The New York Herald Newspaper, June 24, 1852, Page 3

thom a project for the croation of a now military offico—aa office hitherto unknown in the constilu- tion, viz: Inspector General and Gommander-in- chief of the army and militia of Voneauola, with such plenary powers over theso important | branches as to be “beyond even the pewer of tho | President. Quintord stated boldly and rounsily that Gencral Monagas approved of the project, and would sign such a fi, and fivally nominated (o- neral Paes as the person that ought to be placed in this offices. By this proposition the fato of the Paer | y was sealed, thoy had overshot thoir mark; it was the (ast straw that broke the exmel’s back. Benor Weianistao Rendon, member from Cumana, | knew that Monagas had never authorized Quintero to uso lis name in this matter, and saw at once the game of the Paesistas, which was to cajole Con- gress into passing the law, and then onee having it passed, they hoped to overawe Monagas into sign- ng it. Thus they would get firmly re-instated. Rendon, however, broke up their plans. ‘* Doctor?” | said he, Vo ha jugado su portafolio y se loha perdido,” (uv is, you have staked your office on | this throw. and you have lost it. Rendon then assured the House thatit was a misrepresentation that Monagas wished to pass such a bill. Tbe whole plan was unmasked, and the oligarchs suw | that indeed their time was getting short. Monagas bogan now to suspect his friends, the Paezistas. This last attempt to supercede him wounded his awour propre, and revealed to him the full measure of thoir intentions to hoodwink him, and make him a pliable instrument in their hands. He now began to look more closely for himself the Guzman affair, and to slacken his confidon his ministers. Time wore on, and somewhere be- tween the Ist and 10th of May, 1817, Gusman’s | Fentence of death was brought to him to sign. He steadfastiy refused, however, so to do, and com- snuted his sontence to exile for life. The Ministry of the 6th March found their posi- tion no, longer tenable, the rebuff they had met with in tho mattor of the Inspector Generalship, and now the commutation of Gusman’s sentence, were too clear proofs of their position with Monagas, 80 they made a virtuo of necessity, and resigned. Thus feil the last Paez administration. Though fallen, in truth, they could scarcely realize it; and, like drowning men catehing at straws, they did not give up their hopes yet. Indeed, the pertinac avith which this party clung to the hopes of powe is most remarkable. It is known that a bystander Bees more of a game than the one actually engagod. Mn this cage the calm looker on was astonished at the frantic dotermination the fallen party evinced zo once more get a position, even after it was evi- dent that their fate was sealed, and the popular voice of Venezuela was crying out most loudly pgainst them. Still seventeen years of continua’ rule, each one of them ‘‘under his own fig tree and vine, with none to maké them afraid,” had taught ahem to look on Venezuela as their inheritance, and to thrust them out of power appeared, in their eyes, species of sacrilege. Rotation in office, though hi ily necessary to the continued welfare of the re- public, is a most unpleasant affair to those immedi- ately concerned. Guzman’s sentence, as before stated, was com- muted to exile for life, and on the Mth June he was aaken to Laguayra and embarked for Curacoa. Dr. Quintero, and several of the dismissed members, were now left without any political oceupation. Paez had retired to his estate at Maracay. Monagas called, as his minister, Colonel Jose Feiex Blanco, the same who had been a candidate of the military rty for tho chair Monagas then oceupied, Dr. Sanavria, and several others of the same school. The liberal or Guzman party plucked up courage, when they saw how Monagas had refused to exe- cute their leader, and an pesportin as the oligarch esses (which the retire i ministry had established In various parts of the country), went on roundly abusing Monagas, and accusing him of betraying the party who had elected him, so did the liberal resses commence to defend and eulogise him for aving successfully defended the constitution and the cvuntry from the encroachments of the late Paez party: Almost all the offices in the country were held by oligarchs, and these, under the direction of the oligarch presses, raised a most tremendous howl against Monagas; ho quickly gave them canso for howling. by dismissing them all, aud meds them with military and liberal partisans. This was a se- rious blow to them, and as once was exclaimed by a famous statesman of the North, they with one ac- cord cried out, ‘‘our sufferings is intolerable.” Thus wore on 1847; and in the autumn of that year, General Flores (the same who is now figurin, in the Keuador,) arrived in Caracas. Tho specific object of his visit was not very clear. Ho isa Cara- guenian by birth, and his ostensible object was to revisit the place of his birth. He was, at that time, an exile from Ecuador, and had just come from Europe, via New York. It will be remembered that his expedition against Ecuador had heen broken up by the English government. Flores arvived in Caracas, and was well received by his private friends. He went down to Maracay to see General Paez, on his estate, and there he endeavored to mediate between this latter and Mona; Paes finally offered, through Flores, to have an interview with Monagas, when they might, perhaps, come to some amicable arrangement. Monagas was per- sonally inclined to grant him this meeting, but was alisabled by his cabinet, who represented to him th: it could uot in any good, and Monagi sult i yielded to thom. Pa waited for him at Li Cociusas, but Monagas finally declined the in terview. Shortly after, Flores left Veneznela, and we have here nothing more to say about him, though a nar- ration of the ailuiss in the Ecuador up to the present time, would astonish the republican ideas of the United States, and show them how vast have been the intrigues of European powers to obtain a foot- ing in the South American continent. he oligarch party, now finding irself on its last jegs, saw thatthey must strain every nerve if they avished to regain their lost ground, and in the dual condition of the country they soon became sen- sible that nothing but a coup d'etat would avail them, and this they resolved on practising. They went to work quietly and cautiously, and settled in caucus that, at the opening of the next Congress, Monagas must be impeached and deposed, and Paez placed at the head of affairs, whilst a new election should take place. Of course Paez was to have lenary powers as Commander-in-Chiefof the army. They calculated on the co-operation throughout the country of the army of displac: five-holders, and thus they could ‘qui a constitutionally, through Congress, perform this wily part. How ahey fared wo shail sec. In the midst of these plans passed the year 1847, and January, 1548, arrived. The most intense exeite- anent prevailed on both sides It had been bruted xbout, and