The New York Herald Newspaper, July 25, 1853, Page 1

‘THE NEW YORK HERALD-= WHOLE NO. 17518. HIGHLY IMPORTANT FROM EUROPE, Details of the Arctic’s News. Wew and Threatening Aspect of the Turkish Question. THE AUSTRIAN DEMANDS ON THE PORTE. «@eeupation of Holdavia and Wallachia by the Bussians and of Busnia by Austria, How is an European War to be Avoided ? ‘WHAT IS TO BECOME OF TURKEY? Threats of Russia Against England and France, The Riot at Smyrna and the U. 8. Sloop of War St. Louis. THE MARKETS, &e., &e., ke. The news by the Arctic, which arrived on Satur- day, is of the highest importance. We give the fullest details this morning, to enable our readers to eee how near a general war Hurope now is. Indeed, it will require the nicest diplomacy to prevent a ter- rible collision between Eastern and Western Europe onthe Turkish question—Russia dnd Austria against England and France. Ex-President Van Buren, Governor Campbell, Gov- ernor Paulding, General Cooper and lady, and Mar- tin Van Buren, Jr., Esq., and suites, were at Gresham Hotel, Dublin, on the sth inst. Our London Correspondence. Lonpon, July 12, 1853. The Last Nesselrode Manifesto—Its Tone and Style —Austrian Policy—Despatches in Londen—Re- ported Coilision between Turkey and Russia—The Aberdeen Ministry Tottering, §c., &c. I enelose you two important documents on the Eastern question. The first is another circular des- patch of Count Nesselrode, the Russian Metternich, o Russian diplomatic agents at foreign courts, ex- plaining the Emperor's views and intentions towards Turkey. The language is as arrogant as that of the former one. It pretends, in addition, that the ad- vance of the combined fleets of England and France to the mouth of the Dardanelles is a maritime occu- pation on the part of those two powers, and warrants the occupation which has taken place of the Danubian principalities. Such specious pleading is absurd, when it is known that the positions of the fleets is no infringement of treaties, as they have not entered the Dardanelles, and that their sole object was to pre- vent any sudden attack of Russia on Constantinople, The Emperor says that, under the circumstances, he cannot recede. In order to maintain the status quo, he says, “that Turkey must act towards Russia in such @ manner as to render the co-existence of the two powers possible;”’ in other words, that the Sultan must do the Czar’s bidding at all times. ‘The cecond document, [published in yesterday's Brrauy,] which is Prince Gortschakoff's pyocla- mation, (the general in command of the troops that have occupied Moldavia and Wallachia) dis- tinctly states that the Emperor will avoid an offen- sive war against Turkey “ as long ashis dignity and the interests of his Empire will permit him to do so.’ This is plain enough. It is now rumored, but the rumor requires confirmation, that Austria is secretly inclined to support Russia, and has in fact recom menced bullying at Constantinople. I must warn you against placing too much cre- dence in the telegraphic despatches published by some of the London papers without being properly authenticated. In both houses last night interpella- tions were put on the reported entrance of the Anus- trians into Bosnia. Lord John Russell declared that the Austrian ambassador did not believe it. The reported sailing of the Russian fleet from Sebastopol is also contradicted. Nesselrode’s circular was also discuseed. Lord John said that he did not think that the Russian government could substantiate the alle gation that the occupation of the Danubian pro- vinoes had been caused by the advance of the English and French fieets. As it is, peace or war hangs open a thread. There is a report in circulation that a collision has taken place between Turkish and Russian ships or troops, but I look upon it as an idle rumor. There has beeh a serions disturbance at Smyrna, details of which are enclosed, and what may tend to cause a breach between Austria and Turkey. The conduct of the American commander is deserving of the highest praise. All dissension in the ministry isat an end. Palmers” ton” himself, the other night, requested Layard to postpone his interpellation on the Eastera question. No better proof could be given of the concord which prevails in the ministry. Palmerston, moreover, de- clared that the English and French governments were firmly resolved to act together, with the same policy and interests in view, and that they were de- termined to maintain the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. The greatest harmony prevails between the officers and crews of the French and English squad- zone at Besika Bay. THE TURKISH QUESTION. ‘Threaiening State of Affairs Between East- ern and Western Europe, The Turkish question has become more and more complicated, and has consequently assumed the greatest importance. In our compilation of the news we have endeavor: ed to present the question to the latest hour. Our dates are from— Seneth... June 30 Constantinople, « oF Bucha:est oO Sinont} » Ow Viewna » daly 11 Stettio bias Seany. eee Bt. Potersburg oy The following is the new manifesto of Count Nes- selrode, which was published in the Journal of St. Petersburg, June 20 (O. 8.) It is an important document :— St, PerrRsBuRG June 20, 1953, Sm—My circular desparch of the 30th May last in- formed you of the rupture of our diplomatic relations with the Ottoman government It charged you to bring to the knowledge of the cabinet to whion you are ascre- dited, the grievances which we have suffered from tne Porte, cur fruitless efforts to obt suceestive concessions which we \- ere desire to maintain good and friendly relations with the Turki:h government. You know that, after having renounced one after the other the idea of a guarantee ob- ‘tained, bere es form ae ba M pritay mead Veo hoses nallagwatic act, we reduced our tothe ai oe simple note, such as that the tex: of ahich we tase mitted to you. You will have seem that that note, inde- otnt ‘of the more particular dispositions relative to ay places, contains in reitty nothi "alse, an ew the i claimed “in fa: vor G3 worip, thas « spl — won ylr§ sete thst ae aula of that document constituted in the eyes of the ake’ Shs ony Aa rend separates ‘that he can accept the inault committed Dien by the viecation of thd Srman of the year 1801, as MORNING EDITION----MONDAY, JULY 25, 1853. PRICE TWO CENTS. also of the Promises which the Sultan had added. I that such an sct was moreover indis- vensable, because the iting of new firmans suscept! ble of being disregarded, as was the first, could not slove offer us @ sufficient guarantee for the fature. Finally, I did rot dissimulate that if, after eight days reflection, the Ottoman Porte refused to accede to our 1s, the Emperor would feel himself placed im the pecessity of hay recourse te obtein satisfaction to more decisive measures thau a simple interruption o relations. In putting that ultimatum to thé Porte, we had more particulerly informed the t cabinets of our inten. tions, We had notably solicited Cengage) France and Great Britain not to asrume an attitude that woald complicate the difficulties