The New York Herald Newspaper, February 4, 1853, Page 6

ATTITUDE AND RESOURCES OF THE YOUNGER REPUBLICS, Ec, Bl, Se» Letter from Mr. E. G. Squier, late Representa tive of the United States in Central America. New Your, Jan. 28, 1853, ‘TO THE EDITOR OF THE NEW YORK HERALD. Smm—As personal explanations seem to be the order of the day, I beg that you will permit me to write to “ » question of privilege.” Inan article published few days since in the Hsnaxp, in reply to a com- munication from Mr. Walsh, late Commissioner of the United States to Costa Rica, a paragraph is from a letter written, I presume, by the Di- rector of the Republic of Nicaragua, in which he gives an account of an interview with Mr. Walsh, on the subject of the rejected project of Messrs. Cramp- ton and Webster. In this extract I find the follow- ing passage :— He (ur. Walsh) referred rudely to Mr. Squier, saying ‘Ubai bis conduct in Nicaragua had been condemned by his government, inasmuch as he bad, in many things, ex- ceeded his instructions. etc. ff Mr. Walsh did not make the remarks here at- tributed to him, ample time has been afforded for him to correct the statement. He has not done so, and I shall therefore aseume that his language has been correctly reported. How far tmirepresentation may have been necea- to the success of Mr. Fillmore’s extraordinary Dalley in Nicarncaa shall not undertake to say; nor I undertake to say how far the syste jation of the acts and policy of their le- cessors, in which the representatives of the United States in Central America, under the actual admin- istration, have indulged, may have been a reflection of the and spirit of their superiors at home. [ only know Mr. Walsh was not authorized in using the language attributed to him, and that the Facer eae | language held by certain presses here, is untrue in fact, and malignant in purpose. Amongst honored in Central America, was one for the negotia- tion of a treaty with Nicaragua. This I proceeded to do immediately upon my arrival in the country. its receipt was acknowledged by my government in | the following terms :-— Maxcn, 1860.—The treaty negotiated by you with Nica. ragua having met®he approbation of tne ‘President, has beem sent to the Senate, az has also tue treaty negotiated by you with San Salvador. Pies 1860.—Your conduct in the nogotiation of the treaty with Nicaragua, which was the great business of your mission, bas been highly approved’ by your govern. It was not until this treaty had been smothered, at the instigation of the British Minister, by the existing jon, that the public was apprised that [ had exceeded my instructions, end had acted in a very irregular and unauthorized manner. This was alleged asthe reason for my recall, so fur as any reason was cver given; but the allegation was Aghia untrue. The influences which produced that result are notorious—my presence in Central America was disagreeable to Sir Henry Bulwer. I should have pramea an ‘icaragua the acceptance of a projét organizing and defining ‘‘the Moscito Kingdom,” after haviug been previously instructed that the United States “had ‘never ac! ‘the ‘existence of any claim to sovreignty in the King, or any other Indian in America,” and hay made a treaty in which the sovereign rights of Nicaragua over the Moaquito shore were | ed. J was spared the humiliation Tecognizi of pecesating, to the Nicaraguan government a pro” go distasteful, ond so violative of all our | rofessions. That was reserved for prineiples and ey had a right to urge its accep- my successors. tance, as they were best able, but not to misrepre- sent or reflect injuriously upon those who had preced- ed them, and whoee conduct had not onl conformity with their instructions, but had received the entire approval of the President who had ap- pointed » and to whom they were alone res- ponsible. In respect to another allegation which has recent- y been revived, that during my stay in Central ‘a I provoked a controversy with Costa Rica— I have to say, except that it was drawn upon Costa Rica herself by the attempts of her ‘vernment and agents to place that State under protection of Great Britain, preliminary, probably, to its ultimate organization as a dependency, and then as a colony, of the British crowa. It is notorious that such attempts were made, and the tenor of my i dence, in which the reasons upon our part for the meditated step were distinctly put forward—all centering on the Monroe principle, as a settled point in American policy. As this letter was extensively published in Central America at the time, and issued in pamphlet form by the govern- ments both of Nicaragua and San Salvador, as a tes- timonial of their adhesion to the prinviples which it set forth, I cannot suppose that lam violating any trust in sending yon the accompanying extract, which constitutes “ the head and frout of my offend- ing,” as respects Costa Rica. I am sir, truly yours, R. G. Squimn. Extract from a letter to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica, im opposition to the applica- tion of that State to be received under British pro- tection :— Lee@ation or tae Unitrp Srartes,/ Lamon DE Nicaracta, Oct. 1, 1849, \ * * 1 now come to matters of more importance, on which it is my desire to speak with the seriousness and earnestness which their importance demands, and in a spirit as friendly as the relations which ex- Ist between the United Stetes and Costa Rica are amicable. It cannot be unknown to you that for w#ome time past rumors have been current, not only in Centra! America but in the United States and in Burope, that it is the design of the existing govern- ment of Costa Rica to place that republic under the | tion of a great monarchical power of Europe. rumor, important as involving a principle, did not fail to reach the government of the United States; but it could not be credited that a pro- ceeding 90 directly in contravention of the whole spirit and tendency of republican institutions, | could be seriously contemplated by any State de- Bel the name or respecting the institutions of a ic; much less could it be credited after the explicit denial of any such intention on the part of Costa Rica, made in October, 1848, by Mr. Molina, the minister of that republic near the government of Great Britain, to Mr. Bancroft, the American minis- | ter at the same point. It was there intimated to Mr. Molina that the United States could not witness with indifference a procedare upon the part of any American blic, such as it had been rumored was contemplated by Costa Rica. The grounds upon which United = of this aoe ed Reet i Nong a — primary principle upon which the people of the American continent threw off the dominion of Europe, and asserted their free and separate existence, was that of the exclusion of foreign, and especially mo- narchial, authority and influence, as prejudicial to their rights and interests. They all declared, in the most solemn manner, (and no subsequent assertion by any comanety of a distinct national existence can relieve them from the obligations then incarred,) adhesion to new and more liberal principles bad of the globe, among which none were more distinctly understood than that all the American pro- vinces and colonies, by ente the brotherhood of republics, took upon themselves the obliga- jon faithfully to adhere to a system of policy which _— best the rights, secnre the safety, and promote the interests of each other. This systein of policy. as distinguiched from the corrupt systems of Europe, of alliances and counter-alli- and of intrigues solely directed to the of individual “ national aggran- was in