The New York Herald Newspaper, November 21, 1853, Page 4

NEW YORK HERALD. _ JAMES GORDON BENNETT, OFFICE N. W. COKNGK OF FULTON AND NASSAU 81'S. TERMS cash in advance. THE DAILY HLKALD ° cents per co, per annum. THE WERK ERALD every Sarw t 634 cents un: the Buro, ea on $s per aw * Pritaim, and 5° to any part of the clue postage mat! for Subsorijtions or vith Adi Pisements to be post paid or the postage will be deve: the money remitted. é VOLUNTARY CORRESPONDENCE conta'x'ng im or Sant news slicited from ony quarter of the world; is used will Be liberallypaid for. Bg~ OURFoRwGN Conn Esronpenrs RE PARTICULARLY REQUESTED £0 SEAL ALL LETTERS AND PACKAGES SENT U8. NO NOTICE taken snot return those rejected. ; JOB PRINTING executed with neat ves, cheayaces, an! teh VERTISEMENTS renewed every day. ‘anonymoxs communications, We do f BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery—Cvaunrtive - Don Cxsan we Baran BROADWAY THEATRE, Broadway--Fazio—Snockme Byexts BURTON'S THEATR PRAFIELD--YOUNG AGEL NATIONAL THEATRE, Chatham street—Uncre Tox’s ARIN. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway—Scnoon ror Scan BAL—iKaisinG ThE Winn. AMERICAN MUSEUM—Afternoon—Dvew ty THE Dank Hous» Doe. Lyening—Uncue fom’s Canin. ‘bambers street—Davin Cor- FRANCONT’S HIPPODROME, Madison equare—4fter- mond Mvening—AnGuisn Sreeriz Omase—-Cuanior erxG, &e. co BOWERY AMPHITHEATRE, 87 Bo wery—Equesrnran Penvornances. GHRISTY’S AMERICAN OPERA HOUSE, 472 Broadway —Ermoriay Menopixs sy Cuxisry’s MinsrRers. ‘WOOD'S MINSTRELS, Wood's Minstrel Hall, 144 Beoad- way—Ernorian Minsrre.sy, BUCKLEY'S OPERA HOUSE, 629 Breadwsy—Bvcxrxy’s Brworian Vrera TRover. BANVARD’S GEORAMA, 596 Broadway--Panonaua or wuz Hovy Lanp. BHSNISH GALLERY, 663 Brondway—Day and Evening. | SIGNOR BLITZ—Sruvvesant Institute, 659 Broadway. AGADEMY HALL, 663 Broad wrT1ON OF THE SEVEN Mice MIRROR, POWELL’S GREAT NATIONAL PAINTING for Tue MOVERNMENT 15 NOW OPEN AT THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF Desicn, 6s Bevadway. HOPE CHAPEL, 718 Broad: BROADWAY MENAGERI Beasts. Jones's PANTOSCOPE. iamese TWins AND Wit> New York, Monday, November 21, 1853. Malls for the Pacific. YEE NEW YORK WERELY HERALD. ‘Hho United States mail steamebip George Law, Captain MoGowan, will leave this port this afternoon, at two e’elock, for Aspinwall. Fhe mails for California and other parts of the Pacific, ‘(Hi close at one o'clock. ‘Zhe Nrw Yore Warery Hrritp, California editien, con- Sataing tho latest intelligence from all parts of the world, will be published at ten o’slock this morning, Mingle copies sixpence, Agents will please send in Ghote orders a5 carly as possible. Malls for Europe. THE NEW YORK WEEKLY HERALD. ‘The royal mail steamship America, Capt. Lavg, will Jeave Boston on Wednesday, at noon, for Liverpool. Subscriptions and advertisements for any edition of the aw York Hzgary will be received at the followiog places im Europe — Lavenroo1—Jobhn Hunter, No. 2 Paradise street. Loxpox—Edwards, Sandford & Co., Cornhill. Wm. Thomas &Co., No 19 Catherine street, Panis—-Livingston, Wells & Co., 8 Place de la Bourse, B. H Revoil, No. 17 Rue dela Banqua, ‘The mails will close in this city at a quarter to three @’clock, to-morrow afternoon. ‘She Wexxty Henry will be published at balf-past nine @ clock to-moirow morning. gixpence. Singls copies, in wrappers, The News. ‘The steamship Washington, from Southampton for ‘Mis port, with four days later European news, will probably arrive to-night. The Canada, from Liver- pool, with a week later intelligence, is also due at Halifax. It wil! be recollected that our latest ad- vices from London stated that a telegraphic despatch had been received which announced thit an engage- ment had taken place near Krajowa, and other con- flicts were reported at Giurjova. Notwithstanding the efforts made by Austria and other powers for the maintenance of peace, a confirmation of these reports may confidently be expected, the diplomatic move- ments which have marked the quarrel between Ras- sia and Turkey being but the often repeated prelude to a gigantic struggle of kingdoms in the Old World. In connection with this subject, we refer our readers to an interesting article from the pen of a distixguished British military officer, upon the quali- ties of Russian and Turkish soldiers; also, sketches of the careers of Omer Pasha and Abdi Pasha, of She Turkish army, and Schamyl, the renowned chief of the indomitable Circassians. Our telegraphic despatches contain the latest intel- Tigence from Washington. The Speakership is now the absorbing topic. Joshua Bates, Esq., of the house of Baring Brothers, is said to be the person selected as umpire by the commissioners, to settle Waims between Great Britain and the United States, Much concern is felt with regard to the prospects of our ocean steam lines, as the Secretary of the Navy is resolved on asking fora heavy appropriation for naval steamships. which will probably be met by a corresponding reduction in the mail service. The Dlacklegs, both in politics