of the situation; not to take too soon measures which, on the one hand, would have the effect of encouraging the opposition of the Porte, and on the other would nlicate still more thau they were already the honer and dignity of the Emperor. Thave the regret to announce to you to-day that that double endeavor has uasspplly been in vain. ‘The Porte, an you will see by the subjoined ‘etter of R id Pacha, has msde 4 negative or, at least, an eva- sive reply to the which I addressed to it. On the other b: the two maritime powers have not thought fit to defer to the considerations which we re- commended to their serious attention. Taking the fai- tiative before us, ey have judged it indispensable to anticipate immediately. by an effective measure, those which we had anounced to them as simply eventual, as we made the exeovtion thereof ruberdinate to the final sesolutions of the Porte; and at the very moment! write, the execution of them hes nrt yet commenced; they at once nent their fleets to the Constantinople waters; they already occupy the waters and ports of the Ottoman do- mination, within reach of the Dardanelles By this ad vanced attitude the two powers have placed us under the weight of a commivatory dem nstration. which, as me, Tonetld them, must add new complications to the crisis. In preeence of the refusal of the Porte, supported by the maxirertation of France and bs ge it becomes more imposible than ever for us to modify the resolutions which the Emperor aade dependent upon it. In consequence, his Imperial Majesty hae just issued an order to the divirion of our troops stationed at the preent moment in Bessarabia, to cross the frontier and oceupy the principalities. They enter them, vot to wage an offeasive war aginst the Porte. which, on the contrary, we shall endeavor to avoid, as longas we are not forced into it, but because the Porte, in persisting to refuse the moral guarantee which we had the right to expect, obliges us to substi stitute in its place provisionally a material guerantes; but because the position which the two powers have taken in the porta and waters of his empire, in very sight of his capital, cannot be regarded by’ ue, under actual circumstances, in apy other light than a maritime occupation, gives us moreover, a reason for re-estab- lishing the equilibrium of the reciprocal situavions by taking up a military position. We have not, however, any intention of keeping that any lovger than oue honor or our safety may demand. It will be purely temporary; it will serve us solely as a pledge until better counsels shall have pre- yailed ip the minds of the Saltan’s ministers Whilst occupying the principalitiesifor a period, we disavow be- forehand ell idea of conquest. We do not pretend to ob- tain any accession of territory. With Eowledge and will we shall mot acek to arouse any excitement among the Christian population of Tarkey. As soon as the lat- ter shall have accorded us the satisfaction which is our due, and when at sbe esme time the pressure lsd upon us by the atdtude assumed by the two powers shall have been removed, our troops will return that moment with in the Russian frontier As regards the inhabitants of the principalities, the presence of our troops will not im. pal upon them apy charges or additioralcontributioas. @ proviriows they will furnish shall be paid for from our rirhst eels atan opportune moment. at a rate fixed beforehand with their government. The prinsiplos and rules of conduct which we have prescribed in this respect you will find detailed in the annexed proclama- tion cf General Prince Gortschakoff, in command of the troops of occupation, and which he was instructed te make public on his entrance into the two provinces. We in 20 respect dissimulate the great importarce of the attitude which we take, and what the ulterior conse- quenoes thereof may be if the Turkish governwent obliges us to make it leave the narrow and limited circle in which we with to keep it. But the position in which it places us, by pushing matters to extremes, by refus- ing us every legitimate satisfaction, by not gran’ any concession whatever in return for all those which Prince Menschikoff gave successively on the form as well ay on the original substance of our propositions, leaves us no alternative. There is more: the principles so perompt- orily asserted, notwithstanding the moderation of language in the responsive letter of Reschid Pacha, as well as in bis note of the 26th cf May last to the repre. sentatives of the four powers at Constantinople, would tend to nothing lesa, if taken at the letter, than to placs in question all our acquired rights, to annul all our ante vith fact if the Ottoma t judges contrary t fact, 1 mn government ys contrary te its independence and scvereign rights all diplomatic en- gegements whatsoever, even uxder the form of a simple note, in which it would be a ques'ion to stipulate with a foreign government for religion and the churches, what becomes of the engagement «hich it contracted with us formerly under a far more bizding form te protect our religion ard its churches in its States? To admit 0 absolute a principle would be to tear up with eur own hand the treaty of Kainardji, and all those that confirm it; to abandon, voluntarily, the ight they conferred upon us to see that the Greek faith is efficiently protected in Turkey. Is it this that the Porte seeks? Does it seek to throw off al its anterior obligations, and to ebtain from the pre- sent crisis the abolition forever cf a whole order of rela- tions consecrated by time? Impertial Europe will understand that if the question is pnt in these terms, notwithstanding the most concili- ating intentions, a peaceful eolution would be impossible for Russia. For our treaties, our secular influence, our moral credit, our dearest sentiments both national aad religious, would be at stake. Lat us be allo ved to say it: the prosent dispute, and all the clamor given to it by the public press outsids the cabinets rest upon a simple misunderstanding, or a want of attention to all our political antecedents. tie ars seer ignorant, or it is loat sight of, that Rus- sia virtually enjoys by position, treaty, tho ancient right of surveillance, for an effisacious protection of its worsbip in the East ; aud the maintenance of that avcient right which it cannot abandon is representel as implying a new pretension of protectorate, religious aw well as polit’cal, with an exaggerated idea of its bearing and consequences for the future. It is on this sad miscomprehension that the whole pre- sent crisis turns. The bearing and consequences of our pretended new pclitica! protectorate have no real existence, We only demand for our co-religionists in the East the strict state quo, the conservation of the privileges which they ossess ad antiquo, under the shield of their Sovereign. We do not deny that there would result for Russia what may be justly called a religious patronage. It is that which we have at all times exercised in tho East. Avd if hitherto the indepencence and sovereignty of Turkey have found the means to reconcile themselves to the exercise of