The New York Herald Newspaper, November 14, 1853, Page 2

~ CABINET CORRESPONDENCE. Letters of Davis, Marcy, Guthrie, and Cushing. Interference of the Administration York State Polities. NO. 1—JRFFERSON DAVIS. Wasurneron, D. C., ) Thursday, Oo 3. My Dear Sim—I have not seen the pu the Hexaup to which you re‘er, and which, if seen, would not have received any notice from me had it not been dignified by the attention of so.se one whose good opinion I regard. Thavking you for your kind interest and confi- dence in me, I reply that you have not in this in- stance mistaken my position. Whatever may have been the language empluyed, the s:atement that [ had endorsed Preston Kiog and John Van Buren is false, and, I will add, would have beea absird if T had presumed to do so. | served with the first named gentleman in Congress, aud upon the slavery question we were the antipodes of eavh other. Of his subsequent course and preseut position I am not d. The second named gentleman is Khows to me per- Bonally only by private intercourse; his tion, as shown by the Publications of the day, has been ve objectionable to me, but aow it is in accordance wit the, general amnesty declared in the Baltimore Con- vention and rat by the Presidential canvass of 1852. I received the proposition to uaite on the plat- form declared by the democratic party in general convention, as & settlement of past fends, and have been ready to cooperate with ali who, adhering faithfully to the principles and policy then declared, are willmg to go with me in tue onward march of ses It id have been hollow and dishonorable to have aliied with men upon that basis, and when the cam was over, have summoned them to answer for their bygone” opinions. So far was this from any or Rolicy of mise, that I had forgotten, if in Tever knew, the contents of speeches and letters which have recently beeu brought t» lighs, and present men in whom Ihave entire confideuc2, = been, a very few years ago, the advocates Notwithstanding the significant mark of confi- dence given to Mr, Dickiuson when he was offered the best financial and pulitical ap2cintment in the State of New York, I bave uot and will not approve the anti-slavery speeches he maie in 1847 and 1819. And although Judge Bronson holds the high post which Governor Dickinson declined, I trust { shall not be numbered among those who subseribed to his letter of July 15,1848. to the meeting to ratify the Domination of Martin Van Buren, and contribute to the extension of free soil. I am willing in these, as in other oases, to drop the inquiry into by-gone opia- ions and associations, to adhere to the comp3ct of 1852, to oppose disorganization, to resist agitation, and to Ere the harmony of the democratis par- By, asthe best means of securing peace among the tates and perpetuity to the Union. Now, this is nt to approve objectionable antecedents—not to en- dorse the opinions at war with my creed, but to act as those who believe the union of the democracy to have been sincerely, honestly, and substantially made for public and not pers ual ends, Holding, as I do, that party organization is a ne- Cesszary means to insure success to principles on which parties are formed. I cannot bat lament the division which has, without recent cause, opened the old wounds in our parts ot New York. Ido not assume to mingle, still less to judge, in this family quarrel, but will abide the course of ra pidly trapspiring events, and hove that the trae de- mocracy may crash avy cisintegrating faction which gees into coalition with the whigs. Very truly, your friend, Jerresson Dayis. NO. 2—JAMES GUTHRIE. Wasuineton, Oct 3, 1353. the subject of the unfortunate division ia the demo- Dgar Sin—Since the conversation we had upon | | cratic party in New York, I teel more and more con- | vinced that the present disorganization cannot fail to endanger the euccess of the principles of the party there, and to prove injurious elsewnere. separation is effected. A couviction has forced itself | on my mind, that by dexocrats pledged to each other upon a common platform of priuciples, the di- vision could aud ought to have been preveuted. You are aware that the principles of the Baltimore Convention, and the polisy intimated in the inau- gural address, the President acd his constitutional advisers stand pledged to before the world. They have been end are united as cne man upon these eels and that policy, and had rea-on t> believe all gentlemen who consented to accept office ander the administration stood pledged to the same Principles and icy. s As the President understands the principles svowed as the platform of the party at Baltisore, all democrats who joined in upholdisg and carrying out the same, were entitled to be recoguised as worthy of the confidence of the united party, and cman eligible to official! station. That ali could not obtain office was manifest, and that the distribution could not be exactly equal mei the different se:tions of the party was equally certain. Yet the distribution was intended to be so made as to give jast cau:e of complaint to no one section, and it is believed that this intention has been carried out, not only by the President himself, but by most of his appointees, in reapect to the offies under the latter. It has so happened that your appointments have | been very generally made from that portion of the party to which you adbere. This you thought best calcula‘ed to secure union and harmony. That de- lication in Butthe | in others that you are to proceed without or contrary to such instructions. This cannot be admitted in aby branch of the public service, for where the pesueaes is not expressly empowered to give instruc- ions to subordinates, it has the authority to do so, a8 inberent in the power to remove a refractory offi- cer, You also assume that you are to appoint the vari- in New | ous persone employed in the Custom House—some, | as you admit, subject to wy approval. aud others, as you seem to conceive, on your sole authority. I can- hot but regard it as singular that a genileman of your legal acquirements ard experience shoul i have fallen into such error. The constitution of the United States has empowered Congress to confer the ap- pointment of inferior officers in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of cs poser gr Congress has not attempted, nor if it had, could it have effected, any modification of this provision of the constitution. Those who are employed under you in the Custom House, do, both by the constitu- tion and the laws, derive their appointments and their authority as public officers from the Sccretary of the Treasury alone. What the language and temper of your letter would have rendered embarrassing, these unwarrantable as- sumptions, marked as they are by a manifest spirit of insubordination, render im ossible—namely, your continuance in the office of Collector of tue di trict of New York Tam, therefore, directed by the President to say that your successor in the office will be promptly 8] ted. I haye the honor to be, very respect- ly, Jamus GUTHRIE. Greene C. Bronson, Esq., New York. NO, 4-—CALES CUSHING. WasiineTon, Saturday, Oct. 29, 1853, Dear Sir—I perceive that in ‘several counties in Massachusetts, coalition senatorial tickets have been formed of associated democrats and free soilers. Mj judgment is tha: the democrats who have partici- pated in this have done worse than to commit a fatal error. They have abandoned a principle which ia of Massachusetts is to give countenance and power to persons engaged avowedly in the persistent agi- tation of the slavery question, and therefore hostile in the highest degree to the determined policy of the administration, The Presisent entertains immova- ble convictions on this point, as I have