harmony with the high position segamed by the new array of sovereign States. Since the riod, these principles have been voptateliy ® by all the American republics, in- cluding from the ruins of whieh Costa Rica has ; they constituted the common ground upon ‘the members of the memorable convention of exchanged their faith, aud have come to be 0 far as the American republics are con- rules of international right, which itis now call in question. It is not, therefore, without surprise that my go- has received inthmations, | a ay of design of the existing government of Costa Rica, to place that republic under the protection of a foreign monarchical er, but also to concede a por- tion of ita territorial rights to the same power, and to recognize the aan to sovereignty of the suppositious chief of a savage tribe, whose claims to a national existence are as comtemptible as the means which have been taken to sustain them are . This intimation, I deem it my daty accompanied by details, sustained by con- ‘rent neces, which entitle it to more con- «‘jeration than the rumor 60 explicitly contradicted y Mr. Molina. If, sir, the government of Costa ‘ica is so far regardless of her own welfare, her ce, her future glory, and the happiness of her ple, attached as they are to Sas peiiciples and the icy of republicanism, as to es so extraordinar: » rensnre, it is but due to the fraternity of republl- States to which she professes te belong, and e rights, interests = —-_ = rou cveby comtrayene and disregard she shoul a apprise them of her intentions, tit, air, [ cannot fora moment believe that any ‘such measure is contemplated; forthe government of 4 usta Rica, irrespective of its principles, is far too ww og avt to kuow that sucha step would be sure wo iFe au wyhy the commissions with which I was | exceedingly ‘bad agent in urging upon | owledged, and could never acknowledge, | 1OS- | becn in e | zuela, instructions left me no alternate but to resist them | by every means in my power. Events soon led toa | States bases its intcrests in ques- | previously been acknowledged by the na- | Pee > 5 [From El Panameno. aan richest cou: the country most easily governed cratic republic, is undoul ly Peru. It has not found, however, in the Echenique administration, a government that leads it naturally and grad- ually to aggrandisement and pi rity, a8 ia) * have been desirable. now rules was inaugurate able and flattering to liberty; auspices, too, still more favorable and still more flatteri | promises made to the nation by its chief. zz tration one worthy of succeeding the patriotic rule of Castilla. The example of the latter administration and the benefits from it derived by the count neglected and lost sight of, while an entirely new system, and one tending strongly aristocratic government, was all that appeared on the political stage. Then the enthusiasm fell to the undertook the defence of liberal institutions, on the government, in neglecting to fulfil his duties with a general ministry, while the cabinet which he contemplated forming was to be composed noxious to the democratic republicans. The minis- ters were appointed, and as was feared, the persons called to Gen. Mannel Mendiburn, and Gen. Crisostomo Tor- rico; the latter after having for a time been Minister General, subsequently became Minister of War and of the Navy exclusively. The wound inflicted on the | country bya cabinet com) d for the most part of | men averse to the pop doctrines was mortal. | ‘The press worked in vain, and demonstrated, but to no purpose, to the Herrera and Mendil | and without any regard for the system of government chosen by the nation, Those protests from the organ of free nations were all unheeded. On the | than hi eview) accomplishes its anti-American mission by attacking the republican governments of Venezuela, The y | the destinies of the nation, | d under auspices the most favor- | rendered | , not- withstanding this, all hope was very speedily lost | by the Persvians of ais the pou Be x ‘adn | ground, the masses to murmur, the preas | ‘tio denounced the want of faith of the head | mikes, and for commencing to discharge his exalted | of men accused of aristocratic tendencies, and ob- | ice were Bartolomé Herrera, a priest, | poaeal authorities, that Messrs. urn administered the govern: | ment duties with no standard but their own instincts, | contrary, Don I. I. de Osina, still less republican | colleagues, was called to the cabinet. | Meanwhile, a ministerial newspaper is created to | denounce popular institutions, and to advocate | pe and energetic governments. The Revista | r New Granada and Ecuador, under the liberal ad- | ministrations of Monagas, Lopez, and Urbina. But | this ig not all. It is used as an iustrument to destroy the democratic administrations of the Colombian | States in favor of Flores, the favorite of Crestina, | while to this aid is added a squadron and men to | commence the propagation of his views in Guayaquil. | The expediton leaves Callao chiefly under the patron- age of influence and that of the purpose of annihilating lil ; On the southern side cause rested on Montt, the mandatary overnment, for the daring of Chili, and Belza would succeed Santa Craz in Bolivia. . Let us now cast a glance upon the anti-American plans in Peru. With regard to the interior pay of the country, we have seen that General Echenique, ing unable to go on with the ministry which he d to govern with him, had to do away with it Minister of War, the only Ceti that was not | odious to the nation, retained his portefeuille. To su) nly the place of the other ministers accused of di joyalt T Revista, aud the Interprete, its successor, were with- drawn from the political arena, and their place sup- plied by the Mensajere, (Messenger,) a paper repre- | senting moderate ideas. Generally speaking, the | governmental measures are now beginning to con- form to the respect due the constitution and the laws | courage by the republican | Ecuadorians, and, by the patriotic zeal of | the governments of New Granada and Vene- Flores and his vandal companions _re- on the hope that, by the aid of certain manwuvres, | | of societies. D: | | ty on the northern side. | e deserters of the American | to meet the requirement: of public opinion. The | r. Osma, who lends his funds, his ability, his | turn to Peru, routed, but find there no reception; | | the Peruvian government, having had time | to reflect and take better counsel, deems it more just | and proper to give them an asylum on the national territory. They are obliged to wander in exile. Ecuador then demands satisfaction, through a minis- ter accredited for that purpose, and the negotiation, which has already begun, promises a termination fa- vorable to reason and to justice, invoked by the in- jured nation. We do not know the position assumed in this matter by New Granada; for this country, too, has received injuries, and, on the other hand has for along time past been vainly requiring, in the name of the Coloz:bian States, the just payment of the debt contraeted by Peru towards Old Granada, for , the latter's fraternal aid to enable the former to re- cover its independence, and to establish the republic. Our government having a minister in Pera, and the latter having a minister at Bogota, it is almost cer- tain that the settlement which we have a right to require will be made. Bolivia, however, which was threatened by a revolution on the part of the Santa Cruzista, entertains a feeling of anger or re- sentment against Peru; we do not know whether the cause of complaint is ment for the Echenique administration, and caused