that patronage, why should they not both suffer them in future from the moment that our preten- sions are reduced to what is really bat a simple coniir- mation of them? We bave said it, and we repeat it—it is no more the wish of the Emperor to day than it was his wishin the st to overthrow the Ottoman Empire, or aggrandise pimself at its expense. After the very moderate use he mage in 1820 of his victory of Adrianople, when that victory and its consequences placed the Porte at his mercy; after having. alone ia Europe, saved Turkey in 1833 from inevitable dicmembermemt; after having in 1839 taken the initiative with the other powers in the propositions which, executed in common against, pre- vented the Sultan from beh oldiog his throne lace toa new Arabian empire. it becomes almost fa: give proof of that truth. On the contrary, tl mental principle of the policy of our august m1 bas always been to toaintain as Jong “aH possible the sctual stau ma of the East. He wished it and still desires it, because such is definitely the best interest of Russia, already too vast to need an extension of territory; because, prospereus, peace ful, inoffensive, placed as a useful mediator between powerfol States, the Ottoman empire arresta the shock of rivalrisn which, if it fell. would olssh to fight for ite fregmenta; because human foresight vainly endeavors to discover the combinations best calculated to fill the vaeuum which the disappearance of that great body would leave in the political balance. But if such are the real, avowed, sincere views of the Emperor, that he may remain faithful to them {tis alse necessary that Turke: should act towards us in a manver to offer us the poasi- bility of co-existing with i Let it respect our private treaties, and the cousequences derived from them; let not acts of bad faith, seoret persecutions, perpetual yextions against our Worship, create a rituation which, intolerable at last, would oblige us to trast the remedy to the blind chancas of hszard. Such are, sir, the considerations which you are char, to point out to the « tention of the government to which Jou are accredited, by communicating the present de spatch sud the revolutions and intentions of his Majesty the Emperor. NESSELRODE, IMPORTANT AUSTRIAN MOVEMENT—INVA- SION OF BOSNIA. The Austrians have entered Bosnia. Such is the Wha news which we receive by telegraph from jenna. This event, which we expected—for we announced the preparations for it on Thursday last—is the most ominous that has occurred since the Emperor of Russia published his manifesto to the nation. Ofrthree things, one. Either Austria enters the north western provinces of the Ottoman empire with @ secret understanding with Russia, that the two pee ge jowers shall despoil Turkey of the dominion and independence guaranteed to her by the great powers in 1841. Such a resolve would be fatul to the peace of Europe. Or, Austria enters the provinces in order to pre- serve their peace, and hinder any disturbances be- tween Christians and Turks, whose religious soins are at this moment #0 strongly worked upon. would be an excuse, but nota bays tint in » whom allow to ite more than hardly ppropriat st hypotheels is, we think, most likely to >> | is regarded, it caunot bat be ecem Waatit adus . atly to the dangerous end difficult com lications| oe the present crit. . THE PREPARATIONS, &C., IN RUSSIA. Srerrin, (The Baltic), July 8, 1353. Voluntary illuminations took place at St. Peters- burg when the order to cross the Pruth was pub- lished. Public excitement was at its height. The streets were thronged. The Em; was received with acclamations, and sal on bended knee. Several men danced before the Emperor’s carriage. From the National Gazette, Prussian paper, July 6 } je corps of Guards and the Russian Grenadiers have entered the camp of Kragnozelo. The mani- festo of the Emperor Nicholas was read to them, in which the war against Turkey is represented as a holy war, in favor of the Greek religion. The cadets have entered the camp of Peterhoff. , The Russian Baltic fleet is composed of three di- visions—one, under the white flag, is in the Baltic; another, with the red° flag, is near Cronstadt; and the third, under the blue flag, is in that port, where all the war steamers are also at anchor. Are such demonstrations and such preparations made when a desire is felt not to disturb the peace of the world for the benefit of personal ambition? This is a question which we willingly submit to the judg- ment of our readers, calling their attention, at the same time, to the attitude of England and the lan- guage of her journals. An army of eighty thousand Russians is to occupy the principalities. ‘Contracts for rations have been concluded for a period of nine months. ‘The Russian officers at Warsaw are flocking to Czenstochow, to make their vows before a miracu- lous image of the Blessed Virgin, as they did before the Hungarian war. The above contains the latest intelligence from all quarters of Europe, relative to the then existing aspect of the Eastern question, its complexities, the posi- tion of the great powers, and -the existing popular sentiment regarding the war probabilities down to the annexed dates, which are the last despatches re- ceived from every gengrepiical point of, what we may call, the theatre of war. ConstanTinoPLe, June 27, 1853. ‘The representatives of the powers continue to pursue the path of mediation. The demanda of Russia will probably be accepted as to their groundwork, but not in the form in which they bave been made. ‘The French and English fleets are still at Besika. ‘Tho Circassians are Soeoreers ting their forces, under the command of amyl. The St. Petersburg correspondent of the London Times, writing under date of July 1, says:— From all I can gather I should say that either the late ma- nifesto has succeeded in awakening the religious fa- naticism of the lower and middle classes, or else it is itself a true reflex of a spirit already existing there previously; be this which way it will, the spirit at Sree at work in the classes I have mentioned is hat of @ new crusade against the Crescent. Men well acquainted with the Emperor assure me that no man in his dominion fee's so well as himself the julse of his subjects’ inclinations; that whatever the ‘ourt or the corps diplomatique may say or think, the Emperor himself is the true thermometer of Rus- sian feeling. A diplomate here has drawn my attention to what he states to be a false reading of the London treaty of saly 13, 1841, now being | put forward by the French Government, tending to show that Russia is guilty of a double perfidy in thus attacking Turkey through Moldavia, since she was party to the above- mentioned treaty, in which the five Powers are said to uarantee the integrity of the Otoman Empire. he preamble of this treaty, however, only states that these five Powers “ experiment le désir” to main- tain the integrity of Turkey; and it is mentioned expressly in the Protocol that when Austria’s repre- sentative proposed that some clause should be intro- duced for securing the integrity of the Ottoman Em- pire, it was our