had o2casion to express to you heretofore, and all of us whom he has called to the public service here, most heartily and zealously sustain his views on the subject, as being the on! iy ones consistent with sonal honor, the success of the democratic party, the general wel- fare of the country, the integrity of the constitution, or the permanency of this Union. If there be any pore more fixed than another in the mind of the resident, and those with whom he is accustomed to cousult, it is that the dangerous clement of aboli- tionism, under whatever guise or form it may pre- sent itrelf, shall be crushed out, so far as his adininis- tration is concerned. This the President declared in his inaugural—this he has declared ever since, at all times, and in all places, when he had occasion to speak on the subject. While he does uot assume to judge of the hearts of men who publicly avow sound principles, he only needs overt acts to show where tuey are, in order that his settled policy in the conduct of the affairs of the government shal! be unequivocally maaifes, Those who have apprehended haltisg or hesitation on the part of the President, in treading any path which truth and patriotism open to him, will find themeelves greatly mistaken. He is up.to this occa- sion. His policy was not hastily settled. While he cccupies his present position it will never be de- ee from. The constitutional rights of all the ‘tates of the Union are as dear to him as the rights of New Hampshire. fundamental. To support or vote for the free soilers | years, to abolitionists, in former ti use bim, and he sought to use free soll leaders. When he was endeavoring to get the new justiceship on our Supreme Bench—for which be was not an applicant, but a supplicant— he was in the bes babit of denouncing the mea by | whose assistance he was seeking to get himself cen- | firmed. In New York his tatention to strike a blow | at the coalition was well understood weeks before the | blewfell. A coalitionist sf Boston was there some time since, and was assured by an eminent leazer of the “softs,” that the administration, though compelled by circumstances to favor them in New York, would be found harder than adamant in Massachusetts ; | that it was watching its opportunity to strike dowa Henry Wilson, and would soon attempt to do it. Tac ; event has proved that this view of the matter was perfectly correct. , The letter was called for by the Post fac- tion for the purpose of convincing the political sons of Didymus among us that the Post is the orgau of | the a istration. It was claimed both by o’ | tionists and honkers that the administration was | with them, and the claims of the former had a rather | pam ible lock from the abuse which the ultra hun- | Kers were in the habit of heaping upon the Prevident and Cushing. It was thought necessary that the co- alitioniets should be taught that Greene was the ac- | tual Pope in this part of the world, and that all other Lal aed were spurious— Auti Popes, as they used to them in old days. Mr. Frothingham had bis own peculiar griefs to urge him on against the coali- tion. Every man, says one of the greatest of modern physicians, is stark, staring mad, on some one parti- cular sutject. Mr. Frothingham is no exception to this melancholy sweeping rule. His pet insanity is banking. On this he is as crazy as one mad dog and two March hares. He has an idea that a geveral banking Jaw is a sovereign acea for all terres- trial (end perhaps infernal) ills; that it is powerful | enough to cure pover‘y, gout, corns, intemperance, tight boots, and bad-setting pantuloons. It is said that he goes so far as_to hold tha’ under such a law even a safety-fund bank would approximate to some- thing like a condition of soundness—bat this needs confirmation. Let us but have such a Jaw, he holis, and the golden age would pog in upon us at once. Bank presidents will stand at the coraers of tie streets, with packages of notes, entreating beggars to accep: cf loans on their own terms. There would | be an end ined to incivility, the stealisg of newspa- pers, and the use of dull razors in shaving. When r. Frothingham was elected to our House of representatives, for the second time, in 1850, sy running on the same ticket with two noted coalition- isis, (he would now call them abolitionis ‘s,) be hid an opportunity of reducing his banking theory to practice. The whigs treated it w.th utter and un- mitigated contempt; but the coalitionists gave it the light of their Prope countenance, and did just so much toward deluging the world with a perfest tide of happiness. The law was passed at the session of 1851, and repealed by the whige at that of 1853. Mr. Frothingham was not discouraged at this rough treatment of his darling scheme, any more than was ar alchymist of the aixteenth century who had failed to convert old horseshoes into new gold. Not a bit of it. He saw a new way to attain his end—to make men happy in spite of themselves. There was acon- stitutional convention about to assemble, and if he could contrive to get into that convention he might be ab‘e to have his behoved eles engrafted upon the new constitution. He did so contrive. He al- lowed the coalitionists to. put bim in nominatioa for the convention, on a ticket which had the names of two “ agitating” free svilers on it- He neither ac- cepted nor refused this nomination, but, on being I have perceived from the outset, that this great pein pl of the constitutional rights of the States is fastencd in his thoughts as the cornerstone of the Union. Depend upon it, no matter what conse- | quences may impeud over hin, he will never allow itto be shaken by abolitionists or factionists, but will set his face like flint against right-handed back- slidings, as against lefthanded de‘ections which may prejudice or embarrass the onward progress of the republic. I remain, very truly, yours, C. CusHina. Hon. R. Frothingham, Jr., Boston. N ‘W. L. MARCY, NGTON, Monday, Oct. 31,1953. GENTLEMEN—I fully concur with the democratic citizens of German birth in their views aa to “the unfortunate and uncalled for eecession from the Union democracy at the Stute Convention at Syracuse.”’ A movement so destitute of a reasonable pretext, and 80 mischievous in its consequences, which seems to have had no other object, on the part of those who instigated it, but to defeat the democratic party at the approaching election in New York, and transfer the management of the political afiairs of that State to the whigs, deczerves the rebuke which the demo- crats ef German birth propose to administer to it at the meeting to morrow evening, at Tammany Hall— the headquarters of sound democratic principles. I should be pleased to be present at that meeting ard to join them in unging, as a solemn duty upon the democratic party throughout the State, ‘‘ adher- ence to the union of the democracy, so solemnly es- tablished at Baltimore in 1852.” The object of the meeting has my entire approbation, and | trast it will be geterally concurred in and imitated by the democratic party in every part of the State cf New York. Iam, with great respect, your obedient ser- vant, W. L. Marcy. Mesers. A. Thurn, Chairman, &c.; M. Gross, Secre- tary; Frank A. Reiffort, Delegate. Massachusetts Correspo: Boston, Nov. 11, 1853, Workings ef the Cushing Ukase—Removals from Small Cfices and the Appointments to Great Ones—Prospects of the New Constitution and | sirable object has failed to be obtained, and the other ortion cf the party feel that they have not been Ruy recognised by you, and,as things now stand, may vot do justice to your motives. I call your at- tention to this subject, and to the fact that the President and bis Cabiset, with entire unauimity, resognie that portion of the party as