indeed of whom were of the old Paez party, and confidently counted on an easy victory over Monagas. Mona- ras, onhis side, also saw the dangers that threa- dened his seat, and the liberal party were oa the qui vive to parry the thrusts of their astute adver- saries. The grounds for impeachment were f jous, mere charges trumped up: that Monagas had arbitrarily removed from their commands in the mi jitia and army several officers who were ee opponents; that hi on one ¢ eftthe city of Caracas for |. a Without ihe due notioe to the Vice lresident whieh the con- stitution required. As the articles of impeachment wero never formally aaa of what they would have b We must also mention t! had offered to Paez to send lomatic character, hoping *aez from the country, to © ment. Paez, however, refuse made a tour to the plains of Apure, wher cised a most tremendous influence among the Slane: ros, or inhabitants of the pla Th the plan of the Paezisias fo: ring tot an easy victory over Monagas in the coming Con After his tour to the plains, Paez asked per onto goto New Gra Jt was accorded He did uot, however, go, but remained on hi« estate at Maracay, anxiot waiting the result of the proposed coup d'état, meditated by his party in Congress, for January, 1848. We thus bring our narrative up to the eve of the assembling of Congress, in January, 1848, Tho im- vortance of this part of tho demands that we ehould dedicate an entire chapter to it!, Weshall, in it, show the true history of the lamentable colli- n that took place in Congr: on the 24th Janu- | ary, 1848, and relate all tho facts as they occurred. | Paez’s subsequent open rebellion to the constitu- dional President, his flight to New Granada, his journeys to Jamaica, St. Thomas, and Curacoa, the po amento in his favor in the city of Maracai- 20, the siege of that city by his partisans, and the | inal raving of thatsiege, and flight of the Paezistas. | The return of Paez to Venezuela, in June, 1849, | from Curacoa, his final surrender to the govern- ment troopsat Valencia, his imprisonment and ex- | ile, bis journey to St. Thomas and New York, aud | his reception there. All thee topics require an entire chapter, and we | will endeavor to relate them without fear or favoy. | Vexezveta, May, 1852 | at 1847 Monagas | ina di- | | Trrat or THomas Davis, iy Bosvoy, ox A | arch oF Murper.—Thomas Davis is on trial in oston, charged with murdering his sister, Plizabeth Van Wagner, last winter, [t appears from the © Zostimony that Mrs. Van W. was found with her ibroat cu fence set up is, that she com- mitted suicide. Several physicians were exam who gaye their opinion that the wound was homiei- dal and pot su Purxnomenon.—When the hh flash e Alarm. ‘h are ine Srnounar Hirererc rhower commenced yestorday afternoon of lightning s@ acted on the wires of the I that all the bells throughout the city wh eluded in the cirenit, at poworfully operated for an alarm phonomonon was a sin foular aad hon one MA Bee, Bd ins kk The -~Bo | lutely believed all the | ‘entangling | tion, | the purpose, | stand on foreign grou | suitable en THE REBELLION AMONG THE WHIG FACTIONS AGAINAT THE NOMINEE AND PLATFORM or THe WHIG NATIONAL CONVENTION. miccniomenieiita “of Whig Public Opinion. (Prom the New York Tribune, (Anti-Slavery organ,) June 22, THAT HUNKER PLATYORM. We forget whether it was Horne Tooke or some | other Euglish churchman who, being asked it he had ever known any person who ey and abso- ‘hirty-nine Articles or Creed of ins church, replied that he had nover known any one man who also believed them all, but he had kuown them all to be believed by one person and another. We have heard of instances whorein a de- vout adherent of a particular sect has been brought up all standing by ocular proof that some doctrine he bad denounced as heretical and pornicious was directly affirmed by some article of his chureh’s creed, which he had never heeded, or had unluekily forgotten. Such accidents will happen—thero is no uso in quarrelling about them, Nor do we complain when something is affirmed as a part of the creed of our own sect or party which does not entirely accord with our individual views. No man who has any clear, distinct, sharply definod views of his own, and set forth in avy creed, summary or formula, which aims to express the common conviction of millions. There must be diversity of sentiment as to details, even where there is substantial accord- ance as toleading principles. And the lesson wh this truth teaches the observing, ingenuous mind is, “Think your own thoughts—act out your own con- victions—though this may compel you pointedly to er in sentiment from those with whoin a sense o public duty must nevertheless constrain you to unite in promoting great public ends deemed important alike by them and you.” But when a creed or formula is set forth, not to affirm and declaye the opinions entert y in whose behalf it is presented, but to constrain and correct those opinions—net to proclaim what tho pet doos believe, but to dictate what it shall be- ieve—then the case is entirely altered, and silence with regard to the usurpation becomes not a neces- sary compliance but a flagrant wrong. Hence our emphatic objection to and protest against a portion of the so-called ‘Platform of Prin- ciples,” set forth at the Whig National Convention. ‘They were never intended to be a statement of the grounds whereon the whig party is united and the ends which it unanimously meditates. On the con- trary, they were forced upon a portion of the delo- gates, in full view of the fact that they did not ex- press their convictions—-were driven through by the argument of menace and terror—were rammed down by the potent intimation, ‘Swallow in silence, or we bolt!” Yet, in the face of every entreaty and threat, sixty-six of the delegates, (seventy, as wo count,) voted no when the yeas and nays were called on their passage. Here was one-fourth of the con- vention whom not even the imperiling of the nomi- nation of their beloved candidate and the prospect of breaking up the party could deter from protesting against the gross wrong. Tho “platform,” thero- fore, is not that of the entire whig party, as the records of the convention attest, but that of a majo- rity only—a majority which had and could have no claim to bind any who dissent from their declara- tion. We are of that sort, and there are many more such. Jet us endeavor hastily to show why, by a hasty review of the “platform,” scanning its various planks in detail, asfollows:— PLATFORM OF PRINCIPLES. The whigs of the United States, in convention assem- bled. adhering to the great conservative republican prin- ciples by which they are controlled and governed, and now, as ever, relying upon the intelligence of the Ameri- can people, with'an abiding confidence in their capacity for seif government, and their continued devotion to the constitution and the Union, proclaim the following as political sentiments and determinations for the establish- nent and maintenance of which their national organiza- tion as a party is effecteu:— 1. The