great alarm at Lima, at the time of the departure of | the steamer. There is nothing in Chili, on the other hand, that can inspire the neighboring country with | hope or consolation; though vested with extraor- | dinary powers, Montt’s position, as he himseif well knowgg is not sure, and he is consequently incapaci- tated from doing anything abroad. Pern, then, un- | fortunately, has no friends, but, on the contrary, is surrounded on every side by foes. | Such is the condition of Pera, brought on by the | obstacles which have met her republican efforts. Castilla came into power in the midst of lamentable | circumstances, preci=ely when the country was and just or not. Its existence, how- | * | ever, is another great object of international settic- to republican institutions, Messrs. Charan, | fe, and Pierola, are mentioned a3 representing | principles in conformity with these institutions. The | | r | severe Protestants, exiled from their count: of the country. With respect to the exterior, we i have seen the Flores attempt fail, beaten back with | loyalty of the | b of every liberty and the happiness of America, Mextco—Her Prospects for the Year 1853. THE VINST DAY OF THE YEAR—THE REMKDIES FORK OUR SITUATION, (Translated from el Universal of lst Jan., 1853. We have spoken in a preceding article of the af- fliction of So eee state of the country. We have remarked in it facts of which nobody is i nt, and we have seen, with a sentiment of re- , that at the close of the still another of our opes had vanished, and yet the country of our birth Kes teen one eee meerecareaet Teorkience: 7 le vallies and pasture grounds luce the fruits necessary for life, and useful in their appli- cations to ind . The gold and the silver, so coveted throughout the universe, are found in vast deposits in the heart of our mountains. On the coasts of the great ocean, and on those of the gulf, our eS open out; in the southern extremity of our ing found marked out the point of communi- cation between Asia and Europe, and the immense commerce of the world may pass through amongst us. What then do we ‘Whatis it which, with such material element of prosperity, has led us to ruin? Is chance the nature of our population? But the Mexican le are docile—sprung from a gene- rousrace, it its germ the pencils of great actions; and, notwithstanding this, far from pro- gressing we retrogade, and our moral and material resources are lost, and remain without application, just as the fertility of our uncultivated fields; and, as in them, the weed of discord has grown up among Pt and the noxious plant covers the place of the use- corn. The explanation of the phenomenon which we are | considering, we attribute undoubtedly to our revolu- tions, to that state of constant vacillation which pre- vents us developing the speculative and enterprising | spixit ; for the merchant cannot know if high roads shall continue free for any definite period of the year; the farmer cannot reckon on realizing his products in this or in that market; let us, in fine, pass through the State, and we have all the inconveniences of un- formed nations. Constitutions, nevertheless, have been multiplied among us; but being governed by a spirit more or less democratic, contrary to the cus- toms, to the traditions, and to the inclinations of the inhabitants of that country which was formerly call- ed New Spain, they could not be of long life, they did not satisfy the wants of the Reade: and as they | all have been sa theoretical, a3 they have not been in intimate relation with the population by | whom they were adopted, as they have not sprang | from thelr votes from their passions, from their de- | sires, and from their necessities, they have not been durable, and on establishing them in practice, we | have found ourselves only among obstacles and dif_i- | culties, not with advantages nor with progress. Our independence having been consummated at the end of the year 1821, one year afterwards, in De- cember, 1622, Gen. Santa Anna proclaimed the re- public in Vera Cruz. On the 2d of February, in the following year, the generals who had supported the | movement assisted to snffocate it, and in the course | of that year the hero of Iguela had already left the country, and organized the party which brought about ‘the constitution of 1824. The transition, therefore, could not be more rapid or more repentant. The men charged at that time with directing public affuire, without experience and without capacity, met at their elbow a nation separated like ourselves from the mother country, and, as ourselves, new in the list led by their vigor and their pros- perity, they sought to assimilate themselves to her, | and our republican constitution was a servile ot of that of the lish colonies of - America. ey took not into consideration our good or our evil customs—they did not consider our nature— | they did not reckon upon what we were, but upon that which their folly made them believe we ought to be; and building all their prevision upon a false | supposition, which has been perpetuated from year to year, they have produced for us the worst of evils; they have bequeathed to us the spirit of revolt,which | Hes all societies, whilst these do not take their | definite road and position. Indeed, if we open history to examive the origin | and the successive developement of the United States | z of America, we will meet a handful of poor cll | for | their religious opinions, and who came to establish themeclves in the immense and fertile solitudes of | the new world, to seck their own bread by the copious sweat of their brow; the population which the: formed was then agricultural and commercial, wa exterprising, and active; was laborious and perseyer- ing—because its founders could not live without these qualities. Separated, and delivered over to their own individual exertions, it was necessary that they should assist each other energetically; and among their sons a spirit of fraternity was developed, which multiplied without confounding individual strength. Separated from the bosom of the Cathclic church b their Protestant doctrines, they grew up imbned with the contempt of her authority, and professed the | dogma of the superiority of | per reasoning; hence their sentiment of exalted and haughty independence. | Separated lastly by many leagues from their metro- polis, they were accustomed to depend upon them- selves without the peraan tid of any extraneous aid. ‘Then a day arrived on whicl cy considered their emancipation necessary, and jout any change or transition the sentiment of their laboriousness made them great, their position madethem independent,and their customs ani eae made them republican. With them, as a French writer says, the name came after the substance, and the republic was constituted before it was proclaimed. ‘The viceroyship of New Spain when she became inciepennions ‘of the crown reckoned upon elements absolutely distinct, and was organized in one manner from a totally different point; ® population could not be cultural nor active when it dwelt on @ soil so fruitful, where with little labor a | great harvest is obtained; it could not be a perse- vering and active population when its rich metallic plantations have always excited the cupidity of its | people with the flattering hope of rising in indigence | or in moderate circumstances, to go to sleep in opu- lence; there could not exist a spirit of mutual fra- ternity in a population in which the races were | separate, and where the Spaniard and the Creole | had been for many years, a prey to anarchy and dis- | order. But Castilla immediate | dential and ate remedy; he | democracy, an | ing the political party which was fast becoming a | corpse. It was weak and sickly when he took the | reins of government, but strong and healthy when he delivered it into the hands of his successor, who could easily, had he merely followed the beaten track, | succeeded in rendering the country great and happy. applied the provi- had Tecourse o the by its aid he succeeded in re-animat- | Republican Pern, with Echenique at its head, would | | be an_ object of envy to the republics of the New World. But Peru, a conservative tyrant, under Eche- | nique, is what we have already seen, and what we | | of the chief magistrate of the nation knows how to take besten of the present crisis, his country will | live, and live happy and prosperous, as all the other | republics, its sisters, that are governed by the demo- | cratic spirit and institutions. Who does not see the peace and rg interior and exterior, the po- pular contentment, the moral and material progress, the enjoyment in fine of every source of social neas, in’ Venezuela, New Granada, and Ecuador? Who does not see that these Colombian States have no difficulties or dissensions with one another, that they are at variance with no nation on the globe, that have just endeavored faithfully to describe. But still, | Peru is not yet politically dead; and if the good sense _ they are bound together by the closest ties of brother- | hood and of amity, and that they are highly consi- dered and respected by the countries with which they cultivate extensive relations of commerce and of friendship? It is the republic which has caused in ovr Colombian States that admirable transformation, | that trangnillity, that public fecling, that superiority over all others of the continent. Jf this be not believed, let those who doubt look for one instant to past times, and observe the state of things when the contest for dominion was going on between the oli- garchists who fonght for conscrvatism, and the peo- ple that battled for liberty. Let them observe what is now going on in Mexico, in Guatemala, and in Chili, where the governmental system is not yet firmly settled. And after serious meditation they will be compelled to acknowledge that stability and order, in Spanish America, are not to he found save in the adoption of that positive repub- lie which is so ardently desired by the popular mas- ses, and nothing but this will produce the required effect, for prosperity and happiness do not depend upon independence but upon liberty and social equal- ity. Weall united once, patricions and plebeians, to shake off the Spanish yoke; and we onght now, like brothers, formed by nature for the enjoyment of equal social rights, to unite once more and form one nae my body, one compact whole, and thereby fol- low the dictates of religion, of philosophy, of reason, and of jnstice. Thisis the Colombian spirit, this is the true South American tendency, though this spirit and this tendency are here and there smothered hy error, or by the unwholy efforts of a fraction of society Hut to return to Peru. With patriotic wetion we have heard it stated by some of the freqnent pas. sepgers across the Isthmus, coming from the Pacific that General Echeni¢ devoted to the interests of bis country, and entertains liberal ideas. The diffi- cnities and disadvantages attendant upon his admin- istration, are attributed to the ministers with whom he began to govern. We had been in the habit of hearing that the evil do Peruvian political ly, but it seems that this is not precisely the case. ‘Tlie selection of Messrs Herrera, Osmar and Mendiburn, as Ministers, were not the same, nor were considered in the same light as the native of the soil; the respect to autho- rity, the belief in the oneness of the religious and civil power, produced the effect that it was not neces- ay, for this society which formed a body, to unite and multiply its strength on the supposition that already it had reached as far as was possible in its then condition. The colonists being accustomed to receive all their vitality from the breast of the me- | tropolis, when that necessary element failed them _ confusion commenced, and in declaring ourselves re- | publican pames came before facts, and the republic | does not exist among us thirty years after its having been proclaimed. Principles so eh have given results ab- solutely contrary. While in the American con- federation all the elements of prosperity are | Eps developed in the breast of each one | of the members of the Union, among us they | mutually obstruct and impede their Babs paral | whilst there the general government is strong by | the common co-operation, among usit is weak by | | the resistance of each. While there the States as- | sist each other, here the opposition of interests pro- | trict: hap roceeded from the head of the | proceeded, we | are assured from the gratitade of General Echenique | the very moment of danger. duces war among them: whilst there the mere | local spirit is sacrificed to the general harmony, here | the spirit of provincialism chokes that of the common | weal. Through this, whilst there they advance, here we retrograde; whilst there they are happy, here we are unfortunate ; and, whilst there they are strong | and invade, here we are weak and yield. Republi- | cans and federalists in theory, we are neither one nor the other in A poate and having reached the time, we have followed the invariable law of human-* ity. A young and inexperienced people, the Mex- | ican nation has lamented its expensive errors ag all young and and Shr people. Which of | us, indeed, in the impatience of age, has not wished | to cut the fruits of the tree of life while still green, and has not excoriated the anxious lips with the bitter verjuice of the unripe fruit. Still we must declare that the time of these illu- sions is past, and, as with individuals, beyond the periods of juvenile deliriums, the moderate conduct which experience inspires them of our dis- appointed democratic essays,we must seek a consti- tation more analagous to our customs and to our ne- cessities. If the elements of prosperity of our coun- (ry obstruct each other, ‘sad cannot grow freely, thanks to the mutual rivaliy of our different States, let us act so that these scattered members may re- unite into one family; if the individual resistance of the members of the federation nullifies the su- preme action of the government, instead of aug- menting let us diminish those powers of oppo- sition; if our divided races do not lend a mutual aid to each other—have not among them a spirit of common fraternity—let us manage to effice | these differences with fit means; but let us not haste to proclaim in theory that which afterwards facts may falsify. In conclusion, if our people have sprung up and increased under the belief of religious unity, let us fortify in them that religious and Chris- tian spirit—let us associate it into our political ele- ment: let our belief be a common bond which ef: faces our divisions; let it give us the spirit of frater- nity and of equality, of vigor of constancy, and of civilization, which we now need. Acts are more eloquent than words. At present we reckon thirty years of democratic hopes passed. During that peridd—as a sick man whose illness is not attacked at the root—our wounds have been | growing mo xacerbated from day to day, and we are now onthe eve of complete dissolution. Great | sorrows and most grave national dangers we have | suffered in the course of that time, and, nevertheless, we have not succeeded in uniting ourselves, even at | he American occn- towards these hia fellow countrymen, who labored a4- | pation, which demolished some States, affected not | sidonsly in his behalf at the time of the Presidential 1 ele others; and whilst some exhausted all their sacrifices, i | their common centre? | political governor, therefore, has only to sul to the popelag: will—has to descend from the post which he occupies—and if he resists, if he yas to force, then he commits a crime, because he op- poses the exercise of a sovereign right. The govern- ment, by its conduct in Jalisco during the continu- ance of Don Gregorio Davila at the head of that State, and by its mode of proceeding in Orizava, during the revolution of Vera Cruz, reco, the right of which we have spoken, and one of ita minis- ters sanctioned it solemnly in the Chamber of Depu- ties. But, for this reason, those sovereign States, and others which joined them, have th: that it suits their sovereignty that the present chief of the republic should be deprived of his power; and the government, to be consistent, should ‘abandon its post; and in sending its forces against the malcontents it has committed a grave crime, once that it has op- posed itself to the exercise of sovereignty, since it had already recognized the legitimate right in the peo- ple to depose their governors. will say that this deduction is absurd ; but nevertheleas, the consequence could not be more exact, and if it create embarrassment, it is the fault of the principles which rule us, and of the unsustainable system which the government professes, and which it cannot maintain. Indeed, to the reflections which we have already adduced, it is nec to add, that the inevitable conan of a system unfitted to our people have been the causes of our disunion and our weakness. ‘The manufacturing State which puts itself in oppo- sition to freedom of commerce, exercises a right of sovereignty, because if it joined the confederacy it was the object of forwarding its elements of prosperi- ; and the State situated along the coast opposes ¢ imposition of prohibitive duties—it ulso exercises an equal right for the same identical reason. The tobacco growing State is opposed to the apcopely of the tax; and that which produces any kind of manufactures cpnivenet beyond measure those of the same class which are fabricated in any other State to protect its own industry. And all are right; because their interests being separate, each guards with preference that which pertains to it, without caring for the rest, which are considered | secondary. From this it arises that the Governor General ‘cannot extend his action on either side— | hence it is that every effort directed to centralize and | to unite is considered by the States asa tyrannical tendency, to be combated by the resistance of each of the legislatures. And is it possible that country with such an copaaieesion, could flourish and pro- gress? Can it strive with any hope ofsuccess against a people strong, covetous, and vigorously pressed for- wurd on our territory? No hope of our salvation exists, in our opinion, save in the radical reform of our institutions. When we profess these political ideas—when we express them as the echo of our sincere conviction— when we find them consecrated by factsand Ener’ ed i ene and philosophy, we cannot but feela sentiment of sadness on jing the protest of the go- vernment, which would assure us that it is better the country should perish, than that the federal institu- tions should be attacked, though they are breaking at every step. But if the administration professes those principles—if it has flung itself into the arms of the party which has raised these principles in the coun- try, then it ought to meditate or ly how much and how grave is its responsibility. The government has | thrown away all its resources, and so cannot help its situation; legal remedies being exhausted, it takes to re cpogme ones, and has pret arta ha marae faculties, which have been denied to it by the hig! Chamber, with a great and respectable majority. The administration, therefore, must comprehend that it is not now in its power to control the crisis. Every instant increases the discontent—credit and resources decay in proportion—a unanimous outcry of disapprobation resounds through all the corners of the republic, against the conduct of the present cabient, and if there exist in the persons who form it, a sentiment of honor, of gratitude, and of robity, they should de the government of the tate in the hands of other persons who have not on their shoulders the heavy loud of national re probation. ‘The Separation of the Mexican States, ~ Fic the Universal of Mexico.] What will be the result if the States separate front The ruin and loss of the Mexican nation. This is almost self-evident, because that society must disappear which divides itself up | SoS of society 01 into many societies,and because, thus divided, they will all fall into the hands of the nation covetous | of their wealth. The ibility of this course we have already tonched upon, as, to effect that result, nothing is ne- cessary pave that the States which have raised the revolutionary standard, should become convinced that they can live separated from the common cen- | tre—a conviction which, though erroneous, will none the less produce its natural effects. It is incumbent upon all honorable men—upon all trne Mexicans who set some store by the glory and the future of their country—to work unremittingly to avoid this result, which, as we have already said, would be the last of our misfortunes ; and should sacrifices be necessary to attain this result, no high- poor citizen of the country would hesitate before em. “ The States cannot live alone, althongh a fatal whe may have created that belief, and although t sent, under flattering colors, the idea of a separation which Up free them from its fatal influence. The thought that from the centre they have received hg but evil for many years, may suggest the idea of severing the bonds uniting them to it. But they completely lose sight of the fact that the evils proceeding from that centre have been accidental, and that they may be converted into advantages at the moment of the disa; nce of our political errors, and as soon as the constitution now in vigor, | shall have made way for another, adapted to the necessities and the circumstances of the country. United by one common bond, they still have hopes of salvation; disunited, there is no hope left them, and bag isd fall an easy prey to any foe that may choose to pounce down upon them. Aside from all other dangers, which we shall here- after mention, the bare idea of seeing the republic divided up must suffice to induce us al ee our utmost efforts to combat such an idea. What, we ask, would be the effect, if that which is now called the Mexican republic were divided up into six or eight different republics? That effect would undoubtedly be to destroy our nation- ¢ faults of the general goyernment pre- | which had deere cause of our misfortune. imagined that reactionary pro- jects threatened Kear feared that’s con- wervative y endangel ; and to fly hypo- thetical tl and Kings, toe once more threw themselves into arms of the North, and Were once more entrapped in the snares of ite insidious policy. It really is painfully b to see that the puerility of our publio men should have reached such a point. Freon nec ies of the nation to repress ultra- atic tendencies, they were afraid of the influ- ence which monarchical countries might exercise here, and went to cower beneath the mantle of Amer- ican dema, to - for assistance in