone could prevent it, and that event is the realization of the hopes which the people of Mississippi are indulging. Once Yet it be understood that a large and prosperous State of the Union has deliberately resolved not to pay its debts, anda stain will be left on the national character which no amount of financiering and no series of in- stances of integrity can effuce. The Public Priming of Congress. We have frequently and determinedly urged, from time to time the propriety of severing every portion of the public press from government pa- tronage and government influence, and particu- larly ot putting an end to the system by which the government organ at Washington is sus- tained. Our views are adopted and our argu- ments seconded by the independent journals of every stamp throughout the country; and even the politicians themselves have begun to recog- nize the necessity of the change which we have endeavored to effect. A true, upright, aud honest democratic administration---if ever we may hope to find one installed in Washington—has no need of a feeble.parasitic journal to eulogise the course it pursues. It is not only unnecessary, but actually absurd, inasmugh as a journal which is dedicated to such a mean purpose can have no influence or popularity among the masses; and its fulsome, adulatory articles are only consigned to ridicule and contempt. The conscientious approval or disapproval which an independent journal may give to the acts of an administration is of more effect in swaying the publie mind than whole tomes of eulogy from the government organ would be. The freedom of the press, guaranteed by the constitution, should never be assailed by trea- sury influefee, or by the liberal administering of public pap. And it is utterly unworthy and unbecoming of a liberal government. strong in the consciousness of its own integrity, to look for such feeble aid as can be rendered by one of the Washington journals. But, aside from the imbecility which charac- terises euch prints, and of which an honest ad- ministration should be ashamed, it is sanction- ing or committing an absolute fraud upon the public, so to squander the resources of the government, as is dbne in the subventioning of these presses. The government printing could be done far more efficiently, and at an incom- parably less expense, by the establishment of a regular printing bureau, in the way we have often pointed out and advocated. It is time that this reform should be initiated; it is time that the disgraceful custom of lavishing the national resources for the enrichment of a few newspaper proprietors in Washington, should be put an end to forever. And we hope and trust that after the transaction of the most im- portant matters to be brought before Congress, some of the members will turn their attention to this subject. and bring all their powers to its agitation, and to the demolition of this gigantic fraud. The State Election. -The Official Result. Some of the free soil Van Buren papers have enid thet (he scpUle Ul the Bweu vlovetuu tm tte State was “an accident,” and some have called it “a surprise.” As we are now in pos- session of the official result, we shall examine how far it was an accident or asurprise. The figures are as follows:-+ Seward party polled.. National democrats... Van Boren free soil party. Not voting. . 160,000 100,000 The Albany .1tlas, one of the organs of the Van Buren faction. calls the foregoing result a mere accident. Perhaps it was. But it so hap- pens that whatever of accident was about it, cuts direetly the other way. It was no acci- dent that out of 500,000 voters in the State the Cabinet only received 95,000—less than a fifth of the whole. It was no accident that more than four-fifths of the voters of the State were against the administration. It was no accident that the Seward perty polled only 160,000 votes. As far as these two parties are concerned, there was no accident in the matter. Both did their best, and could hardly have gained another vote under any circumstances. The national demo- crats only received 100090 votes;and in that we admit there is a good deal of accident. Itis accidental that instead of 100,000 they did not receive double that number. It will be ob- served that 145,000 persons did not vote at all. Of this number a very large pro- portion would have certainly voted with the national democrats if they believed they had a chance of success. There ean be little doubt that in that case 100,000 of them would have deposited their votes in the ballot box on that side. But believing that there was no use in voting, that the Seward party would sweep the State, and that the result, as far as the offices were concerned, could not be affected by their votes, they did not come forward, aud took no interest in the election. Again—many of them were under the impression (which was also the general anticipation) that the Van Bu- ren and free soil party would poll a greater number of votes than the nationalists; aad not wishing to be found fighting on the losing side, they remained away, and attended to their pri- vate business. One thing is certain—that they were not in favor of the Cabinet or its policy, else they would have voted for it. Further—a con siderable number of the 95,000 that voted for the administration, would not have done so but for the spoils, and federal influence brought so ram- pantly to bear upon the election; and many more would not have voted with them but from a desire that is incident to a majority of mankind--to be always on the winuing side. Had the impreseion, therefore, been the other way, there can be no doubt that such a proportion of those who did not