government of the United States is of a limited character, and it is confined to the exercise of powers ex- pressly granted by the constitution, and such as may be wessary and proper for carrying the granted powers into full execution, and that ali powers not thas granted or necesswvily implied, are expressly reserved to the States respectively and to the people %. The State governments should be held secure in their reserved rights, and the general government sus- tained in its constitutional powers. and the Union should be revered and watched over as “the palladium of our liberties. We have no objection to the views hore expressed; but they are not distinctively whig, nor do we per- ceive any strong necessity for thus rting them, ‘The antagonist party has been makin, loud noise in behalf of State rights for a quarter of a centary, «d meantime has committed more outrageous vio- lations of those rights than auy other party ever did. Surely, if a tial rights, the right to hoald be among them; yet Texas, a foreign nation, was thrust into the Union as a State, with a litter of three or four additional States in prospec nst the most refore, to the whigs making loud profes their devotion to te rights, Jest we should s find them overbearing and outraging those sympathy of the whi; to the doctrines of the Fath uounced in his Farewell Address, of ke from all entangling alliances with fereign countries, an of never quitting our own to stand upon foreign ground b our mission asa republic is not to propagate our opinions. or impose on othec countries our to: meut, vy artifice or force, but to teach by example. b show by our stecess, moderation and justive, the blessings tions We are | everywhere. whig party Was not tho fact with regard platform builders at Bai resented. There is hope of a pact | words) sympathises with | * si ery glad to hear that struggling freedom, everyw Tt can’t help doing « deal of good, even though it should not heartily mean to. Nor | do we object to what thi plank says about ‘en- tangling alliance foreign ground,” and “our ion.” All this is pretty good. But we do ob- ject that this plank dodge hi vital, the point; and this we proceed to set fi the European despots should ly avow a conscience everywhere, and ceed to overwhelm and er New Grana &e., ought we, could we aflord to, ait our tum? or should We anticipate, and so avert, the impending blow? Sx the al- despots should’ proclaim their resolve to crush what we consider liberty everywhere, should we go on mumbling and maundering alliances,” “Farowell Add. “teaching hy example,” and the like inappl "We rather think the pyople pertinent and positive deel th ow we ob; we, aud J Nohody entangling ailian et to plank thre som mn the real rts hiog not nding that # form tries our form of go’ nor any of the parade: of this age do ask, shall manifest a conscionsuess tha to the house adjoining ours in ess fire to ours—that a conspiracy of kings publicans elsewhere, bec in trath a conspire tional existence. plank three, as also on the corre the other Baltimore plat thing) rather more evas We shall stand on neither 4, That where the people make and control the go vernment, they should obey its consiitution. laws and treaties, as they would retain their self-respect, and the respect Which they claim and will enforce trom foreign powers, This is rather foggy, but quite true. If it means to condemn flibustiering in Cuba, Mexico, or else- where, it is particularly good. ‘To set forth the whole truth, however, it should have procceded to say thaty“Whore the people make the laws.” &e., “they should be careful not to have any laws which a just, humane, conscientious man would wish or be impelled to violate.” 5, Government should be conducted on princip! the strictest economy, and revenue suficient for U penzes thereof, in time of peace, ought to be derived Guties on imports, and not from direct. taxe: ing such duties, sound pol tion, and, when practicable. may be afforded to I clasees and to all por nd na nding plank of rin, Which was (if any- e@ and gassy than this. industry, vas of the | country There is much important truth and a good deal of twaddle combined in 5. tis very true that go- vernmentshould be conducted with economy, though with the strictest economy, we apprehond no go- vernment ever was or#oon will be conducted in this | world ft is quite true that the revenaes of the | federal government should be derived maialy from imposts, and not from direct taxes; true, also, duties should be epocitic, 0 far as practicable; that these should bo so adjusted as to encoara develope home industry. But how timidiy ¥,15 all erted? Suppose the p that und ge and grwig- mont should honvoforth nood no rovenuo | then? Would tho duty of encouraging, dovotoping, can hope to seo them precisely, exactly embodied | determined resistance and protest ten of the | States then composing the Union—and all this by | the strength of * the democracy,” alws fie (in words) for State rights. We of govern. | of self government and the advantages of free institu | nlists the warmest sympathies of the | am ‘ swohad boon led to fear that sach | their reach toa good many of the | ore, and these they rep- | a which (if only in | z uggling freedom | determination to put down republics and liberty of | | ney’s bed on | | time in various p! Sup. | this Fugitive Slave | 800 Ta this indosd ao subordinate, ascondary a mattor that it may be hold in subservience to any other function, necessity, or duty t Wo have not 40 loara- od political economy. e hold protection of far greater importance than revonue—that tho former, if oither, should be the main consideration and tho latter the incident—and that a wise, vigilant, pa- ternal government could, by judicious protection, inorease the wealth of tho nation, and the general comfort of the people by more than threo times the amount of its annual revenues. If 60, why should protection be treated as incidontal or subordinate to revenue? 6. The constitution vests in Congress the power to open and repair harbors, and it is expedient that Con: gress should exercise ita power to remove obstructions from navigable rivers, wherever such improvements are necessary fur the common defence and for the protection and facility of commerce with foreign nations or among the States; said improvements being. im every instance, national and general in their character This is broad, strong, and unoquivocal best of the sori 7. The federal and State governments are parts of one | system, alike necessary for the common prosperity, peace and security, and onght to be regarded alike with «cordial, habitual and immovable attachment. & for the authority of each, and acquiescence in the con- stitutional measures of each, are duties required by the plainest considerations of national, of State, aud of indi- vidual weltare, j father primer-like, but there is nothing bad in It is the it 8. That the series of acta of the Thirty-firat Congress, the act known as the Fugitive Slave law inctuded, are revived and acquiesced in by the whig party of the United