democrats | distinctly avowing and firmly maintaining the prin- ciples of the Baltimore platform, and entitled to be recognised by appoiutment to official statioas in ] your department. Allow me to express the expecta- tion that you will so recognise then in the only way that will carry conviction with it. Ihave not hitherto deemed it necessary to make any particular inquiry as to the section of the demo- cratic party to which persons nominated for positions in the custom-bouse at New York belonged prior to the reunion of the party in 1849—which reunion was supposed to have been thoroughly cemented in the great and triumpbant contest in 1952. But as.the present excited state of feeling among political triends «iio acted togetherin 1852, and who now stand Seqaivyocally upon the seme platform of principles in New York, is suggestive of a discrimiaation of which the administration will not approve. I shall | send a copy of this letter to the Naval Officer and the Surveyor of the Port, in order that there may be no misapprehension as to the policy which the Presi- dent will require to be pursued. I am, very respectfully, Jamas GUTHRIE. G. C. Bronson, Esq., Collector, New York. Copies of the above letter were sent to the Naval Offizer and Surveyor, with the following note: Wassixeton, Out. 3, 1853. Dear. Sin—I enclose herewith a copy of a letter this day addressed to the Hon. G.C. Bronson. It wili explain itself, and show you what the Presiden’ expects in relation to the distribation of patronage in the respective oflices of the New York Castom Honse, to which you will conform your action in any fotare nominations you may have occasion to make. | am, very respectfully, James GcTanig. NO. 3—JAMES GUTHRIE. Wasnrncton, Oct. 22, 1853. Sra—I have received your letter of the 17th inst. It is not my purpose to respond to the many posi- tions of that letter, because most of them bear their contradiction upon its face, aad others are too unim- portant to require refutation ; and, also, because, while in several phrases of it admittiog your implied obligation a8 a man of honor to act in accordance with the known policy ot the administration, and moreover recognising the propriety and justice of that policy by declaring that you yourself depre- cated and endeavored to prevent the divisions now existing inthe democratic party in Pond State, you nevertheless indulged in a tenor of remark as to various relations of the subject which not only im- ny motives, but indicates an attitude on your rt wholly incomatible with harmonious eo-opera- ion between us, and the proper conduct of the busi- ness of the governmen’. :. One suggestion appears in your letter which de- mands animadversion. You allege, by implication, that I bave desired you to appuiot free soilers to | Office; and in doing 80 you strangely misunderstand, or misinterpret, my letter of the 3d inst. I neither entertaised nor expressed avy such desire. It has been my pleasnre and my or not to inqnire into the opini ns which may have been held by yourself ani cthers as farback as the year 1548, but to regard tic claims to consideration ot all who have acted with fidelity to the principles and organization of the democratic party aince ‘he convention at Baiti- more in 1552, and thiee only. Aod with these views T must coudemm your course, when, ja this letter, you inform we that’ you have selected free soflers for office, w.thont having given me the notice of tae fact which would have Capel to withhold my appro- bation from any such appointmeu’s. ‘A 1 wit acd t at u inspatation that I have required ou to act with refereuce to controversies of a local br Slate character, is wholly grataitous. My jetter was intended to puard you aga‘net distine- tions between democra's, founded upon local politics locsi divisions. aniisce tion of yonr letter has left_me The concludin; no alternative bub to lay the whole matter before the 4 t,and take his direction concerning it. , Tou wi that iu relation vo certain things you 9 receive instructions fiom this Department, and of the Coalition. Gen. Cushing's “ye pistle” is doing its perfect work | on the officeholders. The Lowell Advertiser Iam | told bas run up the hunker ticket for Senators in Middlesex county. It is the property of Mr. Hilireth, the new Lowell Postmaster, and who ws the grand- | father—as Henry Wilson was the father—of the ccalition. He was, | thiuk, tae first person who re- ceived an executive appointment unier the coalition, | succeeding Gen. Chandler as Sheriff of Middlesex, a short time after Gov. Bcutwell’s inauguration. He was a strong supporter of the election of Mr. Sumner to the United States Senate, and until the issuing of the Cushing ukase he was as much relied upon to go with the coalition this yearas Henry Wi‘son himself. It is said that there is to be no coulition ticket form- | ed in Lowell for Representatives. Mr. Ide, editor of the Taunton Democrat, and Postmaster of Taunton, has struck his flag, taking the coalition senatorial ticket from his leading colamn. His paper is the | organ of the Bristol county democracy. A good | joke has been perpetreted at his expense. He has been | a very strong coalitionist “from the start,” and until he expected to be started overboard. The New Bed- ford Mercury, on the receipt of Cushing’s letter, said it bad often heard of the Ides of March, and now it expected to hear of the march of Ide. But Mr. Ide is not like Caesar, and avoids marches of all kinds. Such instanves of servility are indicative of a very low condition of political morals, fur the fons named sre not poor. Mr. Hildreth is very wealthy. Poverty may form sume excuse for a want of incéependence; but it should seem that mea who sre paced beyond its as:sults ought to show themselves werthy the favours of fortune. As the apothecary of Mantua suld poison on the score of his poverty,so many poor men elsewhere may be allowed to sell servility. What excuse there can be for the rich doing the same thing I do not know. Two Postinasters have been removed —Mr. Stiles, of Bedford, and the Postmaster at South Anduver—for taking part in conventions at which coalition tickets were formed. The united incumes ot these two laces amount to $120 per year. Noble business, is it not, this turning out of place coalitionists who receive a shilling a day for their labors in less than a month after the appointment of Mr. Hildreth, the cock coalitionist of Massachusetts, to the secoud best post office ia the State—one worth at least $2,500 yer annum, and probably much more. It is a sort of military law, under which the officer may do that with impunity for which the private soldier is sent to the triangles. - Mr. Hildreth is understood to have been very busy during the past season in threatening national de- mocrats who bold office with the vengeance of the national administration should they op.ose the coalition, The vigorous support that he of la‘e has given to the coalition, contributed uot a little to ‘ts formation this r; and his appointment to the | Lowell Post Offi as universa y re,arded ag the | sbongest evidence that the adm'n stration could | give of its desire for a cvalitim triumpt. Such | triumph it would have been glad to see, but that it | stood frightened and astounced at its own audacity | in removing Mr. Bronscn, and so had to do some- thing to show its impartiality in folly. | Beyord the effect of it onthe officeholders and | their ima@rdiate friends 1 do not thiak the Cushing | ukase wll have any results o’ consequecce. When | it first appeared its effect was much like that | of the Ky sos rocket when that was first | used in war. The rocket ra*her astonished people, aud | frightened them nota little; but it was soon found to be a not very movetrous monster, So with the | Cushing ukese, which at first ceemed ty be a very destructive means of political warfare, but has ex- | ploded without hitting anybody beyond a few skir- | mishers on the extreme verge of tue field. There are thoce who sty thet the writer of it never intended | | | that it should b> otherwise ; but this, 1 am inclined | to think, is an erroucous opinion, as Cashing hates everything that bears even a remote resembiance to abolitionists ; not beceuse he cares # straw about the integrity of Southern institutions, but because ne attributce some of bis political disappointments elected asa consequence of it, he took aseat in the convention. He had said that he would not serve if elected—but he did, and he al- ways meant to do so, in spite of his coy refusals to parts a chaste embrace from free soilism. The great object to which he bent his mighty energies was the incorporation of his banking scheme into the new constitution. In this be would have succeeded but tuat the reformers feared that such action would endanger the whole instrument; and so tLey made a separate article of the gentleman's scheme, and it van be voted for or against without endangering the const tution itself. | This placing of his plan—his universal cure all—in the cellar, instead of allowing it a place in the body of the mansion, was a sore blow to Mr. Frothing- | ham’s egotism, and he has never forgiven the coali- | tion for not uniting in sup) of bis views. He is | now endeavoring to pay back. We shall soon fee how he is to succeed. It is too late to speculate upon the probable result | of our election, as sixty hours will see it decided. | The gracious permission received from Cushing, through the Washington Union, that democrats | may vote for the new constitution without being dri- | ven ont of their party, may give to that instrament @ little support not other to be had; bat such driblets are not likely to have any marked effect on the main result. There is no reason that I can see for doubting the correctness of the opinion that I have bere:ofore ty figresianrens toat the State election is to depend for its result upon the action of the temperance free soilers in the business of choos- ing town representatives. If they shall choose to act discreetly, the coalition must have the Legislature, Cusbing ukasesand all other things to the contrary not- srg If they should act as they did last year, then my highly respectable friend, Judge Washburn, will be our next Governor, and we might have a much wouse man him. The coalition might have car ried the House last year by 137 majority; but it did not; yet so formidable a margid ought to afford 4 great deal of bolting without being all lost. As to the Senate, there cau be but few persons chosen to that Doar Some people go so fur as tosay that there will be no elections out of the counties of Wor- cester and Suffo'k, which is not so wild an assertion as at first sight it Spears to be, as the seven chosen out of those counties in 1852, did not receive, on an average, majorities of fifty votes. There are not less thav five regular tickets in the great counties of Essex and Middlesex, and as some of the coalition candidates are on more than one of these tickets, hopes, though of a faint kind, are entertained by their friends, that one or two of them may be chosea by the people in each county. There are, also, many tickets up in Suffolk, andit is possible, though not very probable, the whigs may meet with a check there. Some whigs talk very loudly of what theyin- | tend to do on Monday, but it is pretty generally un- derstood that they mean to vote their party’s waole ticket; but that ticket would have been beaten last | year but for democrat’c aid. The Catholics have been, t2 some extent, arrayed against the new constitution as a body. This is the worst incident of our present contest, as briaging the religious element into it; aud the political field is bad enough withont any such malign intrader’s a) eng init. In itself the best of all things, reli- igion becomes bad when dragged into the mire of the political arena. Our present contest is the bit- terest that has been known in Massachusetts for very many years. Acoma. Lawrence, Masex Co., Mass., Nov. 11, 1853. The Hon. Caleb Cushing at Home—What are His Politics—Some of his Antecedents—Mussachu- setts Politics, §c., &c» While the present Attorney General of the United States is sending out from Washington his protesta- tions against the coalition of democrats and free coilers, and attempting to defend the administration from the charge of favoritism towards the latter, it may be well for the democracy of the ether States in the Union to more clearly understand what has been the political influence and late acts of Mr. Cushing in Massachusetts. In 1852 the coalition Legislature of the State, in which body Caleb Cushing was the democratic leader, by a bargain made between the democrats and free soilers—which bargain Judge Curtis, now of the Supreme Court of the United States, declared, in his opinion, “to be an indictable offence’’—di- vided the offices of the State between these parties. It was well understood at the time that Mr. Cushing insisted upon the seat in the United S'ates Senate as his share, but the largest portion of the free soilers would not trust him. Charles Sumner was put for- ward asthe candidate, Mr. Cushing holding back from bim a sufficient number of votes to prevent his election through many successive trials, in the hope that he might himself succeed. There was no other office at the disposal of the coalition which wouli at ali fill Mr. Cushing's ambition. When, therefore, it was found that the main body of the free soilers could not be brought to vote for Mr. C. for Senator, a law w:2s passed for an additional Judge of the Supreme Court of the State, under which Mr. Coshing was to be and was appointed by the coalition Governor, thus leaving the way open | for Sumuer’s election to the Senate. At the time Cushing received this appoiatment to one of the highest judicial offices in the Commonwealth, he had been wholly unknown in its courts for a period of about sixteen years. Mr. Cushing may not bave yoted for Sumner himself, but he was the leader of one of the parties by the cealition of which the lat ter gentleman now holds his seat in the Uvited | States Benate, and Mr. C. became the resipent of the | next largest office that same coalition could confer. The next day after Mr. Sumner was chosen, a gen- tlemar representing the town of Marbichead ia the Legislature remarked to Mr. Cushing, “You might | have prevented this,” and received for a reply, “I know it, but you see I did'nt do it.’ Was a coalition of democrats and free soilers less obnoxions in 1862 than it is in 1963 ’—and did the democrats who elected Charles Sumner to the Sen ate, ‘do worse than commit a fatel error,” which is | Mr. Cusbing’s judgment of their present covnection , | the face of these stubborn facts, Caleb Cushing over the politics of the Old Keystone State ; but that ‘Wey sought to | After the inauguration of Frank Pierce, and it was | his position will be b; them ; and they-had | known thet the ambition of Cushing was to be grati- | istration. There .w De- | the best of it. At the saz See that he was seeking | fied by @ situation in the Cabinet, the free svilers of oftice under the coalition his language to his associ- | Massacbusetts, with their advocate, sought ates was most hostile, not to ion ideas, but to| the capital of the nation, aud claimed their payment for services rendered. How well they succeeded the following instances, among many others that might be mentioned, and all of them confined to county of Essex, where Mr. Cushing was born and is acquainted with almost every man and his political antecedents will almost sufficiently explain, and be it borne in mind that this is only a smail portion of the free soil appoiutments in asingle county of one New England State. George B. Loring, who was an officer of the free soil convention that nominated Robert Rautoul, Jr., for Congress, and also the author of a violent abuli- tion pamphlet, snd who was strongly objected to by the national democrats of the State for rea- sons, has received the appointmeut of Postmaster at Selem. B. F. Watson, 4 notorious coaliticnist, ana who opposed, in a speech of some length, resulutions approving of the Baltimore platform, which were of- fered at a democratic convention held in this city previous to the election, is Postmaster here. N. J Lord, Esq., of Salem, was the advocate of Loring, and Daviel Saunders, Jr., Esq., of Lawrence, the sponsor, for Watson—this same Saunders beiug & coalition Senator for Essex county .in 1852, chosea by free soil votes, and Caleb Cushing the main in- fluence through which the appointments were brought about. Na; , formerly connected with an sbolition paper in Amesbury, isin the Boston Custom House as weigher, and Josselyn, lately edi- tor of the Lynn Bay State Democrat, another free soil paper, holds the sitaation ofsurveyor in the same lace. Colby, a short time since editor of the New- uryport Un:on, (free soil, in Cushing’s native town) is in the Salem Custom House, and E. A. Lawrence, another editor and publish- er of the same journal, received the office of Register of Probate for Essex county from @ coaliiion Governor, and his petition can now bo seen inthe council chamber at Boston, with Mr. Cusbing’s signature upon it. It is also currently re- ported that Cushing owned part of the Unton press, or at any rate furnished seven hundred dollars to help carry iton. A number of the appointees in the Gloucester Custom House are also free soilers. Ed- ward 8. Murrill, Postmaster at Andover, isa noisy coalitionist, and but a few sare since was workiug asa delegate in the County Convention at Ipswich which nominated Stephen H. Phillips and Marcus Morton, Jr., on the demooratic senatorial ticket, both of whom are active free soilers, and ‘persons avowedly engaged in the persistent agitation of the slavery question,” and steeped up to their eyes in that which Mr. Cushing now calls “ the dangerous element of abolitionism.”” Neither one of them pro- feeses to have changed his opinion, or promises to cease “‘ agitation” for the future; and yet the office- holders indebted to Cushing for their situations, openly sustain these denouncers of the compromise, and aid in nominating them for places of political distinction. We may add to the above list John Ryan, publisher of the Lawrence Sentinel, who with- in ten days has received the appointment of Inspes- tor in the Boston Custom House, making the num- ber of four free soil editors or publishers in Essex county alone who have taken office under the pre- sent administration. All of these persons, and their olitical standing and preferences, are well kaown to ‘aleb Cushing. So much for what has been Mr. Cushing’s political influence in this county. No reasonable man Sp poses that all these tree soil appointments for hi native county have been brought about without the | knowledge and sanction of the Attorney General, while we all do know that many of them were made | by his advice and st his solicitation; nor were some of the parties and their poiitical preferences un- Epown to the President himself. This ts not the first | time that the People of Essex county have had occa- | sion to appreciate Mr. Cushing’s skili and uutiriag industry in political manceuvering, and our free | soilers know just how much to regard his letter | written fora Southern market while they can keep the government offices in their hands. The appointment of these free soilers to office was earnestly opposed by the national democrats of the | county and State, on the ground of * the dangerous | element of abolitionism;” but Cushing's influence witn the administration has teen too powerfal for the true hearte’ and honest democrats of the State. The President and his favorite advicer may both rely upon it that the democratic party in the old Bay State is “shaken by abolitionists and faction- ists,” and none others than those distinguished | leaders of the Camco are More fully aware that “right-handed backelidings” and “left-handed de- fections” bave met with encouragement and sup- port from the government at Washington. Yet, throws himself before the fei and now upbraids his former associates and allies—the Me men he has rewarded with lucrative and responsible offices. phes _ something in keeping one’s name before the people. Mr. Cushing's present position in the Cabinet of Gereral Pierce, proves that he is not now a whig but connecting his late letter to Mr. Frothinghan | ifies them as follow:—Mr. the side of the national admin- be no doubt as to his where- abouts when the contest comes, nor is there any hesitation im acceding to him tie foremost rank in Se morertecs of the national government in our Mr. Day, the Navy Agent, may be classed as a soft, more, however, from persoval attachment to the President than from a conviction of the justice of the course they are pursuing in your State. Actuated by such motives, his participation in the battle, of course, will be a negative one. If the President is @ersonally assailed, as he has been by Mr. Cooley, Mr. Day will be one of bis boldest and most determined defenders; but on the abstract question that divides the two wings of the party, he will be neutral. The Naval Officer, Mr. Eldred, is generally con- ceced to the softs, though of this there are some doubts. Hs position in the district from which he | came would seem to justify this classification, and his associates alone furnish an additional proof of its correctness, Jt is of little consequence, however, which side of the hedge he occupies, as he isa total noventity so far as political position or influence is concerned. Mr. Wynkoop, the United States Marshal, is claimed by the softs, though we think erroneously. He is the bosom friend of ex-senator Cameron, and therefore is justly liable to be suspected of a leaning to the hards. His appointments, too, are all of that class of 13 who are in opposition both to the State and national governments,and this furnishesan additional proof that Mr. Wynkoop is not to be re- lied on for the administration, His own conversion also, is too recent for him to be fully indoctriua‘e with such a love for the principles of the party under which he holds office as to e him a steadfast sup- porter in the hour of danger. Though claimed by e softs, Mr. Wynkoop will be found on the other side when be is wante ‘ Mr. Snowden, the Director of the Mint, is a soft— though bis identity with that wivg woald not be pro- ven by the character of his appointments in the in- stitution over which he presides. He has chosen cemocrats, whigs and natives, h all the time tbe most solemn protestations of devotion to the rinciples aud men of the party have been made. Vhether the support of such an institution can be relied on in the hour of need remains to be The political organs of the party in the « county of Philadelphia are the Pennsy/: a two cent morning paper, and the vening National Argus, a ny afternoon sheet. The former is the old democratic engen and is owned by Col. Forney, the Clerk of House of Representatives; Mr. Price, the Harbor Master of the port of Philadelphia; Mr. Westcott, one of the Arsistant Appraisers at this place; and Mr. G. H. Martin, a wealthy and influential democratic mer: chant of Market street. Mr. Cooper, one of the ap- pointees of the Collector of the port, is the editor. Of