then Minister tor Foreign Affairs who replied that ‘the Emperor of Russia had acted throughout in so loyal a manner that no step ought to be taken that should express mistrust in His Im- perial Majesty.” Letters trom Warsaw state the preparations that have been made for war during the whole of the ast winter are greater than those made in anticipa- jon of the late Hungarian Corrie The army is now on the complete war footing, the reserves and the rear guard fully organized; the military colonies ot the guard at Novgorod, and of the cavalry in Southern Russia, have been made mobile. Prince Paskiewitsch, it sppears will remain onary at Warsaw, in the neighborhood of which, at Powons, a camp of 70,000 men is to be brought together. The eorr dent of the London Times, writing from St. Petersburg under date of July 2, thus refer to the state of Popular feeling existin; fn that capi- tal with reference to the action of the Emperor :-— “T should describe the present excited state of feeling prevalent here as gaining an intensity in in- verse ratio with the station of the individual. While, as I am given to understand, the oe military and diplomatic officials are opposed to the idea of a war, it ie welcomed by the lower classes with fanatical en- thusiasm. When the manifesto became eta known here, numerous Russians were known to fall on their knees in the open street, and pray for bles- sings on their great Czar, the defender of the Ortho- dox faith, the warlike champion of their holy Russia. But the higher we mount in the social scale, the clear- er the atmosphere becomes; threatening clouds are in- deed seen, but it is felt that the storm will blow over. Not that any one here for a moment entertains the slightest idea that the Emperor will give way in anything, but still the conviction holds its ground that means will be found to arrange the dif- ficulty. In my last letter I mentioned my own view of what I believed the resource will be, and I still retain that expectation, although I meet with many who assert Peeugl that as yet “no mediation on the part of Austria has been ac- cepted, proposed or even wished.’ Moreover, I am assured that a protest has been despatched to the Porte against the entrance of foreign flects into the Dardanelles. I cannot vouch for the accuracy of this, and it seems to me improbable, since it is un- necessary, existing treaties providing for that point. I must not omit to mention, that on occasion of the ublication of the manifesto, the inhabitants of St. etersburg illuminated their houses of their own ac- cord. In some of the pees papers there is a talk of bombarding Sebastopol. I would beg to draw at- tention to t@ newly and highly scientifically built fort of St. Irenus and the coast batteries there, which, I am assured, are well provided with Paix- han guns. Bombarding Odessa would not be so difficult an affair, but that would be indeed “cutting off our nose to be avenged of our face.” The exports of Odessa last March (chiefly grain) amounted to 2,323,882 silver roubles. During the revolution of Poland in 1830, the collection of diplomatic archives formed by the Grand Duke Constantine fell into the hands of the patriots, and a large number of letters were published. One of them, addressed by Count Nesselrode to the Grand Duke, contains the fol- lowing passage. It is dated St. Petersburg, Februa- ry 12, 1830 :— ‘The object of our relations with Tarkey is that which we bi proposed to ourselves by the treaty of Adri ple i . and by the re-establishment of poace with the Grand Seigvior. It only depended on us to march t2 pel ag end to overcurn the Turkish empire. No power would have opposed that course: no immediate danger would have menaced us, if we had given the last - blow to the Ottoman monarchy in Europe. But in the opinion of the Emperor, that monarchy, reduced to exist oly under the protection of Russia, and to merely exe- cute henceforward her desires, suited better our political and commercial interests than any new combinatioa, which would bave forced us either to extend too far our domains by conquests, or tovwubstitute for the Otoman empire, States which before long would have become our rivals in power, civilisation, manufactures, and wealth; and it ia on that priveiple of his Imperial Majesty that our relations with the Divan are now regulated. Since we have not decided on the ruin of the Turkish government, we endeavor to suppert it in its present state; and sinee that government cannot be useful to us but by its defer. towar 8, we require from it the religious obser. va ion of its engagements, and the prompt execution of all our wishes, THE QUESTION IN TURKEY. It is said that the Porte will publish a manifesto in reply to the Russian proclamation. Jn this mani- festo the Sultan will make a statement of all the acts of injustice which Turkey has for above a century suffered at the hands of the Russian Emperors. The price of Turkish arms‘ in the Bazaar had risen enor- mously of late, in consequence of the demand which exists. It is pretty certain, too, that considerable Le of arms, ammunition, and salt had been se- cretly sent into-Circassia and Daghestan. The rep- resentatives of the four great powers have opened their negotiation with Reschid Pacha concerning the difference with Russia. Metalics have fallen } per cent at the Bourse (from 94} to 934), in consequence of a report that two regiments had been sent to Peterwardein @ fortified Hungarian town on the Danube, a few leagues from Sava, on the frontiers of Bosnia and Servia.) Letters from Constantinople state that the Porte is about to summon a council, com; of the most eminent men from every district of the monarchy. JUESTION IN THE DANUBIAN PRIN- Gamo CIPALITIES. ‘ of pane Th. 24, 1853. The Sultan’s firman of June new guaran- tees to his Christian subjects,'has been, here this fortnight, but has not been published in the princi- Wigs. The Reesien console forbade the Hospodars plomulgate it, and reminded them that the sruies the sovereign were at band, The Gorman Gazette, of Bucharest, has been suppressed for publishing an article on Eastern affairs. Senera, June 30, 1853. M. Ozeroff is at the head quarters of General Gort- chakof. The peasants in Idavia are selling their~ ht oxen at an; ice, fearing their im neg y pris ing their impress- Jassy, July 3, 1853. Prince Gortachakoff’s proclamation is posted near the Palace of the H lar. It is printed both in Russian and Rumoon. The Divan of Moldavia met here on the 27th of June. The first act of the Assem- bly was to vote an address of devotion to the Czar. Bucuanest, (Wallachia,) June 27, 1863. It is asserted that the British consul is pre] leave this city as soon as the Russians shall cupied the principalities. THE QUESTION IN AUSTRIA. The part of Austria, in presence of an eventual aggression of Russia on Turkey, is thus traced out in despatch from Vienna, April 15, 1826, by M. de Tatischeff to M. de Neaselrode :— Austria will sincere efforts to induce the Porte to ratisfy our dew If the negotiation should be estab- lished on our frontiers, it will not be diffivult for me to watch with effect that