States as a settlement, in principle and substance, of the dangerous and exciting questions which they em- ‘o far as they are concerned, we will inain- t upon their strict enforcement, un- | ience shall demonstrate the necessity ation to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand, and the abuse of tho on the other, not impairing their present efficiency ; and | i uer agitation of the question thas ce, aud will discounte- h agitation when made the nationality of the whig pa the Union. That the Compromise measures, including the Fugitive Slavo law, will stand for years on the statute book unaltered, we have no manner of doubt. Some of them are in their nature irrepsal- able; some are so proper and right in themselves that’ they would stand if to that end they required enacting every year. Having becn an early and rnest believer that a compromise with regard to the new tersitories was nocessary--having done what we could to promote that compromise—we have not the least objection to an assertion of its finality, except that we consider it superfluous, ir- ritating, and mischievous. There is no probability that one of the Compromise measures, including even the Fugitive Slave law—most unwisely ani perniciously foisted in among them—will be altered by Congress during the present generation. The slave States have twenty-eight votes in the Senate, even without Delaware, and can at all times pre- vent any repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, by threatening to bolt from any party that favors it. There willbe no need of menacing tho dissolution of the Union—the law may be upheld a great deal cheaper than that. If, then, this plank had simply affirmed that the Compromise measures, one and all, would not and should not be altered, we should only have objected to it as entirely foreign to the distinctive principles ims of the whig party—as idle, useless, and mischievous. But by ‘the question thus settled,” the plank evident]y means to cover all questions relative to slavery, and to denounce all discussion, criticism or remonstrance respecting tho existence of slavery in this country, as perilous and wrong. All thisis alike futile ae ate defy it, execrate it, spit i there is nothing in the federal constitu- tion, nothing in our Union, which forbids the indig- nant exposure of any wrong, the reprehension of any iniquity, such as slavery generally is and por- petually tends to create. Tho enslavement of men and women, their complete subjugation as chattels to the will of others, is an offence against God and humanity, such as cannot fail to draw down retri- bution on the heads of all who willingly participate therein. The existence of slavery in this land of liberty and light is the darkest stain on our na- tional character, and the great, appalling obstacle to the diffusion of freedom over the world by the blaze of our inspiring example. It must come to an y ty, and the integrity of tT to au oaohea of the Tribune against the Baltimore roso- lutions. Such refutation would not be diffioalt; but ‘wo aro debarrod from it by the fact that tho sabject is no longer within the pale ot logitimate whig con- trovorsy. Tho platform wad oxprossly dosigned to be a settlement of whig dootrinos; as such we have accepted it, and shall faithfully abide by it. Tho real question we make with tho Zribune is not the casential merit or demerit of those resolutions, bat their binding moral efficacy upen tho party and upon every recognized organ of the party. - What is the whig party’? Is it’ a’ moro random rabble rout of * larger growth’ boys, ready to dasie in any direction for a fight, out of oliver love of ani- mal exoitement? Js ita tribe or a clan, united only io, and inspired simply by the soatimont, ot on lineage” Is it a vol y association, the iacre purpose of securing official oluments ? We take it thatthe whig party is something essentially different from any h combinations. It is not, like the first, a thing mnpulse; nor, like the second, a thing of accident; nor, like the third, a thing of more mervenary inte- rest. The whig party is an organization which designed solely for the public good, and has its elaims vort entirely in the patriotic spirit which nui- mates it, and the wise measures which it makes its own. Principles are the yery elements of its being; without them it is as dead and worthlessas the chail swept before the whirlwind. But political prin ples do not admit of being cast in un iron mould, and perpetuated in shape forever. ‘To be at all efti- cncious they must be adapted to the everchanging vicissitudes of public affairs. They have continu- ally to be wrought into new forms, applied in new circumstances, and brought to bear upon new evils Ty what influence is this adaptation to be effected ? no other, of course, thaa the distinctive and Siding epirit of the party. And that spirit—how- ever unpleasant it may be to the Tribune to be re- minded of it—is the spirit of consorvatism. It ig is, as opposed to the factious, disorganising, and disposition of locofocoism, that gives the purty its peculiar and essential worth. While pirit of conservatism changes nos, its mode of manifesting itself may change and must change. Wo have just seen it introduce two new principles into the platform of the party, which, in their pre- sent shape, never had an existence there before. We mean the resolution in favor of non-intervention in igh quarrels and that avowing the finality of the Compromise. The one of these was designed to conserve the foreign policy counselled and prac- tised by Washington; and the other to shield from harm guaranties of the constitution, upon which de- pends ‘he very existence of the Union. Both were ; called for by new emergencies, and were in the high- est degree practical in their application. Now, if a party has to stand upon principles alone, how are these principles to be presented in conformity with the waat of the times, so as to be recognized and rallied upon by the people? It ean, of course, only he dove by the organized action of the party through its representatives. Such organized action hes just been had, and the declaration of principles, which the Tribune denounces and repels, has been adopted by a vote of nearly four-fifths of the party. Now, cither that isnot a whig platform, or the Z'i- bune, in repudiating it, is not awhig newspaper. If whiggory consists, as we have said, in principles, there is, there can be no escape from this conelu- sion, for the principles of the two are absolutely incompatible. Weare not unmindful of the services which the Trabune has, in times past, done in the whig ¢ but in all kindness, and with all sincerity, in order to rate its present services at their just worth, we appeal to it for an explanation. We put the ques- tion directly—What constitutes the Tribune a whig newspaper? If the question admits of an answer, let it be answered in good temper and plain terms— and thousands will be gratified. The distinctiv: pervading spirit of the whig party is conservativ the distinetive pervading spirit of the