and euchre, are Wi preparing for the approaching season, and co Gently expect an abundant harvest, and, jadging from the past, they will not be disappointed. It will be seen by a statement in the money article of this day's paper, that several of the banks of this city have lately suffered some in the way of defalca- fione. Some of them have lost nearly ten per cent of their capitals. It isthe impression that most of this large amount /bas been lost in fancy stock specu- lations. Our ccrrespondent at Rio Janeiro furnishes a very interesting account of affuirson the River Platte, and the policy of Brozil, in her intrigues to extend her already extensive possessions. The principal events in the ution at Montevideo are also given, together with a list of the new Brazilian Ministry. We give in another column the memorial of the Temperance Alliance of this city to Congress, pray Jug for the stoppsge of the awfal amount of hard drinking at the national capital, This is really car rying the war into Africa. We learn that a copy of the document has been sent to the President. Will he recommerd in his meseage the passage of the Maine law by Congress the Anti-Gambling A rial? Now that we are ‘the capital. The damage by the recent fr t estimated at from two to three ir aya dollars, Later news from Texos repragent the Indian haying become very bold, raising troopa for the Ki, ht companies of U. hed p number f We tron! h today, & mostr able i tho opposition jo Maérid, cow he reception of as United Sie Minister to that capital, an: upon the speect w he made on that oscasion. The article takes exception particularly to that ex- pression of the speech which represents the Presiden’ of the United States as presiding over the destinies of America. This the journal in question considers ‘mwulting to the Spanish nation and race. On question of Cuba, it announces that Spain is willing ‘Perwam’s Grrr Pout Ld] to try her str pgth with the model republic rather than submit to the si g/Atest ‘usult from it, and re peats the assurav’e that Cuba may be Spanish or | may be Africaa, but. never will be Anglo-American. Im conclusion, the article calls on ths Spanish- American nations to unite with their old metropolis and raise the sfandard of their race ia this quarter | of the werld. We commend it to the attention of | the President and Cabinet at Washington, as it may perbeps suggest some alteration ‘in the verbiage of | | the message to Congress. ceming more active, but nothing new had occurred in politics. We have recently devoted a large portion of our space, from time to time, to the publication of news- paper extracts, late intelligence, and special corres- pondence from the Australian continent. This, we were led to do from our conviction and knowledge of the vast interests which are being daily developed and concentrated in that quarter of the globe, and in which the United States is not without its propor- tional share. We continue to carry out this prin- ciple, and present to our readers to-day an icterest- ing letter from one of our correspondents in Mel- bourne, descriptive of the appearance, the facilities, and the government of the metropolis of Southern Anstralia. It will be found instructive and enter- taining. m2 The Washington Union’s Defence of the Cabinet. Before the New York election took place, the Union, the organ of the Cabinet, was insolent and overbearing to all who dared to find fault with the appointments made by the present régime at Washington. It would not deign to reply to the facts and arguments put forth in sustainment of the allegations against its mas- ters. Now that its eyes are opened by the re- sult of the election, it sings in a very different key. Statisties are most potent remedies for bringing demented or impudent politicians to their senses. Now, the Union, though still evading the merits of the qnestion, condescends to argue, in a kind of a way, and to make the best defence it can for the administration. What is the argument of the Union? —what its defence? The sum and substance of it is an admission of the very thing charged. The Union admits that the appointments are bad—it “ will not dispute that they are’”’—while it contends that this is no ground of opposition to the Cabi- net. All that was ever alleged against the ad- ministration—all, at least, that we ever said in condemnation of the course it pursued, was in reference to the appointments. Through its own advocate, therefore, the Cabinet pleads guilty to the charge. We could not censure or praise its policy in other respects, for there was no opportunity to do so. Its general policy will only be developed in the message. The inaugural was good as a confession of faith, But “by their fruits ye shall know them.” It * held the word of promise to our ear, but broke it to the hope.” We did not, and do not, accuse Geueral Pierce of moral turpitude. We have said, and do say, that he committed o mistake in the construc- tion of his Cabinet, and this mistake has led to all the other mistakes in his