the political complexion of the proprietors there is no‘bing known wit Cie though ramor class- ‘orney (free soil,) Mr. Price (do.,) Mr. Westcott (national dem.,) Mr. Martin (do.,) Mr. Cooper, the cdline pire soil.) It can thus be seen that on joint ballot free soilers can control the pager, though there is a suspicion that the editor is not allowed to give the casting vote. The tone of the paper is mum of the merits of the Brongon and Guthrie controversy, though an exceedingly ‘soft’? article was at one time pub- lished in its columns, This was, however, appolo- gized for in the next issue, and since that time a dignified silence has been maintaired. With all the proprietors, however,in the harness of the State ornational administrations, it is difficalt to see how the influence of that jouraal can be exerted save for the power that is both inthe State and nation. Mr. Forney can scarce attack the government when he i, in the receipt of its patronage. Mr. Westcott is in the same dilemma, and so is Mr. Rice and Mr. Cooper, the editors, while Mr. Martin, the other pro- prietor, is co closely identified with all as to make bis position a twin one with theirs. The Pennsyl- vanian may then be cet down as free soil. The Evening National trgus is owned by Joseph Beverns & Oo., which company is generally under- stood to be Col. Thomas B. I'lorence, the member of Congress from the First Congressional district of our tate. ntlemen ‘re warm and sincere friends of the national administration. and have given it their active support from the inauguration of Gen. Pierce to the present time. The editor, S. D. Anderson, is also a free soiler, while the assistant editor, Mr. Horace Martin, is a mational democrat. The course of the Argus, like that of the Pennsyl- vanian, has been non-committal, so far as_interter- ence with the internal affairs of New York are concerned, though in the aupret of the ad- ministration it has been most marked and emphatic. It is but fair, then, to suppose that in the event of a contest between the ‘“‘stells” in this State, both the ints would be on the “soft” side of the question, and defence of the national administration. Our State election being over, the notes of prepa- ration are heard indicating preparation for the elec- ton of delegates to the gubernatorial convention, which is to be held on the 6th of March next. As the county of Philadelphia elec's fourteen delegates ard the city six, there is of course much excitement with his course towards his own State and his own connty, we must conclude that he is making use of bis professions of democracy, and his official charac- ter, to promote his personal interests aud the cause of free soil—writing one thing for the South and acting another for the North. JERFERSON. inna en Se Our Philadelphia Correspondence. Pariape rata, Nov. 12, 1853. Pennsylvania Politics—The Approaching Battle of the “ Shells""--Classification of the Oficeholders— Position of the Democratic Organs in the City— Preparations for the Gubernatorial Election—Can- didates, §c., &c. It is some time since we have hada familiar chat is not of so much moment with us as it would be in some of the other States. people have not yet thrown off the customs of their fathers, and things move slowly and evenly on. We | have no spasmodic jumps in oar politics, nor d> we retire at night with one dynasty in fall power, to wake up inthe morning toa coup d’état, oy which the ins are decapitated, and the outs revelling in the piacesof the Coesars. This is unknown to usin Penu- sylvania, and hence there is no need of the telegraph to keep you posted up as to the political working of the national and State cauldron. Still, it is not to be denied that we are be- ginning to feel the first symptoms of that storm which for some time has been rag- ing with such fury in the Empire State. Oa all bands the people are discussing the Guthrie and | Bronson letters, and penne their opinions on | them with boldness and fearlessness. Of course, pub- lic sentimeut varies accordiog to the wishes and cir- cumstances of those upon whose jadgment or preju- dice it is founded. Some applaud the courage and determination of the ex: Collector, others the masterly diplomacy of the Secretary. One sees in Mr. Bronson a self-cacriticing martyr to principle, while others look upon Mr. Guthrie a8 model Secretary. Thus is public opinion checkered and mottled on this vestion of the battle of the shells in your State. ut with all the question must be met. The op- ponents of the general government will not suffer the opportunity to pass neglected, nor will they let their swords remain in sheath when the body of their foe is thus exposed and vulnerable. The remarkable result of the election in your State gives an edge to the whole controversy. Tn this position of affairs it is important to know how the sentinels of the general government stand affected towards the grand army. How does the oflicebolders in our city and county range on the questions of the shells? Who is hard, and who suft? Who will sand to their guns io the hour of danger, and who remain under In this commonwealt the | cover, if they do not juin the forces of the enemy in the fight. This inquiry is the more important, as it is confessed that the fiercest assault on the administration will be made iu this city and county; that here the forlorn hope will be rallied, and that if the tide is not stemmed at this point the overflow wil be thorough and complete. Charles Brown, Collector of the port, miy bo clogged 48 & national democrat, though his habitual caution makes the fact difficult to be accurately de- termined ot this early period. All his antecedents wou!d justify the supposition. He was oue of the earliest friends of the compromise measures, and his ultra Unicn sentiments have always distinguished him in the political contests of the Siate and Union. In ad¢ition to this he is a landholder in the slave Btate of Delaware, and largely engaged in business there; and hence his interests are all opposed to tha least affiliation with men who are in the remotest de- ree tainted with free scilism. We think it fair to infer, then, that Mr. Brown is a natiocal democrat, though how far he will take sides or use his influence in the coming contest is a mystery at present. Mc. Brown is not destitate of courage, but it has abated to a remarkable degree within the few past months, The atmosphere of the Custom Housa seems to have produced a thorough change in the whole character of the man in that respezt; and how that will ope- rate when the trumpet is s2unded for the charge re- mains to be seen. ‘Lhe Postmaster, Mr. Miller, is a soft, so far as jus- tifying the aGministra‘ion in their course wita rela- tion to Mr. Bronson will entile a man t» that appel- lation. Still he is opposed to iniogtng. the question at all in the politics of this State. If he can accom- plich that, he will be fully enticed t» the position he now enjoy 4 a8 one of the clearest-sighted aud most comprehensive of all the politicians of the Old Key- atone State. Thathe can accomplish ‘much with tho power he wields by means of the office he holds, and also by virtue of the close intimacy that exists between himscif and the Postmaster Grueral, there is no doubt jout the task of stopping the tide which isnow with free soilers ¢ Uct us keep Mr. Cushing companya little further. | rctting in upon this State, from the example of your own, & haraly possible. Sull that is the task that will be attempted by Mr. Miller, Lf he fuils in Maas, in their selection, as these, when instructed to go solid for apy one ivdividual, make his chances uf success @ fairone. In aclear struggle the vote of the delegates from the city and county always decide the chcice. Governor