Tribune is radical and innovating. The three most important principles of the whig party, as just set forth—prin- ciples the most consequential in their origin, t scope, and their practical resulis—non-intervention, compromise finality, and non- agitation of slavery, it utterly discards. iareita angie party which has just made a platform of four great principles: namely, the Kossuth doctrine of intervention, the modifi tionof the Compromise, the constant agitation of slavery, and another measure which the T'ribunchas more than once declared that it would consider para- mount to all other political questions, the Maine Liquor law. Willthe 7'rtbunc tell us clearly, frankly, end; and, while we of the free States have no power under the constitution to interfere legislatively with its existence in othor States, yet the moral.and social power that we all poss not as citizens of the Union, but as men—which no constitution created, and none can rightfully take away—we are hound to use, as we are all otlier power, for the diminution of evil and the utmost diffusion of good. We say, then, in all kindness and deference to the opinions of-the elder and wiser, that agitation res- pecting slavery can only cease with the existence of slavery, whicit is its impelling canse--that conven- ti rms can do nothiog were as idle to re+ er flow, nor volcanoes shail cause no agiti solve that tides should no Jong emit lava, as that sla The mi formi tation, the more ¢ desire to limit and arrest agi+ tation, it should discourage and inhibit the hunting of fugitives from slavery in free States. For this hunting does, it wil agitation wherever it takes place tional conventions or doctors of it. We entreat Southern men to ter fairly, making our case their own. In some Northern Village. where slavery is practically un- a color- d nearly every one is a worker, ed man appears, settles, aud comm ness. He es industrious becomes a church member, ot five or ars, basa wife and children. He prospe ted, and becomes generally kaown Suddenly, two or three by no mewns prep strangers appear in the villa iter around it grogshops for a few hours, and at le this black fellow’s workshop or divellin down ad handewf him, and have him out of the village and on his way to slavery bofore his next neighbors can learn what is the cause of dis turbanee, Within an hour the whole village is gathered around his shricking wife and children: but. nothing can be done—the victim is beyo Perhaps, after a month or two, by taxing and harassing the whole village, takiy quarter out of this U's purse anc dart into knock him a , the man is ransomed at a cost of N00 or so, and restored to his But does that subdue the ‘agitation? © you hope to. suppress it while such trag: have hurriedty described are occurriny tro time to almost any where? We say, then, to the South, in earnest fin law ¢ throughout the free State create it, so long as it is upheld and enfor can build no pl slave- hunting Then if you depreca some me ischief, by removing the cause 7 to pay our fair proportion of the your slaves who run away into fr most of our people would you catch them we wv an bornin a who , Amer to cach square mile of their fool that he had not don norable act if he had be tive from slavery. Many may b: for money, as they will be base | things they know f aluevity not in the free bbl ¥, there is one who da wes hig hy n lost the deed, Then ing son the va tatic we of your fugitive alienation, and bitterne: free communities cannot fail to engender? | re anything unreasonable in the suggestion ? i From the Courier and Enquirer June 2 The Tribune bolts. In an article, yesterday. of three columns, it reprobatesand repudiates the plat- form adopted by the Whig Convention at Bulti- more. It overhauls the whole, plank by plank, and every part which it does not smear with it ey it brands with its denunciation. It strives to break | it down with sophisms, fallacies, quibbles, cavils, sneers, jibes, threats, imprecations, everything which malignity ean It denies to the platform all va refuse: knows, (Webster paper prompt and ingenuity devise. | lity whatover, and It toabide by it in any sense whitever nd, if we are to judge by its present spir it will hereafter know, no other relation to it the that of implacable enmity. Now, this is not a matter to be pass¢ e. The interests of the whig party, to which we claim to belong, demand @ full explanation anc a thorough understanding in regard to it. Confin ing our view to this city alone, the votos of a five thousand members of our party depend the way in which th ubject is now and hor shall be met. The Tridune doos not speak in its own name and on its own respousibilivi olusively, It is, and has been for years, the reeog- nized organ of a certain large section of the whit party North. Politically it may ho supposed to | represent in good degree their sentiment, spirit, nnd purpose. If it denounces tho whig platform within | Unree days of its passage, we may oxpeot that | within three weeks the same platform will be de- nounced by thousands of others, If this platform is to reduced practically to a nulli the | own the botter, for thoso are d: on Wish to undoratar and what thoy are voling over fh at+ whieh with and, if it can, courteously, why, if it is gov by principles, and not by interests, it, under those eit mstances, supports Winfield Seott and William A Graham, the nominees of the whig party, and withholds its support from John P. Hale and Cassius M. Clay, the nominees of the Liberty party? Will the Tribune also be so neighborly as to give us opinion whether a party principle is not of mc sequence than a party candidat: whether a refusal in one quarter ¢ oneiples of the Baltimore Whig Cc +, in every view of political morality joolify avefueal in another quarte 2 And if it is, the sustain nominations of the Baltimore Whig Convention We reserve the furth sideration of this mat- ey till we get new data in the expected answers of ke Ty idune. THE BALTIMOT MINATION publish the subjoined commu sand Shot bec we adopt ail thei nent reestions, because we deein it desivabic Z i now the worst, and he prepared fur it. We have act 1 ve our beet te avert bad resul nly interested i vly are. We aw 1 » received in the Southern Sp ntiwo we trust our friends will keep calm abstain from all action tending sound principles. form RS OF THE Cov We have long since adop' «l to act, on your me Principles, 1 , Under that commer igs to support Winfield Seott for ident! Pe advise us what kind of * princi- * would be exhibited in abandoning Daniel Web- wd o weaken or tarnish your Mee at least two-thirds of the party. and ng ther support to one who is named to suit tho yoba very small portion of the whig party? We think Scott cannot possibly be clected. Many whig- lvote for Pierce. Thousands will not vote at all either Scott or Pierce. We therefore wish you i usin giving Webster a wide-spread nomina- It ca dono harm, and will prevent the po- itienl gression of voting for an opposition can- ate, or not voting at all, but instead thereof, we perform a duty we owe