appointments, and kept him in a state of delusion ever since. It was his misfortune rather than his fault, that he fell into such hands. The most that can be expected from him now, is to repair the error of judgment when he is awakened toa full sense of the false position in which he is placed. We trust the New York election has, in some degree, contributed to that result. The Union holds that to oppose the Cabinet is to oppose the democratic party. It might as well say that to oppose traitors is to oppose the cause they betray. But suppose the Cabinet and the democratis party were identical, what then? Does it follow that we should support the Cabinet or the party when they depart from great principles? General Pierce was not elected by any party, but by men of all parties, upon the principles of the compromise measures settled in the last Congress, and ratified by the people last November. To select for his Cabi- net secessionists who were opposed to those measures, and free soil coalitionists who were equally opposed to them, is not to stand upon the platform on which he stood at his election, but is such an abandonment of those principles that, if persisted in, will render it necessary to fight the battle of the constitution over again. Had the people foreseen that General Pierce would have committed this grand blunder, they never would have elected him. To discourage the men who battled for the principles of the compromise measuges, and to “give aid and comfort to the enemies” of those priaciples, isa violation of the compact made with the people. | A piebald, patchwork coalition Cabinet is not the democratic party, as we have seen ia the result of the late election in this Siate, and shall see before long eleewhere. To oppose the Cabinet, therefore, is one thing, and to oppose the democratic part uite another. The de- n i y of principles, or it is ting. Ifit be a party of pria- as succeeded in ruggle party in the late Presidential election, because of it ing to the mast the colors on which thos ples were inscribed, then to oppose a cabinet who drag down those colors and trample them under foot is to stand up for the democratie party, and do something Advices from Buenos Ayres to the 30th September | have been received. Commercial affairs were be- | towards retrieving for it the vantage ground it is in danger of losing. But, however this may be, we go for the principles, and care not what party the assertion of those principles may af- fect. Perish cabi erish parties—let prin- ciples live. The organ of the Cabinet is terribly atraid of | the restoration of the whigs in consequence of ‘the baleful discords” in the State of New York. Who but the Cabinet is responsible for their result may flow from y till it came into power. But what difference docs it make to the coun- try x¢ future, if there is to be no regard to principles? What worse could have happe if General Scott had be elected last fe d the Seward dynasty had ined the a dant, than has happened under do not seo li alters the case. It is but a poor excuse for the erimir tands convicted at the dock, and poor comfort, too, as far as himself is concerned, to say that humanity is frail and that others have sinned as well as he, We rather think hat such a plea would have but little weight in influencing the sentence of the court. But we donot adm't that there ever were such bad appointments made before, and we chal- lenge the Union to prove it, unless perhaps under the régime of Murtin Van Duren, whose administration was a type of tie present. Under good administrations cases have occur- red of unworthy appointments of individuals, here and there—appointments made from inad- vertance as to personal demerits, while the principles of the appointees were in accordance with the platform upon which the appointing power was elected—or, perhaps, political hypo- crites stole into places under false colors. These appointments were bad by accident, and no principle was violated. In the case of thegpresent Cabinet, their appointments are bad, of “malice prepense,” and are a wilful violation of principle. a demolition of the Balti- more platform, and a virtual renunciation of the compromise measures. If so lange a pro- portion of the men appointed to office by this Cabinet were not notorious free soilers’ and prominent secessionists, as regards whose poli- tical character there could be no excuse for ignorance, we have the confessions of Guthrie, the Secretary of the Treasury, in his corres- pondence with Bronson, that this was the de- liberate policy of the Cabinet; and because the New York Collector was unwilling to carry it out to the extent demanded, he must be re- moved to make room for a more pliant succes- sor. There is, therefore, the same difference between bad appointments under other adminis- trations and under tie present, that there is between a case of manslaughter in the,fourth de- gree and wilful murder by “malice afore- thought.” The Marcy and Van Buren Cabinet have lain in wait, and stabbed in the dark the very