repel- ing the dreaded spectre. ‘Thus did the dove take re- fuge in the talons of the hawk. ‘acts have demonstrated that the men of the North were astute, and those of Mexico simple, even to imbecility. In 1847 we were sufficiently divided to enable another nation to seize upon half of our perhaps, we are sufficiently 80 to ena- ize the whole of it. The ving ac- system has not ceased one jot, and to it is the presence of the terrible symp. ig the republic on every side; to it will be due the separation of some States, if the un- fortunate idea should occur that to live they do not depend upon their union with one another or with the centre. Our system and our men will then have it the finishing stroke to their work of perdition e United States will have obtained the object of. their intri; , and Mexico will at length be blotted out from the catal of nations. However painful it may be to indulge in these re- flections. we cannot forego them, for they are, in foutded calculstions, sed upon. probelle. hypotie: foun culations, upon. probable ses—upon evident, well-known facts, and Pen the sad lessons of bitter experience. Perhaps it is not necessary, for the vindication of these, that our present troubles should produce their worst effect, which is the separation of which we speak ; the mere prolongation of the present state of bag may be SKY for it is a sufficient incentive to the ambition of the Delors republic. ‘The dangers of which we area are now greater than ever, in consequence of the election to power in that republic of the candidate of the ultra yay of that party which, under the cloak of liberty, would carry the dominion of the stars and stripes all the countries of the new continent. We must not forget, then, that if, under the presidency of Polk, the Americans came to rob us of our territory by taking advantage of our dissensions, there is no reason why they should not do the same now that our dissensions are greater and our strength less. country; now ble them to se ‘The Situation of Mexico in a Central American Point of View. From the Gaceta de Guatemala.] a The intelligence which we receive frou the repub- lic of Mexico, becomes daily more alarming. Now we hear that the ministry is changed, because the men that filled the highest offices have been obliged to abandon them, in despair of being able to con- tinue the direction of affairs. Some time back we had serious diplomatic difficulties; the government of the capital, deprived of the management of the scanty national funds which it misemployed; pronuncia- mentos at Guadalajara, Acapulco, and Vera Cruz; authentic rumors that the American government is disposed fu ocney the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, in one way or another; war at Matamoras; irruptions of the pees inhabitants of Durango, and other Bicol 2 in the territory of the republic; disobe- jience; want of harmony; scantiness of resources— impotency, in fine, to do good, proclaimed before the nation by its yery leadera—such is a compen- dium of the situation of Mexico. This loosening of the social bonds—this choas of ideas and Piet this continued agitation—this slow and prolonged ay oe in a great measure the necessary results of the inadequate institutions of the federal system, whose pals was counselled, at an evil hour, by a neighbot Ppp which was far from desiring the good of these republics. The government of Mexico is now reduced to de- fending itself, to prolong its existence for a time, un- | oe es our shall have come when aie ail y im} acy, or swallowe anarchy. Gopi ¢ ¢Fi:—hone deem teas {aoe any remedy. An enterprise “inetd of the philoso- pher-historan it undoubtedly will be to examine with impartiality into the causes which, in less than ® quarter of a century, have reduced to so painful an emity a nation called to be the greatest, wealthiest, and most powerful of this continent. He will say if this calamity was not brought on ina great measure by the vices of the led refined which change the valor, the integ- rity, and the honor of its ancestors, for foreign cus- toms and systems—for peurile refinements; that, after bere eee bloated with vanity, scorned as absurd, the principles, the ideas, the traditions, and the elements of government which it found | already established on separating from the mother conntry. A country where magnanimons and generous sen- | timents have made way for the exigencies of sordid | ternal a interest, even though it may possess a flattering ex- peatance, as is the case with Mexico, must unavoidably meet with ruin. Then it is that we see many of the individuals rise into fluence, while the nation is gradually disappearing. Epidemics, want, civil wars even, may overturn na- tions, but do not destroy them; they may lessen their det diminish their influence, narrow their limits, but they do not blot them out indelibly. Corrup- tion and vice cut off nations at the root, and the credulity that materializes men and smothers all generous instincts, is capable of annihilating a peo- ple and destroying nationalities. Thus it came to pass that Egypt, once so powerful and flourishing, Nee Geta Eno and debilitated, into the hands of lhe Mahometans; thus it was that the vast Romanem- pire fell beneath the axe of the northern barbarians, | who imposed on old Europe their customs and their ality—to extinguish the last remnant of vigor—in a | ward, to deprive the Mexican of his country. He of Oajaca would bea stranger to him of Jalisco, the citizen of Tamaulipas to that of Sinaloa, that of Mi- choacan to that of Tabasco, and so on for the rest. And who will answer that quarrels will not be kin- dled between these different States, and that they will not war upon each other like bitter foes? And what rank would each one hold among the other na- tions of the civilized world? No, let none blind themselves to the result. Such a project is a mad- ness, and can only be seriously fomented by the most stupid iguorance or the most entire absence of pa- ism. Still, such a result may possibly be brought on by force of events and the pressure of circumstances, in spite of the good intentions of men; and therefore must we prevent events and circumstances from thus tting the upper hand. ideas to their proper channels, to direct opinion, and to satisfy the public exigencies. Upon our governing powers—npon our legislators—it is incumbent to do @ this in an effective manner, as soon as they have the means in their hands; upon us it is incumbent to point ont the ages connected witha contrary course, and we shall therefore cast a hasty glance over the results which must flow therefrom. The Mexican republic appears to be poor, because its resources are badly administered; but the fact is that it is wealthy, more so, perhaps, than the coun- tries reputed most wealthy. This no one can for a | moment doubt, for facts have proved it too frequently; facts, too, of very recent occurrence, and which we would willingly erase from history. . What was once We must strive to restore | called New Spain, has been reduced to less than half | of what it originally was ; of the rest we have been robbed by a foreign country. That country’s inten- tions to take possession of the rest are well known, and we will not waste time in attempting to prove that this isso, nor are the means ke ag for the realization of these intentions more hidden, for they have been brought to light by the most hyd expe- rience. Mexico, in a word, has, up to this time, been a treasure guarded in a house with a thousand doors, ail open to the covetousness of highwaymen. Well, then, (to carry on the comparison still far