to the defender and supe rof our political xeed, and show the ty ne of the ec ntion that we think their work well M. Wines or § Cor AND ESoure ning « orm” put forth only the express ion whole t may disregard it rm, 1, for on equally true i and that theref party—that t It th we ing on t who differ from reared to the ib is hot » the 1 ean form, ean Ww As | feel at 1 itw n wi net do the se resent, | should rod excise fe hot considering the action of the Conver ae ng. All honor to yo Editore, for your oble support of the gre hi teenth century. Perhay } mode whereby you c whigs who appreviate him. To rng Enrvons o1 ‘ Ke will find will be the case with thousands of others, | Db Webster is ne ated by hi y the ¢ . is nominate democratic vote beside bis ow in vent demoe m not right? ‘ nomination w in Convention at a certai ist, ehim. Jt i and nomina lwe must, with seful with any other neh a Wensrer on Ptr {Urem the Express (Fillmore ps “WHERE AMT To ¢ To rue Eprrons oy vin N. Y 1am a whig of the old school, a whig f start. a working whig. a whig who never bi faile tis more, who never or or even took part with o “clique.” Tam one of those who believe that the whig party, in its essential clementa, is simply as destructible as the practical uid conser= ism of the country. As thus identified, | have cheerfully given my time. money, and influence to the whig organization, to the deiriment of my pore sonal interests, but, as L hope, to the benefit of my country, On these pee | beg to presume te er my views on the nowination at Baltimor prough a whig journal, to my fellow business men in the whig pariy The elements and principles exist—but wh per). June 2 m the ted or ens the party? For some years an organizati I growing up within the whig party, which, supporti fi asures, ia vet utterly foreign in r, and imbued wich the me dicalism in all respocts. After @ str years this faction has now reachod the = trol of the whig pe by the r campaign and the five days battle ¥ ed through. J confess 1 never expected this expected to ace the for wh with Webster, Clay, Fillmore, &e., &e., controlled by Seward, Weed, Grecloy, Johnsto 1 the Sy- se and Christiana rioters; the men of abolition, and ali manner of “isms’—but so it is. It isin vain to point practical mon to the noble platform of principles, forced upon our new mastors by that very remuant of conservatives who have e been put down in the final contost. We know the men, oud they ave r Ineve h T have labored nt the 4 r (who is the embodiment of whig principles) by | mty- | and their object, troachary as bo principles, dese not challenge our increaded confidoncs. The oligarchy whick now controls tho whig party ia identified from first to last with nought but tho bitterest opposition to every distinctively conservative and national principle. “Whore am Ito go?” [havo na longer « party to which Tcanclaim affinity. My party is rovolu- tionized ; it has ‘new lords and new laws,’ such as I will cut off my hand sooner than sustain, Consorya- tive whigs generally, and inthe Southern Statos universally, to me, must consider the party as in effect broken up. Southern men ut loast, although defeated, cannot surrender to the trea- cherous foe whose knife has so long sought their throats. It follows, and the clection will show it, that the party will no longer hy existence. la the North it may lua Seward & Co., in a decimated condit November, when it will full into acknowled god help- Jessness in every State, not excepting even Vermont. Messrs. editors, into the causes of this state of things, it is bootless now to enter. ‘The depths of infamy which certain Southern whigs have scooped out for themselves, | do not propose to explore. Tot others hold up to imperishable contempt, the names of the Southern traitors who havo slain the whig pay and dishonored its noblest leaders. Suffice it for me, that as a conservative whig 1am absolved from political service and levy during the existence of the incoming democratic tyne. und until sound principles and sound leaders shall once more claim my support. A New York Wutu. Naw York, June 22, 1852. CAN GEN. SCOTT BE ELECTED To Tux Enivors or tue N.Y. Exvress -— Therg is much dissatisfaction among the young Fillmore whigs of this city, and T may add, mortifi- cation, at finding General Scott preferred by the whig convention tor the high office of Chief Magis- trate of the Union, to the trie#and faithful Miflard Villmore. Why, may T ask, has the recommonda- tion of the illustrious Henry Clay been overlooked, ? great democratic whig party of this section of the ‘union? Have they shown inuch sagacity, or prov ed their affection for the man **who gull rather be right than be President?” Have they by their votes exhibited their hatred to fanatical influence, or their desire to honor Mr, Fillmore for his noble, patriotic, and glorious eonduct? “Can they elect General Scott?” ‘Lhe existing fecling umong the experienced whigs of the city would seem to deny that there is a whig ppearances HL ste defunct.” jeneral Scott is, therefore, the choi and not of the people. I say peor! my earnest conviction that M have been the choice of the natior sonable man—in truth, the people. Tam free, as a young Amerivan, to assert my ap- preeiation of the military qualifications of the Bal- timore nominee; but cannot believe that he is the most available man of the Union party. In present- ing your views of his political popularity, you may, perhaps, lead me to hope that, in cage of his elec- tion, he will bring around him other spirits than those of Botts, Seward, or Giecley. Rospyetfully, New You, June 22d. b. THE EFFECT OF THE NOMINATION ‘To rue Eprrons or THe N. Y. Exrress:— 1 have been, and am, a subscriber to your paper, and would suggest that we get up an indignation meeting, and nominate an independent ticket ; for, sirs, as far as I can learn in my own neighborhood, the nomination of Scott is looked upon with as much credit to the whig party as though it had been Seward himself. What shall we do with such men, or I should say, such Judases? Do you or I sup- pose that any wise men in that convention expected that such a ticket as Seott could run with Pierce and King. No! The party is gone for the next four years, and shall not vote for Scott, and the same words arcin the mouth of hundredsof good staunch business men. If you wish to make any yemark in your paper about what [ have said, you can do so, for I feel that you agree with me that the party is sold cheap. [Editorial remarks of the Express. | ‘Truth will out, and it isimpoesible to suppress it; the emotions which control the hearts of mon will | have vent, and it is both futile and wicked to check their utterance. Our correspondents speak a lan- | guage which we have heard from hundreds and hun- dreds of influential and devoted whigs within the past twenty-four hours, and which has been, a!so, put before us in that time in a multitude of commu- nications. We propose to reason with thom, for in- dependent men of the whig party are neither to be eouxed nor driven out ot their convic , While they