principle to whose triumph they owe their own official existence. So the people of the State of New York have decided. But the Union deprecates the idea of the slavery agitation being continued any longer, or being extended to other States. It ought to have thought of that a little sooner. Who re- opened the agitation after it received its quie- tus by Congress and by the late Presidential election? The present administration—whe being appointed themselves withont any re- gard to the principles of the compromise, have advised General Pierce to appoint to places of honor. trust, and emolument, politicians who have keen most obnoxious to the people for their uniform and steady opposition to those principles. This is the origin and source of the re-opening of the slavery agitation; and no doubt it would be very convenient for the Cabi- net, if, after its defeat in this State, the matter were now all hushed up, and nothing were said about it, But that is impossible. The crimi- nal caught in the fact does not wish to be brought te a trial the result of which must be to expose his erimes to the world and bring eondign punishment upon his head. But the law must take its course. The culprits of the administration have no desire to come before the bar of public opinion, and have their poli- tical acts canvassed by the sovereign people. But happily in this free country it does not de- pend on themselves whether they shall be ar- raigned or not. They can.give their offices to whom they please. They may give sop afier sop to the insatiable Cerberus of abolitien, which has only the effect of whetting its appe- tite for more. and increasing its strength to do mischief, and they may stop the mouths of other “ patriots” with the loaves and fishes ; but they cannot thus stop the mouths of inde- pendent men who have received no offices and want none, either for themselves or their friends: nor can they arrest or control the legitimate contments of a free and independent press, which, in spite of all wirepulling, will continue to proclaim the truth to the country, no matter whom it may offend or strike down. This is no mere local squabble, as insinuated in the Union. What do the mass of the people who voted at the late State election care for a few paltry offices, except so far as their distri- bution upheld or slighted a principle? There is a principle involved which applies to the whole of these United States, and affects the desti- nies of the nation. Other States have a more direct interest in it than New York. She has an interest so far as she is an integral part of a Union which she does not wish to see dissolved | and dismembered, and this she has only in com- mon with every other State. But the Southern States have more than this at issue: The revi- yal of the torpid snake of free soilism, by the sunshine of official patronage, comes home to the business and bosom of every Southern man, and strikes a blow at the Fugitive Slave law, and at those State rights which are guaranteed by the constitution. The discussion, therefore, of the materials of which the Cabinet is compos- ed, and of the manner in which it has exercised the appointing power, will not, and cannot, be confined to this State or te Ohio and Massachu- seits. It will find its way into the Senate chamber and the House of Representative# and every State in the Union will participate in the conflict between the anti-slavery sentiments re- vived by the Cabinet in the ranks of the demo- cratic party and the great principle of the com- promise, which, in 1850, was established as a final measure by the chief men of the nation. That mearure had ever since been regarded as a sacred compact between North and South by the majority of the people. This was de- monstrated by the Presidential election twelve months ago, The equilibrium is now again dis- turbed bythe spoils dynasty at Washington, and the agitation must continue till the dis- turbing cause is removed. The sooner the re- moval takes place the better for the President, the better for the democratic party, and bet- ter for the country at large. To that complex ion it must come at last. Asthetics of Diplomatic Attire. bedy knows that Mr. Marcy’s suc- eces in life di from his wearing a hole in the seat of his unmentionables, while travelling over a corduroy r i 5 Judge. The accident was Siul ho happened to 1 hood, and the fifty cer were refunded to the Jadye ou chis on file i Eve ised no inec bent of his mind. gan to think that a man from obscurity t was impossi- ble to exaggerate that might he produced by a vie costume. It might be, o¢ the author of Sartor Re- sartus assures us, that many of the popular movements which have astonished historians, many of the revolutions that have altered the face of the globe, and a whole host or peculiarities of dress, “‘ The tailor makes the man,” might, after all, be a sage apothegm in- stead ofasilly proverb, and the hero in the play might not be so wide of the truth when he explains his aversion for Sir Ronald, on the ground that he “liked not the cut of his breeches.” How great an empire this belief had gained over Mr. Marcy’s mind, at the time he was ap- pointed Secretary of State, may be readily in- ferred from his circular letter to the United States Consuls, on the subject of diplomatic uniforms. Count D’Orsay laid great stress on his agents being on all occasions par- Saitement ‘gantés et bottés: Mr. Marcy’s weakness lies in the opposite direction. He was for plainness, simplicity, and a total ab- sence of all show. He did not precisely advise the consuls to give the preference to “pants” which had suffered on corduroy roads; this delicate point was left to their tact and dis- cretion. But one can readily see that our re- presentative at Paris could have found no surer road to Mr. Marey’s heart than by presenting himself at the Tuileries in a short-tailed eoat, displaying to full view a fac-simile of the his- torical “patch.” The despatch on uniforms was not an isolated movement in the desired direction. Care was taken by the Secretary to imbue all his foreign envoys with his notions in this respect. Committees on coat tails sat regu- larly at the office of State; petitions pro and con on the subject of buttons were laid on the table; and we may fairly suppose that neither the breeches-pocket interest nor the high-collar faction were unrepresented at the conclave. Perfect unanimity was not to be expected on topics of such vast moment and extensive scope. It is unlikely that the strug- gle between contending impulses for and against embroidered lappels, trousers, straps, and braces was terminated peaceably; and to this fact do we owe it that no formal decree has been promulgated on the subject. Enough was s id, however, to impress deeply on the minds of all our foreign ministers the paramount im- portance of attending to their dress. They left us convinced that whatever errors of policy they might commit, they must avoid errors of attire; and with whatever incongruities of speech they might be charged, they must place it beyond the power of the most malicious to accuse them of incongruities of costume. We are already in a position to judge both of the admirable wisdom of the Secretary’s’ ad- vice, and of the docile character of his appoint- ees. The most notable event in Mr. Soulé’s re- ception by the Queen of Spain is the effect pro- duced by his “black velvet suit @ /a Franklin, richly embroidered.” The Queen,we are told,was quite taken aback when she saw him, and drove half.a score of jealous courtiers crazy with envy by expressing her admiration in the language ofaconnoisseur. Is it possible to be blind to the importance of such an event as this? Why, the battle for Cuba is already half gained by the black velvet. Mr. Soulé has only to exhi- bit some fresh instance ofhis taste—to try buck- ram, for example—and the Queen of the Antil- les is ours, solely through Marcy’s sagacity and Soulé’s promptitute of conception. Then, at Paris, our present representative, Mr. Sand- ford, is producing an impression hardly less ef- fective by his style of dress. Louis Napoleon has seen it, and rushed through a crowd of courtiers to shake him by the hand in conse- quence. If Mr. Sandford had thought of seizing the moment when the Emperor’s eye was fixed upon his black satin waistcoat and- broadcloth inexpressibles, he might have obtained a remis- sion ofat least one-half the tonnage and port dues on our ships. Who knows but he did? It isa matter of deep regret that our infor- mation with respect to the dress adopted by our other ambaseadors is more limited and less official. Under our present system of diplo- macy, the cut of our envoy’s coat is the key to his position and prospects. Marcy ought to have thought of this, and allayed the anxiety ofan uneasy people by issuing official procla- mations describing the costume worn by all our foreign ministera) There is Mr, Belmont, for instance, who appears to have got intoa scrape in Holland. Now. if we knew precisely how he was dressed when he was presented to the Queen of Holland, we could, according to the Marcy rule, understand the nature of the difli- culty, and speculate shrewdly on our chances of success. Unfortunately, our information on the point is limited to the fact that he wore black velvet. Black velvet is undoubtedly a suggea- tive theme, pregnant with thought to ingenious minds. But still, we ought to know how it was cut-- whether it, too, was 2 Ja Franklin— or whether, indulging a more poetic fancy, Mr. Belmout had Got him sleeves like demt-cannons— All vp and down, carved like an apple-cart— With snip, and nip, and cut, and slish and slash, Like to a censer in @ barber's shop; or, finally, whether, like Mr. Soulé, he had wished to blend historic associations with pre- sent purposes, and had contrived a composite style, partly derived from the old burghers of Amsterdam and partly from the brokers in Wall street. We should like to know whether some Jsraelitish reminiseence-—-a mere phylac- tory, for instance—was not allowed a place. Mr. Marcy will