vote at all, and of those who did vote, would have de- clared for the national party so as to have carried it triumphantly into power. Supposing that even one half of those who did not vote (and that is taking itat a very low figure)—had voted with the national democracy, the result would have been 172,500 votes, and the ticket of that party would have been, therefore, elected by 12.500 majority over the Seward ticket. Such will be the result in the next election. Those who did not vote at allwere taken by “ gurprise,” and many of those who did vote with Van Buren and the free oilers, but who sre hunkers and do not naturally belong to that faction, were also taken by “sarprise,” and were therefore found accidentally and tem- found out their erzor since, and they are not likely to be suprised a second time. It is cleer, therefore, that the only accident in the result of the late election, was that the national democrats did not beat the Van Buren and administration party by a far greater ma- jority than they did, and an accident, moreover, that their ticket was not elected by a considera- ble majority over the party of William H. Sew- ard. The mistake will be rectified next election, and the accident cannot occur again. What im- mediate influence this official result, which so clearly prognosticates the future, may have upon the courze of General Pierce in relation to his Cabinet, we are not prepared to say at the »present moment, for the President has been very slow in discerning “the signs of the times,” and it is very hard to determine what amount of evi, dence would be sufficient to convince him that he has committed an error in the construction of his Cabinet, and that the feeling of the country is decidedly opposed to it. Weare not without hope, however, that we shall yet succeed in throwing so much light upon the subject that it will be impossible for him any longer tore main in the dark, or to fail in seeing the path which his duty to the people who elected him, on one side, and a regard for his own character on the other, point out as distinctly as if they were two fingerposts, inscribed with letters so large and plain that “ he who runs may read.” Tne “Revorm”? Commirree anp THE City Governuent.—On Friday evening a caucus meeting was held at the New York University, consisting ef ‘the reform” committee so called, and those members elect, of the new Common Council. who, in the confusion of parties in the late election, were borne into office, partly by the soi-disant retorm clique taking advantage of the circumstances of the time, and throwing the preponderance of their votes and influence, and money, into the scale, on the principle of “throwing a sprat to catch a salmon.” and part- ly by the fact that the people were heartily sick of the old Common Council and its corrup- tion and misgovernment, and were glad to lay hold ofany change which gave the slightest hope of improvement. This clique had been meeting at their own private houses for the last eighteen months, cutting and carving, each man, the slice he wanted for himself in the new ar- rangement so cunningly devised to get hold of the corporation and its funds. But, as additional members were admitted into the secret, the meet- ings became rather large and inconvenient fora private parlor; and accordingly they fixed the place of assembly at the New York University. On Friday evening we sent a reporter there to give an account of the proceedings. He was not admitted, though next morning we found in the Journal of Commerce what purported to be a sketch of the affair, but which carefully kept from the public eye the details of those secret doings. It is worthy of note that while the reform clique condemn the politicians for holding caucus meetings, they hold hole and corner caucus meetings themselves, from which they exclude the press, lest the people should see what they are about. If they are honest reformers—if their designs are unselfizh, and they do not want to thrust their fingers into the treasury—what is the necessity for concealment? What are they afraid of in this free community? If their intentions are upright, and they really desire retrenchment, economy, and good government, would not the people of all shades of politics, and of no poli- 10m, SUL BU UUCEE Wewte ek eetd Mave te carry outevery just measure of reform? Their anxiety to ehut out the light is an evidence of conscious weakness, and of a want of confidenee in the sincerity of their own professions. The speculators who are embarked in this business may get advantages of wharfage, and may get contracts for themselves, or for friends with whom they are silent partners—they may, by intrigue, succeed in controlling the votes of the majority of the Common Council which is to come into operation on the first of January next. But the question is, will the “reform” mem- bers of the new body lighten taxation on the city? Will they keep the streets clean? Will they free them from obstructions, and not ren- der them impassable for vehicles or pedes- trians? Will they give us a little more light? In a word, will they fulfil the fine pro- mises made for them by the reform clique? Not a bit of it, On the contrary, the expenses will be increased, new jobs, of a more enormous kind than ever, will be perpetrated, and “ eonfusion worse confounded” will prevail in the city gov- ernment, in the direets, and everywhere. It will then be seen that it was not for nothing that the reform clique took so active a part in the late election. The people will then find out, if they donot Know already, that thr-sc very disinterested patriots have been throwing dust in their eyes. But the