Bigler, the prezent incum- bent, is a candidate for renomination, with the chances cee bis favor. A large number of the counties in the State have already elected their dele- gates and instructed them to support him in the com- mg Caen Ub iitel not enough to make his selec- tion sure. Therefore itis that the contest for delegates iv our city and county is looked forward to with such interest. Governor Bigler is undoubtedly the favorite of the general government, and will be elas by that influence, or a large portion of it, at the com- ing election. The warm and honestfriendship which | extats between him and Postmaster Campbell, and the active Governor Bigler played in the ap- intment of the former to hi Pts ion under Gen. Pierce, will of course induce thefriends of Mr. Camp- | bell to give Mr. Bigler their support for a re election. This, added to the friendship of Mr. Woodward and Mr. Knox, both of whom he appointed to the Su- poe Bench of the State, and each of whom have en since elected by the people to fill the vacancies for which they were chesen, will gaia the Governor a hold on the State not bec shaken off In the north the friends of Judge Knox will take the field en masse for bis re-nomivation, while at the east the supporters of the general administration, urged on by the personal exertions of the Postmaster General.- will give him a united support. Thus united, the force will be potent enough to overwhelm anythi that may oppose him, unless hiv enemies con- trive to urge on the question of the “ shells” before the time tor the election of dele zates, and thus dis- tract the forces. The Governor is well understood to be a “soft,” and this is the card that the more subtle of his enemies will attempt to play upon him. But is not the time too short to arrange their hands? We think so. His triends will take time by the forelock, and subsidize all the available material. They will alarm the timid and flatter the bold until when the “bards” attempt their game the time for it will have gone by. T is the present aspect of affairs. As to the opposition candidate for nomiaation against Mr. Bigler, rumor names several, though with what amount of truth it is aard to dedice. Judge Black, of the Supreme Bench _ of the State, is among those who are named, though we incline to the opivion that it he was ambitious off the wool- sack, it is in the direction ot the United States Senate, and no’ of the gubernatorial ehair of the Btate. It iswell understood that he is already tired of the beuch, and longs for the more active and con- genial li’e of political excitement. But he is far to sbrewd to endanger his chances for the Senate by putting his oar in the stream for Governor at thi period, especially when the tide runs so strong in of the present incumbent. He will bide his e Hon. Alfred Gilmore, a member cf the national House of Representatives, is also gazetted as an a3- pitant for the honors of the executive chair of the Old Keystone State; but his chances of success being still mere faint than those of Judge Black, we suppose he will be withdrawn before the start of the race. Mr. Gilmore has merely a local reputation, which is seorcely sufficient to justify bim iu venturing his bark into the troubled waters of a gubernatorial contest. His course in the House of Representatives at Wash- inzton has been un‘formly right, in a political sense; but then not so much above the level as to gild his head with any particular beams of the sun of State popuarity. He can afford to wait. Mr. Wiite, the member of Congress from the Fourth Congressional di-trict of our State, is spoken of in connection with the office of Governor; buat,this ia vimply farcical. He is totally unknown out ot his own distri *t, never having figured in State matters in the most remote degree, aud therefore not likely to receive the attention or support of any considera- ble portion of the citizevs of the commonwealth, When he shall have tried the ring of his metal on some of the questions that will come vy in the next Congress, it will be time cnough to think of seri- ously examining his claims for the executive chair of the State. ‘ Such is one view presented by the political kaleidescope of our State. Dut each day the scene changes as the interests of the different actors in the stage varies. The out of to day i» the in of to-mor- row; and then the whole programms assumes otslly edveree color and hue. Bat the absorbing. estion ix, Will the “ battle of the shells” be frans- jesred to this State, and if so, how will the armies be efficered and mancuvred? Will we have the some vitter and itoplacable feud in the Old Keystono they have in the Empire State? These questions can only betested by time, avd for toe information of the country this preliminary sketch of the positions of parties in Peumylvauia is given. Hunt, A woman, named Alvaira Wyraan, wad oa the Sth inst, ny the Sopreme Court, in resvion at Neat Uam- 4., to the House o€ Correction for life for sot a house in Framingham, where she was em ting fr ‘owed nen Comontic, sad which whe had praviously rob ne 01 term of three years at the he es vader thirty years of age = Message of the Governor of Georgia. Qvvernor Howell Cobb transmitted his annual meseag? te the Legislature of Georgia,on the 6th inst.,and on the 10th transferred the reins of go- verpment to.his newly elected democratic successor, Hon. Hershel Y: Johnson, who was installed into office with the usa," ceremonies, The message is an able document, and t:.eats principally upon the inter- nal affairs of the State, containing many judicious suggestions and recommenda tions. In regard to the | firancial condition of the State, the Goveraor says z On the 20th day of October, 185.', the Publio debt amounted to $1,687,472 22. By the act of December 4th, 1861, ratifying the contract of my” predecessor and the Chief Engineer of the Western an J Atlantic Railroad, for the purchase of iron for the Stace it was increased $200,000. By act of January ae 1852, providing for the repairs and equipment of road, it wes still further increased the sam of $525,000; and by the act authorizing a subseription to the Milledgeville and Gordon Ruilroad, there was added the sum of $20,000, making the total amount of the State deb’ $2,432,472 22. To this amount should be added the bonded debt of the Cen‘ral Bark, which is now $369,500, having been dimin- ished by the payment of $5,500 since the 1st of No- vember, 1851. The total liability of the State is thus seen to be $2,801,972 22, from which must be de- ducted the sum of $166,500, which has been during the last two years, under the provisions of the act of February 11th, 1850, providing for an annual sinking fond, for the payment of the public debt. ie oy debt of State, therefore, is $2,636- The bonds authorized by the act of 4th December, 1¢51, were made payable at the State Treasury, and the interest payable semi-annually at the Bank of the State of Georgia, in Savannah. bonds were negotiated for a premium averaging about two per cent. Iwas satisfied that our bonds should com- wand a higher premlum, and finding, upon an invea- tigation into the subject, that a more advantageous negotiation could be effected by making them paya- ble in New York, I caused the bonds issued under act of Jam 12th, 1852, to be made payable at the Bank of Republic, in the city of New York. They were a Sire at a premium of 5 per cent. It is the first instance in which our State securities had been disposed of at any premium, and it should te gratifying to our State pride to know that the bonds of our State now stand among the first se- curities of their class. The bonds of no State in the Union command more of the confidence of capi- talists who seek a safe investment of their funds. This