order these things better in future, we trust; and if our foreign ministers are bidden to regard their costume as the most important part of their baggage, the people will not be left in the dark as to its character. It is duc to us that their wardrobe should be published from time to time in the Union. Tne Monat System or Prorsssep Powrtr- very now and then the morals of politics show the cloven foot when the public least expect the exhibition, There is a journal in this city called the New York xpress, con- ducted by an ex-member of Congress, who never set the Potomac on fire at Washington, and by a Senator elect to this State, who will probably be innocent of exciting any conflagra- tion in the Hudson river at Albany during the next winter. In some of their commentaries on the recent clection in this State. and on the effect produced by such election on the nerves of some of th 3 politicians of tie South, we find [From the New % Some Southern democratic 3 christen the whig (State) ticket jnst clectea “t! lewar | ticket,” zie out Mr. Leavenworth, the Secretery of a Jerry re: . Well, what of it, if What elee do the demo £0? Do they think we Nort more loyal to the constit Southern compact in it, Do they thiwk we are going to throw o' when they reject Dickinson and take Vi Tf £0, they very much mistake, may continue, we give fair notice, to catch whig ‘'cunaway niggers that come this way— because the Southorn wiigs true to us—bnt we catch no more democratic“ nig- ers,” if we can find thelr politics out. If Jetlerson Havis, or Mr. Guthrie, or Mr. Dobbin, has a slave that astra Tilo Linde bead da “ by a, in y bet od udson, with @ million of people looking him fwars and battles, really sprang from change The morality developed in this morecl is pre- t) cisely the morality of party and faction, whe- ther it is North or South. We do not excep? either of the two old parties—the democrats or the whigg. the free soilers or the nationalists. Mere politicians are all alike—all rogues and rascals, alike. The great mass of the people of the South are honest, intelligent, unflinching in the performance of their constitutional duties, when they apprehend and see properly the ques- tion that is placed before them. The great mass of the people at the North are equally patriotic and correct in the application of morals to poli- tics, as well as to private life. But the politi- cians of both sections, and of all parties, are full of impudent tricks and one-sided morality, such as we find in the extract from the journal pub- lished in this city by the two politicians in ques- tion, We have about as much confidence in the morality of many of the Southern editors 4nd journalists, such as the Richmond Enquirer ‘and the Charleston Mercury, under the present régime, as we have in the morality of the New York Express, the Albany Atlas, or any of the leading organs of party in this region. The Richmond Enquirer, during the last few weeks, and the Charleston Mercury, following in the same wake, have given us specimens of the prin- ciples on which they are conducted, and of the regard they have to the great constitutional doctrines of the Compromise. We see these journals—heretofore rampant and riotous in fa- vor of the peculiar rights of the South, and hos- tile to the abolitionists of the North—now ac- tually taking sides with the Van Buren free soilers of New York in the recent struggle, and endeavoring by every means in their power to aid and assist the spoils-cabinet at Washington in restoring the Van Buren dynasty in the North—the same dynasty which almost created the disgolution of the Union during the Compro- mise difficulties of 1850. Yet we know that the great mass of the Southern men and Southern people are right, and that the masses of the North are equally right on the same question. The Fugitive Slave law may be used by the politicians of the Brooks school as indicated in the paragraph we give, but the public mind of the North is right and strong on con- stitutional questions, dnd will aid and assist in the execution of the Fugitive Slave law, with- out reference to the miserable political leaders of the day. These are the men and the prints—such as the New York Express, the Richmond En- quirer, and the Charleston Mercury—who talk about the principles and the mercenary charac- ter of the independent press of this country, which has been growing for the last ten years into an intellectual institution in this great land. All these partizans, be they whig or democrat, will find that the era of emancipa- tion of the human mind and human intellect, from party journalism and party politics, has at last risen up among us. The movement in the next session of Congress will develope the growth of independence in party and journal- ism toa much greater extent than the politi- cians of the Cabinet or their supporters may imagine. Howrcmwe anv its Caance Penauties.