it hall not be impeded by Austria; if on the other hand, war should take place, it is proba- ble that, a8 lopg as we contine ourselves to the occupa tion of the principelities Austria will remain passive ; but if our operations extend to the other bavk of the Danube, if our armies should cross the Balkan, as io that case the very existenoe of the Ortoman power would be menaced with an immivent peril, J am inclined lo think that Austria will hasten to make sure of her part in the spot ‘This disporition appears to me 60 probable that if after our troops sbali have taken possession of the principelities, the Turks do not quickly su>mit to the cor ditions offered to them, and ifthe state of war is like ly te be prolonged even without being transported beyond the Danube, I do not hesitate to give is as my opinion that in that case the ozevpation of Croatia, aud of all tbe lesser Wallschia, ought not to be neglected: for if that territory were left unoccupied, events wight bring the Ae ek ee in fo case ts om ae oe Nees ity to appr us on The Journal de Francfort fan an article, said to be a semi-officia! communication from the Austrian government, suggesting a mode in which the differ- ence between Russia and Turkey zalght perhaps be settled. According to this plan, Turkey would con- cede to Russia the required binding note to guarantee the maintenance of the privileges and immunities of the Greek Church, and in return Russia would remit to the Porte a note, also in a binding form, promis- ing that these privileges should not degenerate into abuees calculated to trench upon the integrity of the Ottoman empire. If this be seriously the suggestion of the Austrian government, there is nothing in it inconsistent with the paprced-o8 that she is abetting Russ'a in this matter. The whole question, assumiug Russia to be sincere, is but one of form. But that question of form involves the humiliation of Turkey in the eyes of her own subjects, and the exaltation of Russian prestige in an equal proportion. Russia knows that the persistence of Turkey in refusing the Menschikoff ultimatum would check her ag- gressive ene and that the concession of the ulti- matum would advance them, no matter what counter epgagement she might enter into to get over the ery difficulty. After the passage of the Pruth it has become impossible for diplomacy to invent any solution ending in Russia gaining her point, vi will not weaken Turkey, and discredit her ies. to AVE OC- THE QUESTION IN PRUSSIA. The correspondent of the London T'imes, writing from Berlin, under date of July 8th, thus refers to the Eastern i cpt — Last Monday morning an unusually early council was held, at which the ministers of all the great powers were present, and the manifesto of the Em- par of Russia formed the subject of discussion. As have in my last two letters touched on the line of policy observed by Prussia on thissubject, I will now only add that the conviction still prevailing in the ministerial circle is, that the eccupation of the Danu- bian principalities will only hasten a pacific solution of the question. What I hear from persons whose position makes them perfectly cognizant of the train of events and negotiations leads me to the firm ex- pectation that, Count Gynlai’s intervention on the of Austria, the apercr of Russia will, in consideration of the Nesselrode note being signed, be induced to execute a contre note for the security of the Porte, engaging never to make use of the former as conferring on him any right to interfere in the in- terior political affairs of Turkey. THE QUESTION IN FRANCE. The Paris correspendent of the London Globe, Lord Palmerston's organ, writing under date of July llth, says:—‘The second circtlar note of Court Neseelrode, which appears in the Independance of Brussels of Carey: as been the subject of much conversation. At the Bourse it was not generally known, but many of our leading capitalists were in oseession of it, and the opinion that they express on it is that it has rather a pacific than a warlike ten- dency. It manifesta, they think, a desire on tre part of the Emperor to findsome means of escaping onorably from a dilemma in which he has place himeelf, but which evidently he did not expect would be the result of his menaces to Turkey. The at- tempt made by Count Nesselrode to throw the blame of the present position of things upon the English and French cabinets, and to exeuse the occupation of the principalities of the Danube on the pretext that France and England had first sent their fleets into the waters of Turkey, is regarded here as one of the weakest efforts of modern diplomacy.” It is asserted that the Minister of War, in the course of a conversation with the President of the Chamber of Commerce of Nantes, touched upon the Oriental question, and said: “We are not bent upon moking war; but if the Emperor, to whom the honor of his government 1s dearer than all, should think that the national honor exacts a war, he will certainly not recoil from the necessity.” [Paris letter, July 11. in London Globe.] “The Emperor of Russia had declared in the strongest manner that if the Sultan rejected his ulgi- matum the principalities should be occupied. yt) , ant the rejection was pronounced he had made all arrangements for the realization of his menace, long before the French and English fleets moved for the waters of Turkey, the Russian ambassador in Paris had declared to the Emperor Napoleon that Russia would, if her ultimatum was rejected, oc- cupy the principalities; at the same time declaring that this ought not to be regarded as an act of hos- tility. After this intimation, could the Emperor of Russia expect that Turkey and her allies were to wait for this act of aggression without adopting say thing in the way of defence? They had a right to appreciate this menace of aggression in the way that they have done. The aches of Russia might be sincere in asserting that he did not intend to go farther than the gl of the principalities. But was not that of itself an act of aggression and a violation of treaties? If the Emperor of Russia did not intend to occupy them, why did he declare that he would do so? Were Turkey and her allies to receive this declaration as an sony menace, and wait until its realization should find them totally unprovided with the means of punishing that ag- ession, or preventing other aggressions—or were fey to take those precautions which were fully justified by the menaces of Russia? To pretend now that the occupation of the principalities was the consequence of the movement of the allied fleets, is an absurdity—at least such is the opinion entertained in Paris. Taking the circular note as a whole, it is, as I before said, regarded here as pa- cific. It contains some.big words, but the reasona- ble inference to be drawn is, that the Emperor of Russia has met with a resistance which he did not expect, and will now gladly avail himself of any means of retracting without a sacrifice of honor. He protests that if guarantees be given to him on the part of Turkey, he will also give guarantees not to abuse the concessions that way be made to