worst of the matter is, that it will be rendered more difficult than ever to fasten upon the guilty parties the responsibility of misgov- ernment and peculation. By the complicated: contrivance which we have got in the name of reform, and which, instead of twenty members in one branch of the legislative power, has in- troduced sixty, the responsibility will be so diffused everywhere that it can be found no- where, and the veto of the Mayor will be socir- cumscribed that, as far as regards being a check upon rapacity and plunder, that official might as well have no existence at all. We shall keep a sharp look out for the machinations of these operators, and from time to time advise our readers of their movements, As for expecting any real reform from the new régime, it would be as reasonable to hope that a hungry wolf would refrain from devouring a lamb placed within his clutches. It was Dean Swilt. we be- lieve, who added to “the seven beatitudes” an eighth—“ Blessed are they who expect noth- ing, for they shall not be disappointed.” What- ever consolation can spring from the eighth beatitude, shall certainly be ours. Exrremes Meer.--The Richmond Enquirer, a Southern journal, and the New York Tribune, a Northern abolition sheet, are both profuse in their deprecation of the revival of the slavery question, in any shape or form, in the approach- ing seesion of Congress, that may grow ont of the opening of new territories or the adimission of new States. The Richmond Enquirer wants to enjoy the spoiis in peace and quietude for a few years. The New York Tribune, also. wants to enjoy the State spoils, and other advantages in the North, consequent on the non-agitation of this question in any of our future contests or elections. But we doubt whether either of them can be gratified. Nothing can stop the terri- torial progress of this country; and ot eyory new accession of territory, or the admission ot new States, the great question of slavery, as a political point of equilibrium, must come up, sometimes in one shape, sometimes in another. It is also better and more conducive to the perasily ou the wrong side ; but all these have ; salty of the South and the understanding of the North, that the question of slavery shoul@ be fully and amply discussed before the vyaole people of the United States, and tested at the polls, openly and above board. We have alk ways been persuaded that there is a large, am immense, majority of the people in the Norther States favorable to that construction of the constitution on the subject which meets the support of all sensible people in the South, We disbelieve that there is any abolition force, or abolition sentiment of any preponderance, im the North; but we wish to test that matter: openly and above board at the polls, and we mean to carry it there one of these days. Post Orrick ADVERTISING IN THIS Crry—A few days ago we addressed a note to the Post- master General at Washington, stating that the list of letters fur this metropolis is published weekly in’ a journal of a certain circulation, which does not mect the requirements of the law of Congress on the subject. With the promptitude natural to a man of character and business efficiency, we have already received the following reply to our letter:— 5 Posr Orrick DRPARTMEYT. First Division Ovrices, Noy. 26, 1853. Sin:—The Postmaster General directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your letier of the 22d instant, and to in- form you that the Postmaster of New York has bevn writ- ten to on the subject of the pricting of the adverti ement of uncalled for letters. Tam, especticlin, your obedient servant, . R AOBBIE, Firet Assistant P, M. G-neral, PROPRIETOR OF Tuk New York BeRALD, New York We addressed a letter of a similar tenor ta that alluded to above, and at the same time, ta the Postmaster of this city; but we suppose the gentleman who occupies that post here ‘has his time so much engaged in attending to the killed and wounded in the recent overthrow of the Van Buren dynasty, that he could not devote a little spare time to the duties of his office, and to reply to the very proper letter which we sent to him. Be that as it may, we have na doubt that the subordinate in New York wilk be compelled to attend to the requisition of his superior at Washington. The Post- master General seems to be man of busi- ness habits and promptitude. We are very happy to give him due credit for those qual- ities which are so necessary in the head of a department. In the mean time, we trust thag the Postmaster here will hasten and do his duty in the premises. We have already said that the daily circulation of the New York Henarp is very far in advance of that of any other journal in this city, large orsmall, cheap or dear. Un- der the law of Congress, we are, therefore, en- titled to have the publication of the weekly list of letters, which has been for many months past given, contrary to law, to another journal, of « more limited circulation. Accordingly we wait, with all due respect and deference, for the ace tion of the Postmaster of New York, in carry ing out the intentions of the laws of Congress, such as every public officer ought to do, and such as is held up to his imitation in the good example he has received in the policy and con- duct of his superior at Washington—the Post- master General. Robbery of the Bank of the State ef New York. ARREST OF THE ROBBER IN THIS CITY~$33,000 OF THE STOLEN MONEY RECOVERED. It will be recollected that about three weeks siace & package, containing $37,810 in bills of the Bank of the State of New Yors, was stolen from that establishment, during the day time, and msny were the