—The painful scenes of real life which have been en- acted during the present session of the Court of Oyer and Terminer, shadow forth an awful picture of passion, immorality and sanguinary crime, appalling to humanity and disgraceful to a community professing to be influenced by the laws of a civilized government. The verri- est hotbed of crime in Ireland. in days gone by—the refugum peccatorum—where murder stalked abroad in the noon-day, and blood was familiar to every family—never furnished for one calendar more criminals than have been arraigned at the present term before the bar of the New York Court of Oyer and Terminor. The majority of those twelve persons arraigned for murder are foreigners, and four of the ho- micides were from the exciting cause of jealousy, and nearly all were perpetrated under the influ- ence of ‘That liquid fire which steels the conscience And dulls the moral senses, while it rouses The desperate energies, the powers and passions of man. Of the five cases already tried, three of the accused have been acquitted—one on the ground of insanity—one declared not guilty, and the charge against the other pronounced justifiable homicide. Of the other two cases of murder in which the parties have been found guil- ty—one of manslaughter in the third degree, the other of murder—we have something to say. They were somewhat alike in their character, yet very dissimilar ia their result before the court and jury. Louis De Corn, a Frenchman, in respectable standing in New York as a merchant, was charged with the murder of Eugene Melville, also a native of France, under the following cireumstances:— Melville, (who had been long known to and patronized by De Corn,) married a young wo- man, De Corn and his partner being witnesses of the nuptial ceremony. It appears that Mel- ville had been at one period of his life confined in a lunatic asylum in his native country, and was always considered of irrascible temper, and subject to aberrations of mind. He left this city subsequent to his marriage, in pursuit of a Jegacy which had been left his wife. In his absence Mrs. Melville removed from her home— took lodgings at the Frauklin House, under the assumed name of Stanley, where, according to the evidence, she was visited by De Corn, and where De Corn was found secreted in a bed some hours after the homicide. The husband returns to town—finds his wife has fled, and he goes to De Corn’s store; De Corn is not in; he waits for bim, and manifests great excitement. When De Corn arrived, an altercation, angry words, and, maybap, threats-~all in the French language, which no witness could testify to— ensued. Melville is armed with a stick--a for- midable-looking weapon, but which turned out to be a harmless bamboo cane—he raises it in a menacing attitude—De Corn retreats to a packing room, some sixteen fect, returns, presents a pistol at and shoots his whilom prolégé and his femole friend’s husband through the heart. The vie- tim of a wife’s incontinence and a patron’s treachery falls d upon the spot. The homi- cide flies ond secretes himself—where? In a bed ina closet adjoining the sleeping apart- mont of the he had widowed. These circume c ¢ testified to, The pr proved to be a timorons man, and th erous.and excitable individual ; afier about twenty-six hou liberatic nounced De Corn not gu murder, but guilty of manslaughter in degr 4 the Court, concurring fally i verdict, sentences the homicide to imp ment for two years and ten months—tho m mum being two and the maximum four This may be all perfectly just, rational, and legal, but how does it contrast with a cage not dissimilar in its effect, except that a woman was the victim? Here is what another jury, the great palladium of our rights aad liberties eda da and the j ‘General of this city. The violation to whicl nn | adjudged to te a murder without any pallia: tion or recommendation to mercy. John L, Hoare, a native of Ireland, but an adopted citi- zen of America, in previous good repute with his fellow-men, industrious and well to do, being the proprietor of tome four or five liquor stores in this city, is charged with the murder of a woman named Susan McAnnanny, with whom he had been living in illicit inter- course. It appeared that these paramours had recently indulged in habits of excessive drink- ing—the balm for the perturbed Conscience; the woman followed, haunted, annoyed, threat- ened the unhappy victim of her wiles,—he be- came jealous, as it was quite apparent that she was no niggard of her charms and dispensed _ her favors to more thana few. Her ostensible protector and supporter, thus inflated with “the green-eyed monster,” and goaded on by her annoyance, quarrelled with her in the back. part of one of his stores. where he stabbed— fatally stabbed, the unfortunate woman in the neck, and she died shortly after. It didnot ap- pear that the prisoner premeditated the deed— it did not appear that he was armed; but it was suggested, though not actually proven, that the woman herself came armed with the weapon—a dirk-pistol, with a blade some five inches long—that an attack was made by her, and the rencontre resulted in the fatal wound being