ther) if besides this the guardians of the treasures be divided among themselves—if, besides the re- sources which they can depend upon as their own, the enemy should find one still more potent in this division, how much more easy will it be for them to complete the spoliation which they have under- taken! They will, then, surely require no ve strenuous efforts to take possession of the much | coveted treasure ; they will have but to wait awhile in the street, and pick it up when ite owners shall have flung it of the windows. To speak m early, the United States of North America have ever coveted the riches of our soil, and, to satisfy their desires, they have kindled and kept up the flame of our discord. To effect this, they in- | duced Mexico to adopt political institutions similar to their own, fully aware all the while that what was with them an element of eae must be with us a germ of ruin. They divided not only the pro- vincea, but also the opinions and the interests of the citizens of Mexico; and when this division had left the country without force to defend itself, they carried into effect the most scandalons invasion, and tion. It seems that even ho did aot imaging | others have done nothing in favor of taoae who | deapoiled it of one-half its territory. | which marks those which disfi iy mee t is in reality astonishing to see Mexico, situated as she now is, striving with all her might to assemble Congresses that devote themselves to discussing theoretical questions, and issuing great decrees and | regulations which no one cares to obey, instead of calling on all to unite and front the danger and de- fend the country, threatened with death. But what must fill the measure of our astonishment is the blindness with which some still insist for the main- tenance of an order of things which has hurried the country to the brink of the most dreadful precipice. These men, obstinately bent on exalting and pro- claiming as a good fortune the cause of their mis- fortunes, remind us of the energetic comparison of a modern writer, who likens them to madmen running along the street of a Van bop fier community, and crying frantically, ‘Hurrah for the plague! Long live the plague!” And yet this conntry, no more than any other, is not wanting in intelligent men, who per- ceive the extent of the evil, and, it may be, discern its only remedy—generous hearts, private and moderate virtucs that tremble at the sight of the danger impending so eas, over their country, oh yet disposed to every kind of sacrifice to conjure it. masses taking that energetic attitude, and bringi about that social restoration, by means of whi other nations have been enabled fo save themselves when their institutions and government have become | pbs te Us pel in the | rmed democracy. | weak and powerless, as mi case of countries ruled by what 1s Still, notwithstanding the sad truth of the which we have just main, scarcely different from that daily drawa by the papers of the on clare, that in our, opinion, Mexico must not lose all hope of salvation-—a consoling idea, founded, we think, on the consideration of two notable features to be observed inthat country. The first, which we have lightly touched upon already, is that the masses of the people have not been contaminated by a certain specics of vices, offspring of a false civilization, and that the political and religious scepticism which, like a devouring gangrene, usually preys upon the classes. of society conventionally called the re- fined classes, has not yet descended into the country at large. We are far from pretending that the Mex- ican pes are exempt from the defects to be ob- served in the same class of society in all these coun- tries; but we do believe that these vices are un- doubtedly of a less pernicious character than that ure certain social categories. The cause of this is that the excesses to which the people abandon themselves, leave two bd ply er: and powerful sentiments untouched—faith and love of country; while the poison which circu- lates among the upper classes relaxes and meget those two vigorous cords, which are sometimes sufli- icture cient, by themselves, to operate a salutary regene- | ration in nations that were considered on the point of death. Mexico's other hope ef salvation lies, the fact, notable indeed, that in the midst of this complete disorganization and these pronunciamentos founded on the most absurd pretexts, the idea of dis. solving the national unity hasnot yet been broached. ‘The States do not pretend to become independent of Mexico, nor are there to be discovered any symp- toms of that blind provincialism which has caused so much injury in Central America. Neither Puebla, 4 rosperity and in- | jut what we do not as yet see, is the popular | ich | awn, and which is, in the | hboring republic, we must de- | | | | The Destinies of America, in a Brazilian [franslated from the Diatie ds Cornambueo, ‘ranslated from Per . Among the diverse subjects which are . toa beld political speculatog, none impresses us more than that which the future destinies of America pre- sent tous. Wedonot mean to speak of the thirty. three United States merely, but of the whole Leste Sept eae og. ae leon once said, in ye . Bair a century she would be either republican or Cos- tack, and it appears to us to-day, that she will be neither of those two things. But how delineate or conceive the destinies ot America? In its present pained condition, its. immense territoriea resemble rf ho:e of Europe in the time of Charler . They are imperfectly settled by a diverse sopelatioets bar- barous tribes, degenerate races, growing A and sess ibe Frwn the ork 2 oe fom everything in the country appears to be stil cegs of formation, incomplete and undefined. ‘bwee except the limits within the British colonies and the Union—and perhaps, we ought not even to make this exception—we see no frontiers, demarcations or termini, which can be considered as fixed and per manent between the Polar Seas and Cape Horn. The future of the United States is, and will be, as uncer- tain as that of the European kingdoms was ten cen- turies since. English, French, Russian, Spanish and Portuguese, all have their ‘representatives in the camp; but opposed to them is a community more complex and more erful than the whole. If the reader will cast his rg on a map of Ame- rica, he will observe that both continents are found clearly and distinctly parcelled among large and small States; but the truth is, that few of these forma- tions or partitions promise to be permanent, Next to the United States is the famous country of Mexico, one of the most beautiful territories of the world, and so vast that previous to its recent losses it was five times larger than the Spanish peninsula. Even at the Hae time, it comprises immense provinces, abounding with mineral and vegetable wealth, rich in historic traditions, and possesses, through its geographical position, advantages such as no other country does. But Mexico scarcely exists to-day, even as & name—no constitution or government can be established, organized, or maintained in it—she cannot perform any of the functions of a State, nor provide for a single one of her political or external necessities. Its radical anarchy is acarcely mitigated by the » ness and indolence of its population. Its frontiers exist only on the map. The Indians of every tribe invade all points with impunity, and an enemy still more to be dreaded than the Indians is awaiting its inevitable dissolution, which it is utterly needless to precipitate. After Mexico, comes a chaos of republics, which are all assimilated by their origin, aspect and po- sition, and extend from the Isthmus up toCape Horn. These States are hardly recoguized in Europe, save as negligent debtors. Their wars, although made with the ferocity of canibals, and worthy records of their barbarity hardly survive the memory of theirown generation. To enumerate fa provinees which oen- stitute the confederation of Colombia, would be a manifestation of pedantry, and it would exceed our limits, as well as expose us to ridicule, were we to attempt to describe policy and the relations and as] of Peru, Bolivia, Chili, La Plata, the Banda Oriental, and Paragua. ‘The study of cotempora- neous history furnishes us with scarcely a list of the murders, massacres, and revolutions among these proele, es aE appear to be poncontratoe ie jomicide, and whose acts are re lovable than those even of the Santi let. For such commui..