confidence is not misplaced, for no State in the Union bas more ample means to meet its liabilities, and no people are more tenacious of the credit and honor of their State than our own. As the interest of a portion of our bonds has to be paid in New York, it becomes necessary forthe Trea- surer to keep on deposit there a suificient sum of money to meet the interest as itfallsdue. This has been done under my direction. If any doubts exist as to the power or propriety of this course, ft wee advisable that ce Gee eae) Fraety nS quieted by ig & law authorizing such deposits be made. Pie ects of it is so obvious that I deem it unnecessary to present any argument in sup- port of the recommendation. In relation to the liberation of the slaves of Mr. Lemmons, in this city, the Governor speaks a: fol- lows :— Since the last session of the General Assembly, an occurrence has transpired in which Georgia, though not directly a party, is, in my judgment, deeply in- terrsted, and to which I deem it my duty to call your attention. A citizen of Virginia, on his way to Texas with slaves, is, by force of circumstances, compelled to take a temporary transit ScoEe) the city of New York. Upon habeas corpus before Judge Payne, of that State, the negroes were de- clared free, and the citizen deprived of his property. Though indemnified fully, I believe by voluntary subscription, yet the principle involved in the de- cision "5 one of vast importance aud of startling ten- dency, in which the interest of Mr. Lemmons be- comes insignificant, and the interest of every slave- holding State paramount aud equal. Virginia and Texas have no deeper interest than Georgia and Alabama. It is understood that an appeal has been taken from the decision, to the Sppeliate court of New York, and it is probable that the final adjuzication of the question involved will be made by the Supreme Conrt of the United States. The delibe- rate determination of any question by that tribunal, commands, and should receive, the respest of the country, and constitutes a precedent controlling sub- meqneny cases. The principles involved in the de- cision of Judge Payne will be better considered in a court room than in a document like the present. It is not my purpose, therefore, to submit an argument on the correctness of that decision. If such is the law, it is the firat time that it has been solemnl thus pronounced in a case made before any tribun: within my knowledge. If it be true that the citizens of the elave-holding States, who, by force of circum- stances or for convenience, seek a passage through the territory of a non-slaveholding State, with their slaves, are thereby deprived of their property in them, and the slaves ipso facto become emancipated, it is time that we know the law as it is. No court in America has ever announced this to bealaw. It weuld be exveedingly strange if it should be. By the orally of nations, the personal pears of every man is determined by the law of his domicil, whether he be bond or free, capable or incapable there, he remsins so everywhere, until] a re v domicil is acquired. This isbut the courtesy of nation to na- tion, founded, not upon the statute, but is iefeotaa 4 receesary for the and harmony of States, for the enforcement of private justice. A denial of this comity is unheard of among civilized nations, and if deliberately and wantonly persisted in, would be a just cause of war. Can it be possible that the courtesy yielded by independent nations to each other, can be rightfully aenied by one of these States to the others? Is the bond of Union an authority or reason for a course of conduct so unjustifiable without that bond? Did the framers of the constitution, so wise and provident as to all other possible causes of disturbance between the States, permit so pregnant a source of discord to pass unheeded and unprovided for? In yielding our right to make treaties, and to declare war, have we left ourselves remedyless in cases of paloable violation of the law and comity of nations? The adjudication of these questions by the tribuval organized under the constitution, cannct be viewed with indifference by us. Every slave holding State should be heard before that tribunal I therefore recommend, that in the event of the Lemmons’ case being carried before the Supreme Court, the executive be authorized to employ abe counsel in behalf of the State of Georgia, to te hearé before that court upon these questions. The Governor is opposed to biennial sessions of the Legislature, and counsels the General Assembly to return to the former system of meeting annually. He says :— Thee: iment of biennial sessions of the Gener- al Assembly has been sufficiently tested by experi- ence, and I believe that the pubiic judgment of the State is prepared to pronounce against it. I wis amorg the number of its advocates, and so voted when the question was submitted to the people fr their decision. Iam now satisfied that in common with a large majority of my fellow citizens, I vas wrong, and am prepared to recommend a return to annual sessions. Even if the policy of biennial see- sions was right at the time of its adoption, the in- creased interest and important public works of the State have wrought such a change in our affairs that. & different system is now required for our progresied and ressing condition, A single consideration should satisfy every man of the propriety of annual seseions. At pregent,all power is placed in the hands of the Executive for two years and his term expires and the people are called upon to pass jud, son his cfficial career before his actings and doings can be submitted to the test of legislative investigation. He cannot be called upon for an exposition of his official doings until the General Assembly meets, and that does not take. place until his term of office has ex- pired, and he.has oither been re-elected or defeated, or has voluntarily withdrawn from the public service. This is wrong in theory, and might work much in- jury in practice. It was an economical view of the meet which induced the people to resort to bi-en- nial sessions; bu#it way well be questioned whether the result has justified this expectation. The fact that the Genezad Assembly meets only once in two years, renders. it necessary to extend the Jength of the session, he accumulated business of the two yeurs must be disposed of, and additional time is re- quired to do.it, In order that the people may have an opportunity of passing their judgment upon thia subject, I: recommend that a act aitering the con- stitution be passed by the Goveral Assembly at ita present: scesivn, and the question submitted to the people atthe next general clection. If approved by. them, youn successors can perfect the alieration, and if condemned, the act can then be rejeated. Anop- vortunity will thus be offazed of havbg the question Mecided ‘by the direct aciéon of those wost-deepiy in- terested in the motter. News srom Liew. X--The Weston. Reporter contains a letter from Capt. Kitchon, dated: Las Vegas, N. M., September 29, which eays:— Aeut . W le srrived st Anton Obicot on the 26% Re gives most exastleat accomts of the location of the portion of country which be has travelled over, and expresses himelf very freely in favor of tie youte which se has sureeyed. We says that it he finds the remaixder of the route as good 9s %e@ portion he has travelled over, the road will he built on this~ the middie—ronte. His party, was in exceBent health, aud bad no bad 3 ot. Whipple, it will be recol- of the party of engineers ap p fo survey the route for 4 road frum Port Broub to the Pacific Elever negroes made Missouri, cn th Quincy at twelve o miles distaat, before m 1 gacape from Marion coudty, thay oroqsed the river af Y Mendog, teelra