inflicted on her by her exasperated para< mour. The jury found him guilty of murder;—he may, perhaps, be hanged,—he must, at all events, be sentenced for execution. Yet what is the difference between the two crimes—the homicide of a man who expostulates with you, aggravates you because he supposes you have robbed him of his wife, and the homicide of an intemperate, upbraiding woman whom you “loved not wisely, but too well?” We have no conscientious scruples against the punishment of death, believing as we do, in the divine edict— “Who sheddeth man’s blood, by man shall hig blood be shed;”? but we must say that the tribu- nals which send one of these men to prison for a brief term, and consign the other to an igno- minious death, countenance an unequal judg- ment and a legal murder. Purrinc Mapz Unuasy.—After every election we are generally inundated with requests and prayers from the friends of the successful can- didates who have been elected, and sometimes by themselves, desiring puffing notices of the new men brought into action, and promising, without any censcience, that they will become some of the greatest men of the coming age. We are tired of this business. We have seem too much during the last thirty years, of the ras- cality of politicians. These fellows, ofall parties —-whigs, democrats, soft shells, hard shells, barn- burners, hunkers, free soilers, abolitionists; nationalists, all—without exception—are guided by the same system of morality and selfishness, and they never hesitate at any moment to use any editor or any newspaper for the purpose of| praising themselves, when they will probably at the next moment go round the corner and abuse the very editor and paper that eulogized them. Twenty years ago—in 1832— when we were stationed at Washington as editorial correspondent of the Courier and Enquirer, we| aided and assisted, in that connection, in the advancement of Marcy—now in the State office at Washington—from the position of Senator, which he then occupied, to that of Governor of New York. We took| great pains to puff him, to praise him, to worl for him, and to bring him forward as a candi date for Governor of New York, in opposition to the Van Buren influence of that day. At the very same moment, while we were endea voring to aid and assist in the advancement off Marcy, he was ridiculing and traducing us ta those who were opposed to the course which| we were pursuing in his favor, and to save himself from some of their reproaches. We never forgot or forgave Marcy for this mean- ness and cowardice, and we owe a great debt tohim yct, which we mean to pay before he leaves the oflice of Secretary of State at Wash- ington. We have had'experience of the raseality and unprincipled nature of politicians, of all sortg and sizes. ‘They will use editors and news pers and agents and supporters, and abu: them at the very same moment. We are not going to be humbugged any longer in this way. Few are the politicians of any party whom mean to praise or puff hereafter. We think it ig much more popular, and far more just, to criti cise severely every public man of the day, from the President down to a tile waiter; we think we shall do it hereafter, without any shrinking or hesitancy. Let the would-be great men, therefore, ask no puffs from us. Tuk Post Orrice or New York—Vroratioy or THE Post Orrice Laws.—We call the atten. tion of the Postmaster General at Washington to a fact of come importance, in connection wit} the management of the Post Office in this city] Avery useful and necessary Post Office law] enacted hy Congress two or three years ago, i now violated weekly by the present Postmate we refer relates to the advertising of the letters as prescribed by the law in question, in on daily journal within the’ jurisdiction of eacl Post Office of a certain description, throughou the country. For months past, the present Postmaster o New York has been in the habit of publishing the weekly list of letters to be called for at thi Post Office. in the columns of a penny paper a this city, of a certain rateable and known cireu lation—this circulation being about ten thousan: under that of the daily circulation the New York Heratp. Now, the lay in question, which is violated, prescrib it to be the duty of the Postmaster t publish these lists in such journal as has th largest circulation in comparison with the otha contemporary journals of the eity where t! Post Office is located. These are facis whic we are ready to substantiate at any momen ina legal form. We therefore call on the Pos master General to sce that his subordinate jj 3 y of Congress, and that itly ; otherwise W to the next Congres} General and tl t over the coal boxes, benchos, and fofas, have each night bee w filed, and at rome of the more popular esiablishmer very much crowde?. The audiences, also, have chang’ The people rem more like residente,and less like so} ers. The ladies are seen in tasteful costumes, e) searcely a ‘' tidy”? can be discovered where two mont nince the little balls ef worsted seemed the ‘