him. There was nothing of this in the language that he used before he had convinced himself that France and England were Lepage in defending the Porte against aggression. His assurances of modera- tion were all vague. It is only now that he finds it impossible to realise his views without a war with France and England, that he offers to consent toa compromise which would render it impossible for him to assume the dictatorship over Turkey. The circular, divested of the diplomatic verbiage with which it is loaded, proves that the energy of the French and English Cabinets has opened a prospect of maintaining peace which did not exist so clearly until this note was transmitted,and that in the present case, as in all others, the cause of honor must triumph if there be no st) reness in the means of execution. I have just !..rd_ that M. Drouin de l’Huys re- ards the circular of Count Neaselrode as opening the loor to a negotiation which will satisfy the honor of Turkey, and cause no humiliation te Russia; and that the opinion of the French cabinet nerally is that the dispute will be settled in a satisfactory man- ner. M. Emile de Girardin, in the Presse of this eve- not the @’Ozeroff has been sent to Constantinople. An article in the Moniteur is to a consi- deration of the fortified cities in Germany, of the value of the paierity of which, in a strategical poiot of view, but an ii rent opinion is entertained by the writer. Of Vienna it is stated that experience has repeatedly shown its inability to resist an army, viz., in 1806, 1809, and 1848. Antwerp is included amongst the German fortresses, as it isstated it ought to be regarded as serving rather to the defence of Germany than of the country in which it is situated. The Presse, in its weekly commercial review, that the Eastern question continues to be extre: y Prejudicial to business. Several orders have been given subject toa condition that if by July 15 the Present state of uncertainty as to foreign politics should continue, they may be rescinded. Most of the manufacturers have, however, gone on working rather than shut up their factories, but, with the fear of having their goods left upon their hands, they are no Jonger so indifferent as they were about news frem St. Petersburg. The American agents have, however, bought more freely this week than might have been expected.” [Krom the Paris Pays, July 9 ] We receive from Constantinople, under date of June 26, news, the gravity of which imposes upon us a certain mist: ust us to its truth, or at least a reserve in communicating it which our renders will appre- clate. This news relates to the attitude assumed by Austria in the question which for the last three month has threatened the very existence of the Ot- toman empire, and kept all Europe in suspense. We are informed that instead of confining himself to a pacific intervention between the Sultan and the Czar —instead of proposing the mediation so confidently reckoned upon, which appeared to be the only object of M. De Bruck’s mission to Constantinople, and Count Giulay’s mission to St. Petersburg—the Aus- trian internuncio to Turkey renewed the demands addressed some time since to the Turkish government in the name of the Court of Vienna by Count Leinin- gen. The Austrian ambassador, it is said, de- mands of the Porte the immediate payment of five millions of piastres as an indemnity, proba- bly on account of the affair at Montnegro. Certainly, the moment is strangely chosen to exact this pecuniary satisfaction, when the unjust aggres- sion of Russia imposes upon Turkey considerable ex- pense, and when she has just paid to Russia the first annuity for the cost of the occupation of the Danu- bian provinces in 1849 and 1800. But the require- ments of Austria do not stopthere. It appears that she has again brought upon the apis the question of the ports of Kleck and Souterina, which were the object of Count Leiningen’s mission. It will be re- membered that Austria has long coveted these ports which would plaza in its poner the mouths of the Cattaro in the Adriatic, and that in setting the texts of treaties at defiance she demanded the restitution of these porta, notwithstanding the long possession of Turkey. While this important intelligence reaches us from Constantinople, certain German eoels pre- tend that the Austrian government marching troops upon the frontiers of Bosnia and Servia with an ‘ject not yet stated, but which may cover ulterior designs upon those raring We repeat we re- cord this news with all prudent reserve. Our reason refuses to believe that Austria, whose attitude hith- erto has been that of a muedieting power, can all at once abdicate this honorable an conciliatory part, toimitate Russia, to second Russia in her projects of encroachment, and by untimely demands to compli- cate with new difficulties a question already strained to such a degree of tension. But if ulterior informa- tion should confirm this first intelligence, that would evidently be a fact which would complicate in a most untoward manner the present state of thi The result would be that two powers are uniting together to force the Ottoman empire to desperate resolutions, and to arrive at its dismemberment by demands as unforeseen as ahd unjustifiable. But in that case it is probable that the policy of the other courts of Europe would declare itself in a far more charac- teristic manner. France and England up to the pre- sent time bave given striking proofs of a moderation which nothing has been able to trouble, and of a loyalty which nothing has caused to deviate from the straight line pointed out by respect for treaties— that safeguard ot European right, and the mainte- nance of general peace; they have accorded to con- ciliation ail that could be expected from two nations which are strong encugh to be patient, and great enough to desire pace without any one being able to accuse them of weakness. But should new ene- mies rise up against an ally, the defence of whom is imposed on them by treaties, and the existence of whom is important for the repose and most sacred interests of Europe, no persoa will suppose that they would allow acts to be accowplished which, under whetever form diplomacy should succeed in lessenin; their impcrt, would constiinte a new oppression aan @ manifest coalition arainet the Sultan’s empire. It is precisely because the news which reach os would, if true, te of extreme gravity, that we refuse to be- lieve in them until we receive better information, and that we consider them as ramors which public opin- ion ought to distrust.” OPINIONS OF THE ENGLISH PRESS. (From the London Times, July 12 } The Russian government has followed up its circu- lar despatch of the 11th of May, and its manifesto to the Russian nation of the 26th of June, by a fur- ther communication to its agents at foreign courts, intended to explaia the position it has now assumed. The former despatch announced that it was the in- tention of the Emperor to proceed to coercive mea- sures, if the ultimatum which he had then addresse1 to the Porte was not accepted; and this document was evidently calculated to prepare Europe