are, as reasonable men, ready to be reasoned with. We hear some one say that. all this betrays a joa- because it is Hmore would of every rea if it did, which we deny, it is right to be truth even from the mouth of one’s ene y often give us better advice than our professed friends. Nobody that we know of feels any jealousy cL persons, as such, but remembering what the past has r ught the nd control uattempts made to get the e 1 continue so loug as there tx and we trust no longer. d cliques, near or remote, from all attempts ad age, at the hazard of the public interests ov th eltare of the whig party, we pray for General Seott verance. ‘We render our support to him now upon | principle, and as men who perseveringly advocated | the nomination of anotherman, We have a right | to ask, and do ask for ow who agree with w | which we mean hon | agree to use our bi » and’ they in return for that supporé, to give, that the man we tions to elect, shall be and not only pure, ispicion. If Gen. Scott shall do this, | his clection is fairly among the probabilities of the | present, and will mea certainty in future. If he shall fuil to do it, he will be the worst. defeated man eine ayes received a nomination tor the Presi dential office it © | frce from ull personal alliances ove | but a Our Boston Correspondence. Boston, June 22, 1 The Whig Nomination—Indignation of the Webster Men--Their probable Reconciliation. The whigs in this city have been indulging in one stream of profanity for the last twenty-four | hours, like that famous army which of erst served in Flanders. The news of Scott's nomination ar- bout rived here « me o'clock and a more woful set of fellows than the Webster whigs, never were exhibited, even on State str Although fifty ballotings had been had, without giving a soli- tary increased vote to their favorite, they still clung to the idea that he would be seleetec the last mo: » | inent—but that same last moment has never yet come. When th vote arrived they could carcely bi the aph, and since they have been ready nything, na crowbar to mtuck-nail. Will ndigaation come Lo any- thing ?) Will it bear frait? 8 h people are mi wv our thirteen votes value, little Massachu s 1 do not think the wrath of will ameunt to tuch, or that it le electo} vote in New Hand —ho: 18 wrath it is hot as tho weathor. Yo my word, when f say that in ‘ days—perhups T should say thirty day here will as Avine Seott » r anything toe secure th 0-0} n ermen. ‘They will give them ¢ rt n for Governor in 4 State, and 5 rd States Senato: the place of « term of service will ex- _ They wiil give thei pir of Congress ‘ in the ehape of State spoila, should the coalition be beaten, and heaps of promises of still better things is itlikely that the under Ue general government | Webster mn will stand ont ainst all these strong inducements to go ia the regular veminationt The idea is net to be tolerated tor a moment, that they will remain sullen and under circumstances so favora’ over to the support of their own ideas. 1 that they ave to be bought to do wh but as Uh | sonable to | ing and working for their own views being made triumphant, even if their leader has not been allos ed to take the party over the brow of the precip at the bottom of which lies destruction. But will Mr. Webster him-el ott? To he unvea- not sure he will, He cannot be more opposed to the no- | mination of Scott than he wasto that of Taylor, and yethe went in for the latter, muking able speeche nd turnty in its favor He held th and Ver mont in b when he The ticket If he were to ty would di \c alone; for not a bak lezen of his ** tail” would follow him to the wars. His sun is vorge of the horizon, and the politicians wi fed lim with the promises of « nomination, in the hope of making something out 1, Would turn to the Kast the moment he she show signs of being in earnest, and t t their worship to the rising sun. Bat th tt wh ave but little ph over him y would pro- p. Kovernor 8 and deliberately 80, by the representatives of the | | bolted t lousy and enmity towards the whig candidate. Well, | \ es, ad aled, and smarting under the wrongs of the | ns be | for | the power of men in high places tural that | | many should feel sensitive that ngs may be | attempted hereafter. But whi susp! just or not, it s to disguise the fact that they true deli- | ves and for thousands | tho handsomé thing by him, and to tet by-gones by- . They propose, i to goad bin to the Senato, the scone of his former glorios. Some of his moro exasperated adherents declare thet ao | such arrangement shall bo mado; but they'll be cool na ice long bofore the weather shall arrivo ot the same comfortable condition. umanly spé6 Massachusetts is sure for Scott, without regard the charactor of the platform ou which bo 6! there being no likelibood that a coalition clog ticket wil! be formed here Acoma. Boson, Sung 22, 1352. Now England Clipper Ships —The Sovereign of the Seas. | Tho new clipper ship Sovereign of the Seam now lying in your port, is the largest merchant ship inthe world, and is sharper in the ends than ange ocean steamer. She is 245 fect long om the kool, 258 feet between perpendiculars on dock, and 208 from the knight-heads to the taffroil; extreme breadth of beam 444 fect, depth 23§ fect, inoluding 8 feet height between decks, a rogiators 2,121 tons. She has 20 inches dead riso at floor, 12 inches swell, or rounding of sides, and 3 feet 10 inches sheer. Her frame is of seasoned white o1 and sho is very heavily fastened, and is, with exception, the strongest and best built ship ever com- structed in this vicinity. She is planked up flush te the covering, has a sea-god for a figure-head, an@ ber stern is round, formed from the line of her plaak- shear, Although so large, such 1s tho matohloas | beauty of her proportions that, at five Hneaet ere an & distanee, she does not appear to be more thousand tons. High as New York ranks for clip- per ships, I do not think she has yet produced a ahi that will sail as fast as the Sovereign of tho Seas. Hor enterprising owner and builder served his or prenticeship in your yards, and comprehenda tl science of ship-building in all its details. Un- able to obtain parties here who would onoou- rage him to build a ship that would outeail the world afloat, he boldly ombarked his 3 n this splendid yessol. Her equipment al softhe most substantial kind. Her lower maste and boweprit are mado principally of hard pine, r und hooped In diameter the masts,commencing with the foro, are forty-one, forty- two, and thirty-six inches, aud ace only two inches Jess at the titiss-bands, and are in length eighty- nine, ninety-two, and seventy-cight feet, imoluding sixteen, seventeen, and fifteen feet length of heads: Tho main topmast is twenty inches in diameter, and fifty-five feet long, includisig eleven feet head, an@ the others in proportion. Her lower yards are ef single spars, twenty-three and a half, twenty-four, and twenty inches in diameter, und eighty, ninety, and seventy feet square. i ie relied Now York rigging, and was rigged hy Mr. Wm. of cea atey