surmises at the time, as to who was the perpetrator of co daring @ felony. The officers of police have bees on tke alert ever sines the robbery, and a faw daysago we learned the s*rest of two men at Toledo, Obio, having in their posreasiog near ennnn i Lime -. ‘pending to those taken from the bank. Yesterday a‘ternoon, however, the police-of thts city was much more successful than our western officials, Officer Keefe, one of the Chiet’s epecial wits, met with a well known thief, called Chauncey Joanson, ina public house in Broadway; and suspoetiog that he knew something about the matter-—-knowing bim to bs am expert at such robberies—took him oa one side, and taxed him directly with the crime. The rogue, mo ¢oubt being aware of the arresta made in Toledo, suspected that the officer was possessed of accurate information ay to the guilty parties, became alarmed, ani intimated » bribe to the officer to let him go, The officer at frst pretended to accede to the proposi- tion, when Johnson acknowledged the possession of the stolen money, and offered Keefe $2000 to perwit his ercape. The officer, in order to carry out his plan of ars rest, intimated he would aceept the money, and iaquired of Johnson where he would pay him, to which the other replied, ‘at my room in Commerce street.’” Upon this are rangement they proceeded in that direction; ba: om learning the number of the house, the officer thought it Prudent to secure the rogue,and therefore lodged hin ia the Fifteerth ward stationhoue, and forthwith repaired ta Johnson's room, where, on searching it, he found, wrapped up in an old flannel shirt, upwards of $33,000 of the stolen bank bills. This package of money, as might be supposed, the officer took especial care of, and ovnveyed, the same to the Chief of Police, with whom he deposit. ed it. This Chauncey Johason is the same individzal who, some few months sgo, stole a box containing $700 from behind the counter in Lovejoy’s Hotel, but in consequence of the dicappearance of one of the witnesses for the pro» secution, after a few weeks’ imprisonment he wa: libe- rated. It is now supposed that the two men ariested im Toledo are accomplices of Johnson in this last tiuanciay operation with the Benk of the State of New York, sent out West for the purpose of endeavoring bo circulate somo of the money. Police Intelligence. IN THE MATTER OF ALLEGED PERJCKY AGAINST J, Re DALGADO—THE CHARGE DISMISSED—OPINION OF JUSTICE STUART IN THB CASE. The accused, J. P. Delgado, ia before me on » com. plaint cherging him with wilful and corrupt parjory, the evidence shows that on the 13th of June list, under an order of arrest by Judge Emmet, in a euit in bie Sue perior Court, between ne Audres Cassard, plaintil, and F.ancie De Silva, defendant, the defendant was reyt'red to find bail, with two surecies, in the sum of three thow- rand dollare, avd Delgado offered himself beil in thie amount; that upon his examina ‘ion, under oath. to tshing hia sufficiency, ke, among other thiogs, swore that he had then lately imported aud had in bond in the Custom House, of which he was the sole owner, a large ja vntity of segara, of the full vaiue of tt irteen thousan: dolisra; that they were paid for and with ut encum! the duty) and finally that he was worth, ino perty in two stores in which ha was intereste’ sum of about fi thonrand as beil, The defendant in the civil arts unknown, which ledto the inquiry, and to the lacts now clearly established by the proofs before ma, that Delgado, at the time he was sworn and ent bs had not the proverty he then stated, but \hat instoad having thirteen thousand dollars worth of gods in band, he had at mort but? three thousand seven si dole lars worth, or thereabouts; and these ciro the case also render it certain to my mind tha time he declared on oath to propacty in the United states custome of the value of thirteen thousand dollars, he well, new be had but an amount of less than foar thousand collers, [am without any doubt, upon the prools and papers, that he corruptly swore to what he knew waa. utterly false, and that be dil it forthe pare leading the Juage, he having from precedi stances good reason to balieve that if he confined l. to a statement of the goods he actus!ly possessed he would have beeo rejected a: insuflicient bs'l’ And now the qustiom arites, (asauming that he has sworn falsely and corraptly, > Das thie accused committed perjury ? - Does his swort flue tHatement to the ownership of property excesding in value the smount of the beil required (by ten thousand dollars) and upon which he was, bat without which he would not have bean lesetved as se~ curl y,@(for eo mach 1 am required by the fants to Resume, ) constitute legal perjury? Tea And no decisions, Englis» or American, that embrace this q1es~ ticn, even by analogy, nor any clomeatary writer who d9- termices This peit, ner even so muah as raises 1t—n0+ thing to control my judgment, except, perhap’, a goa- tral principle, Delgado was, im fact amd ia trach, worth property (s#gars in the Custem House) of @ value equal to ti tof bail, and to that extent beng vas fairly trae; but beyoud that it was © false, Was hia false and corrupt statement metori 6 the fact that it operated to convince the Judge of the sufficiency of the bail, and without which he would not have been satisfied of that fast, make the testimony so relevant and essstial, in ova templation of law, a3 that perjury may be as ai ? The code provides that the surety must resident and householder, or freeholder, within thie an¢ that he muct be worth the sum specitied im order of arrest, exclusive of exempt fray executive. Ji was that mae; be was all tne law ro # ‘be .