for that contingency. The present circular declares that the event then anticipated has taken place; that the oc- cupation of the principalities is decided upon; that the maritime powers had responded to the former declaration, by what Russia is pleased to term “a threatening demonstration;” and that, under these circumstances, it is more than ever impossible for the Russian government to modify the resolution taken by the Emperor. So far the language of this des- patch is sufficiently peremptory, and even warlike; but in the course pf these transactions we have more than once had occasion to remark that Russian di- plomacy has two very distinct faces—the one stern, enthusiastic and invincible, for the gratification of its own loyal subjects; the other flexible, plausible and pacific, for the consolation of the world. The immediate object of M.de Nesselrode’s last circular is, therefore, to disarm the suspicions and the resistance which the late measures of Russia have excited all over eer He disclaims any idea of conquest, and protests that the occupation of the principalities is a merely temporary measure, which will cease the moment the demands of the Emperor are satisfied, and that the maritime powers have with- drawn the pressure they now exercise upon Russia. Meanwhile the presence of the Russian army in Mol- davia and Wallachia is not to be a burden on the in- habitants of those [a The expenses of the army are to be paid out of the military chest, and Prince Gortschakeff bas published a proclamation to the same effect at Jassy and Bucharest. All this, ay far as it gtes, is satisfactory enough, but it is but a ‘mall and partial view of the real state of affairs; and even in these adroit phrases there is one passage which we cannot pass ovor without notice. The Russian government, having just committed an act for which it doeg not allege any justification beyond the satisfaction of its own demands, attempts in this paper to represent the advance of the fleets of France and England to the Dardanelles as an additi¢nal cause of complaint against the Porte and the great western powers. It speaks of “the position taken up by the two powers in the ports and waters of the Ottoman empire, within sight ot the ya as a species of maritime occupa- tion, which gives Russia a reason to restore the balance between their relative situations by taking up a military position.” A more shallow and un- scrupulous misrepresentation we never met with in a State paper. In the first place, the fleets only ad- vanced to their present position after it had been oeitively ascertained by the declarations of Russia Rerselt that she contemplated the occupation of the principalities, and the fleets were sent} not to disturb the balance of power, but to restore what Russia had already disturbed. Can any fallacy be more gross than the attempt to confound the military occupation of two provinces against the will of their lawful sovereign, and as a measure of coercion applied to that sovereign, with the pre- sence of a fleet off the coast of that edie at the express desire and request of the severeign and for his protection, without the occupation of any point of his territory, and without even a deviation from the strict rule which, in time of e, shuts the Darda- nelles against foreign flags of war? The use of such arguments is really the best proof of the weakness of the cause they are employed to eippott, The pre- sence of an allied fleet in the ports of a friendly pow- er is in no one respect analagous to the occupation of territory; and in this case the state of affairs is diametrically 0) te, for the Porte has, in the ex- ercise of its undoubted right, solicited France and ning, takes a very diffeient view. He calls the note bo ot to ap h the though not of M. de Neseelrode an defiance to England | “within sight of the eapital”—for the express and France, and concludes fiat to concede ing pore of warding off an attack on ite independence, to Russia, after this note, would be hi ig 0 ot the same time the limitations im the of the allied ‘o-morrow we | treaties have been respected by France and A shall see what view is taken of the note by the Pari- ee ee eee sian press generally. The opinion that 1 have spo- It Is scarcely nec to revert to the argument ken of as manifested here already is necessarily formerly used by M: de fesseirode, that Russia al- that of capitalicts, and of the comparative few who | read porscsses, by virtue of her ent and existing have read the docu all ehe for or 5 for the be taken by the ment. A view » 5 snewer anlkitude, ‘The Presse saya there & | to that’ smortion iy goncluatve—it she bas eX ah htest truth iu the annotmcement that Mf. | asks by former treaties, of what advantage js it her to ask or obtain a fresh convention w ‘he effect? The old treaties are as binding as the ane could be. The old treaties have not been ted, for, if they had, Russia would not be drive the.se puerile inventions to frame a cause of War. We ave perfectly aware that she has not deman ‘ed Eowtan jous and sub- hi terms ‘a sort of religious But nobody knows better than the binet what the prea effects of this patronage are. It is by the distinctions of jects of Turkey form a social body; the patriarchs jects irkey form a Hi are their chiefs; and whoever is the acknowledged head of their church is head of the nation. These preten- sions, however, are now reduced to their very lowest expression; Count Nesselrode says thatall he is the confirmation of them. If that beso, the of this difficulty will be easy and will be No power will object to sign a recognition and confirma- tion of rights and privileges granted existing treaties, which have never been disputed: The Porte has already published such a recognition, in the Jrade of the 7th of June, and the Porte would certainly not hesitate to renew in identical terms the engagemeats of Kainardjiand Adrianople. But this line of argu- ment Sl vg that the Russian government does net rely on the validity of its own treaties; it speaks of the rights alleged to be conferred them as if thew needed further confirmation ; it even tells the world that this religious patronage, based, as if says, on the immemorial usages of the Eastern church, on great treaties dictated in the hour of victory, is lost or impaired if the Porte refuses to corroborate its existence by the note pecpoundel: bre acg Mens- chikoffon the 18th of May. We can only retort on the authors of this boaging argument their own dilem- ma:— if they have this religious pati e over the East, they do not want this note; and if they have is not, this note will not give it them. — The concluding passages of Count Nesselrode’w note are an eloquent and impassioned declaration of the ardent desire of the Emperor Nicholas to pre- serve the Turkish empire. The sincerity and the wisdom of the Russian government would have stood higher if it had emitted these assurances; for, if they were true, the whole conduct of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg would be at variance with what it represents to be its own interest and its invariable objects; and, as its