--, 2° Dermanghey can be ra- Sopally Boje and, in truth, it wouid be difficult to say in what respect the matadores of Buenos Ayres excel the savage natives of Patagonia. The eastern half of the southern continent is ab- sorbed by the enormous empire of Brazil—a State possessing a legitimate d y, in ancient title, an established Nae ag and a respectable population. By its right and liberal treatment of the colored races it has neutralized the worst of all the elements of political evil, and the sincerity which it shows iu the abolition of the slave trade, is a proof of ita wise policy and administrative power. But there is little energy inthe Brazilian character. They certainly are not Fivea to conquest—they are on the whole a | race which promises duration, and which is scattered throughout the extent of a boundless territory nomi- nally their own. We see, therefore, three great divisons in Ameri- c2z—English-America, America par excellence, and Brazil. The second, notwithstanding the acquisitions which within the last ten years have doubled its ter- ritory, is not yet as large as either of the other two; and yet already this extraordinary State looks for- ward to universal dominion, and extends its views of conquest over the two continents and the two oceans. It doesnot, necessarily, betray perturbation that werecommend to the atfention of our readers the let- ter which we publish to-day from our American cor- respondent. A confraternity has been instituted in the Union under the name of the “Lone Star,” for the defined purpose of extendirig the influence, power and commerce of the United States to the western eer grey and ne the heme of the Atiantic and ‘acificocean. T language in which the object of the sohlety nas bea deverived, in its public ceremonials, is fitter to excite ridicule than interest. | Some allowance must be made for the exaggeration peculiar to all transatlantic things; still, we believe that the league in question really symbolizes a senti- ment predominating in the Union, which, however, has no legacy to enable it to furnish to the organiza- tion resources of which otherwise it is still in need, and with which, according to our co! dent's account, it is not much troubled. So great, indeed, are the advances of the United States towards do- peasy that Ge! the det of this extra society ma; exceeded in audacity. Althong! Texas and California are not yet solidly united into the political edifice of the Union, still the first step is made towards the absorption of Mexico. Moreover, our Washington correspondent has announced dur- ing the current week that Congress will not consent to enter into any negotiation with the government of Mexico respecting the question of the Mexican ter- ritory of the Isthmus of Tchnantepec, whilst a new and more formidable expedition is openly preparing against Cuba, and pretensions are dvulgel with re- spect to the Sandwich islands, almost without the slightest reserve. Napoleon never occupied himself more freely in relation to Europe, than the United States proj to do as to America; and the very nation which, in the question of the Lobos Islands, exclaimed against the unreasonableness of Peru in laying claim to islands at thirty-five miles distance from her coast, not content with marking the Carrib islands, carries its pretensions to the immense Pacific, and tries to extend its jurisdiction to a thousand Teaee Rey ra Vhether the Union has or has not sufficient stabi- lity in itself to uphold it in these gigantic projects of enlargement, is a question which admits of doubt; but no one can deny that the disorganization of the American continent facilitates much the enterprise of a conquering power. “The States, though not pre- ponderating in the extent of their territory, contain, neveytheless, a population immensely superior to the other communities of the two continents, not so muclt n numerical force asin energy and intelligence. Up to the present time they have absorbed the emi- grants of all races, without any sensible alteration of their political unity; and the desire of conserving the | integrity of the confederation appears really to pre- think, in | nor Vera Cruz, nor any other of the principal com- | munities of that republic, that we are aware of, looks with envy upon the prosperity of Mexico, or consi- ders its interests and those of the capital oppoxed to or conflicting with one another; and we doubt not that this powerful element of unity, strengthened by | adequate institutions, will be a powerful auxiliary in the work of regenerating the Mexican peopie. In some papers which we lately received, we saw the suggestion made, as a resource, of calling 4tene- val Santa Anna to the dictatorshipy but this me; sure, which bas already been tried without «1 cess, appears to us insufficient, in view of the vity of the evil. On the other band, a similar restoration would call into action a variety of one sions aad intergats, which is by no means the pest yail threefold overall other passions. If this sentiment continues, it will be difficult to place limite to future eee 3 but it appearsa singular thing that ose views of unscrupulous conquest should be che- rished at the moment in which the primitive compo- sition of the edifice has been threatened, and while it is still the subject for public declamation. Recoverina DaMAGes rrom THe New Haven Rartroap.—In the Superior Court, at New Haven, on Friday, Roswell Hood recovered from the New York and New Haven Railroad Company $6,000 damages and costs. ‘The plaintiff's leg was broken 4 the overturning of a sleigh running from Union- ville to Collinsville. He had bought a through ticket to Collinsville from the railroad company, but the iter denied all responsibility for the portion of the journey which was not performed on their road. The rare had been tried three times. In the first in- stance, the plaintiff recovered about $3,000, but the ‘me Court set it aside. On the second trial, ary brought ina verdict for a larger amount, i the judge would not receive, and they after- wards disagreed. They verdict is received by th New Rairoan WASHING prop Rowrk rrom Ne —The Lehigh Register TON. — says:—* The sed establishment of a new railroad route from ‘ew York to Washington city, by way of Easton, ta Allentown, meets with Reading, Columbia, and Baltimore, reat favor hy the citizens of Allentown, | and along the proposed route; in fact, it has aroused the people to action, and petitions circulation for signatures, pray Legislature to grant a charter.” Tho Register trasts that their members, and those of Northampton Berks, Lancaster, York, and Adams, will give the matter their utmost attention, in order to carry Ugp project through the Legislatize, are already in ng the Penneylvanin