She spreads about 12,000 yarda ot canvass ina single suit, and has beta ears and sparred strong enough to allow every stitoh of can- vaes to be blown away without damage to hor spare. No vessel, either ship of war or merchantman, is more thoroughly fitted aloft. A\\ her accommodations are on deck, leaving her clear below for the stowage ef cargo. She has « full topgallant forecastle, a large house amidships, aad two spacious cabins aft; both of them very ne: ticularly the after one, which is finishedin the style ofart, and is ornamented with recesses, mir- rors, stained glass windows, &c. In strength of construction, beauty of model, and we havo little hesitation in ately in speed, also, she will high among the clipper fleet. Vhen launched she only drew ton feet three iachea water on an even keel, and this, too, including a, at six asta ah it of keel. ie is unoom~ monly buoyant, and wil ear an very heavy cargo without beog deep. “She is sheathed with yellow metal up to 204 feet forward, and a foot higher aft, and is painted black outside and buff color: inside. Her lower masts are white, yards black, and booms bright. a McKay built her on bis own account, and will lond her at your port for San Francisco. Every person in New York, who loves the bold and beautiful in naval architecture, ought te in- epect her, for she is an honor, not only to the genius and skill which produced her, but to the country a6 large. In distant climes our countrymen can point to ber with national exultation, and challenge « comparison from the proudest commercial navy im the world. Inthe course of a few voyages, with | moderate luck, I do not entertain a doubt that she will prove herself to have been justly named the “Sovereign of the Seas.” Our New Haven Correspondence. New Haven, Conn., June 22, 1852. Legistature— Free Banking Law—Judicvab Reform—The Abolition of the Death Penaity— Maine Law—The Democratic Nomination—Ge neral Seoit—The Prospects, §c. “After six long weeks of hard fighting, the Coa- necticut I ature of 1852 is upon the point of ad- jowroment. Taken by and large, up one side and down the other, it has probably been the least neted ts talent and real ability of any body of mea | that ever convened in the capacity of a legislative | awembly. There are, however, afew—and a very | few, too—who, although not the possessors of ta- | lents “angel bright,” still have been good, praetical | legislators The democratic party, when they -ob- aimed the full reins at the April election, at’ once elves about the task of reform. Governor | The nessage, recommended a va- ) cforms founded in justice, and actually aeed- ed by the poople of the State. The Legislature, im jience to his suggestions, have therefore beea arly the whole session in the attempt to mould thena nto # correct and proper form. The general baak- Jaw has been one of the most important of these. | Two or three previous attempts have been made te | pass it, but with no other effect than a humiliating defeat; but this year, by dint of hard work, cau- cussing, and party drilling, it by a very de- cisive vote. ‘Ibe bill in form is neatly like the New York law, a few verbal amendments and slight alter= | ations being the only difference. As passed, it ie | probably in as unexceptionable formas was poasible , to present itin. There can be but one te the correctness of the principle, and the instancea | are rare, when a subject is correct in theory and not in practice. A thorough reform in our judicial system was alae strongly recommended by the Governor. The Ju- diviary Committee have’ spent a majority of their time in an investigation, but they probably found the task ro difficult that their legislative laziness re- volted at the idea of the labor it would take te muke the alte’ In a word, our whole system | of judicial management is all wrong. The speedy renditien of justice is the fast thing to be looked fer in Connecticut courts. Our system of pleadings is truly barbarous; in fact the whole civiltand ¢ i- ral code needs a thorough and extensive revision, The abolition of the death penalty is another of the reforms which our Legislature have essayed to create, The bill, as passed in the Senate, provides that th shali in no case be executed untila year after sentence, and then not until the Logisla- ture, by a special act, erder his execution; he, im 1 intime, to be at hard labor in State prison. » bill comes up in the House to-day, and will loubtedly The vote in the Senate was twe © in its tevor, and that of the House will pre- bably be equally decisive. m. The temperance Maine acteristic cs made a silly and char- attempt to pass the Maine law, or some- but it was no go. After a full and ussion, the bill was rejected in the ‘ Hs it against 105.” Its friends and « halt of petitions, containi ; Had the about ) names, but all of no avail. How (it, as it was at one time believed they would, the Senate would have rejected it by a sti vote; and if, in any tingency, it had beth houses, the Governor would have vetoed it in half an bour. The recent judicial decision, adverse te one of its leading provisions, in the Maine eourts, ceventially kills the bill, Its friends are stagy What eficet it will bave upon the Rhode Island and Magsachu li rs and temperance men, iG is impossible to conjecture. 1 mination of Pierce and King by the Demo- cratic National Convention is regar asa coup Weta, second only to that of Louis Napoloen. it appears to harmonize all sections, factions, and wings of the party—hunkers and barnburners—old fogies and young—all, all in fact appear to have infection, and are working might and mi ecure their election. By the way, Mr. Herald, when the opinion as to who might ovent- ually be the nominee, in your daily of January last’ uppeared, leut it out and pinned it on the office a r, with a heavy pencil mark drawn under- hit! In the present oxeited state of political ng itis hardly possible to say what his it must be confessed, however, that they are now flattering. The nomination of General Scott by the whigs comes like a wet blanket upon the party hore. faint eflort was made yesterday, on receipt of the news, to awaken a little enthu ot their dis- appointment was evident. Daniel Webster was haticaily the choice of New England, and many rded themselves that ho re ee ated. The whigs hold a ratification ht. One hundred guns will be dred. A noled genticman of the party told me, to-day, he feared they were ** going to have their fun in advance.’ Vhis was, haps) though, more the result of dis- appointm at ths deteat of his favorite than a thorough consideration of all the chances whick cluster arc the candidate. Goneral Scott for the Presidency have always been geod. oubtedly, he will deaw a larger vote than any could have nominated, His chances for lectoral votes of Now York, Pennsylvania, aad are certainly good, while Massachusetts, Maing, a will almost surely give him their votes. mocrats gave tho groatest blow rvo«pects when they nominated Pioree that poole. At all ovonts the race will be a clozy/ Lous, aa3 at) will awalt with ay Q y j