policy has, on almost every oc- casion, for upwards of a century, tended to precisely the opposite result, we must conclude that the course it bas adopted is not that of repairing the ills of Turkey, or of abandoning the remedy of those ills to what Count Nesselrode calls ‘ the blind accidents of chance.” On the other hand, we are distinctly told in this document that if Turkey perseveres im refusing what the Russian government stil urges as its fixed demand, the Emperor will think himself” compelled to extend his measures beyond the limuted circle to which he means at present to confine them. [From the London Post, (Lord Palmetston’s organ, jul It will be seen that” at Constantinople much alarm exists, and that it was feared there that the Russian fleet was on ita way to the Bos {tea As we have received no intelligence con- irmatory of fthis, it is to be hoped, asit is most robable, that rumor was in this instance mistaken. ‘The fact of some portion of the Russian armament having left Sebastopol, bly for the mouths of the Danube, is likely to have given rise to some such report as that which produced so much excitement at Constantinople, and induced the Sultan to inquire of the ambassadors of England and France whether, in the event of a Russian fleet appearing before the Boephorus, the English and French fleets would pass the Dardanelles; to this, of course, the reply was as prompt as the action would be if the event antiai- pated should, unfortunately, occur. The new aggression upon the te! of the Porte will, we should imagine, cause the Sultan to request the immediate presence of his allies at his capital. For we can hardly believe that whilst the Russian eagle is planted at Jassy and Bucharest, and the Austrian standard waves over Bosnia and Servia, the combined fleets will any longer remain on neu- tral shores. Jt is time that the protecting flags of England and France sh joat over the Bospho- rus, firmly forbidding spolation, and freely offering ce. Peace peom the London Standard, July 11.] Doubts are entertained in France as to the part Austria is Paving in the Russo Turkish dispute, for while it_has been stated om the one hand that the Emperor Joseph was anxious to conciliate the dif- ferences between the Czar and the Sultan, and had of fered his mediation to accomplish that object, on the other hand it has been credited that Austria was secretly aiding the work of Russia, and that she would eventually invade Servia and Bosna im prosecution of that scheme. The Assemblée Nationale, which lias come to hand this morning, disbelieves that Aus- tria has any evil designs in her interference in the matter, and repudiates the notion that she should enter either of the provinces above named. Singw- larly enough, however, a Heb bes dispatch from Vienna announces the fact that the Austrian forces had taken possession of Bosnia. The passage of the Pruth by Rusoia. has been promptly tmutated by the passage of the Save by the Austrians. It may be true that Austria has much to fear from the sggrandizement of the already overwhelming power of the Czar, and more especially from aggran- dizement by acquisitions in her own immediate neighborhood; but then Austria, whatever her fears of ultimate danger may be, has much to hope from the favor of a prince who lately saved her sovereign- ty of Hungary, and even secured the Imperial Crown itself to the representative of the House of Haps- burg. ‘the Austrian government, without any pretext of wrong suffered, invades contemporaneously, if not in concert, with a power to which she owed the d est obligations, and which she dares not to offend, the territories of a neighbor towards which she is ill disposed, and towards whose allies and tors she has exhibited every possible ill will. Can there be a doubt of the motive for this inva- sion? Must it not recall to every one uai with the history of modern Europe a lively recal- lection of the events in Poland from 1772 o 1795— @ project of a new partition—a partition of Turkey similar ‘the partition of Poland. [From the London Herald, July 11.] , We see no reason to modify or retract anything in the views we have orgs forward. We still tl that the moment the Russian forces crossed the Pruth, our fleets should instantly have anchored within the Dardanelles. We believe that three weeks ago the understanding was complete, that, instantl; on the occupation of the principalities, they do so. But Lord Aberdeen managed that no instruc- tion to this effect shoudd be sent. No person can pro- fess, ar ought to profess to tell with accuracy what was the result of a cabinet council which was held. Still we think we may venture to say that a majority, although a narrow majority, determined that our fl should ey enter the Dardanelles, but should re- main there quiescent until further events ht de- mand a new movement. Upon this Lord Aberdeen ditermined to resign. This resignation was only ob- viated by the determination of the majority being left in ea ida | because one or treo of that majority did not wish to press matters to a resigna- tion of their chief. When the fleet was sent to Besika Bay, our ambassador was instructed -that the fleet would enter the Dardanelles in defence of Constanti- nople, if they were requested by the Porte. Upon there instructions he is left to act, Lord Aberdeen and his friends being perfectly persuaded that he will not advise the Sultan to invite the fleets on the mere round of the occupation of the provinces. Lord ’almerston and his associates, on the other hand, hoping that Lord Stratford may take a more manly view of the crisis, and invite the fleet to the Dardan- elies—or, at all events, believing that they save their own honor and that of England, by having the fleet ready to go whenever the Sultan asks for it—oontent to wink at the fact that the Sultan will ask it or not exactly as the ambassadors of I'rance and England ad- vise. Lvery hour that our fleet is lying in Besika Bay is lowering our character im the eyes of the world— is adding strength to the msolence, ana authority to the intrigues of Russia. For what, in the name of Heaven, did we send our fleet to Besika Bay? To enter the Dardanelles the moment Turkey was the object of an ag; ve war. Issheso now? Uf not she is tamely submitting to a barefaced act a Ca tion, Have England and France counsell r to this? These are the questions which are now asked ey bc ace a on bod be answer e the sound of our 13 beside t of St. Sophia. The vigor of ford Stratford, wn oe rash haste of the Russian, or even the Austrian, may poseihty recipitate the oon ists proceentatt of our Cabinet are so mi jevously ing. But if not, we venture to prophesy again, that not many days beyond the Mery Rd those advices can the breaking up of the present Ministry be postponed. THE DEBATE IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT. In the House of Lords, July 12, the following im- Eastern difficulty. Lord Lynpnusst.—I to put a question to noble friend (Lord Pett Yoga to the document issued from , to I referred the other night. I understand that the document Was Oni ly written in the Rumiau language, and