The New York Herald Newspaper, April 9, 1852, Page 2

KOSSUTH NO GO AT THE SOUTH. WIS SPEECH IN NEW ORLEANS, The Attack on Mr. Clay Renewed. Opinions of the New Orleans Press, Ke. Ke. &e. ‘The speech of Kossuth to the people ef New Or- Jeans, on the 3st ult., is as follows. 1t was de- Aivered during a rain storm :— GwwTLeMEN :—Having the honor to be the guest ef the Crescent City, I tecl reminded of the cireum- stance that with that peeple which bears the eent upon its banners, the word hospitality is equi- valent to protection against mischief and injustice. ‘Phere to receive a guest is so much as to pledge word and deed to protect that guest, who, by crossing the threshold of his guest, becomes sacred to him. I hope, gentlemen, that the citizens of the Crese City will not refuse to grant the same prote: inst injustice to a man who did not intrude him- self upon your hospitality, but became your guest because you have been pleased to invite him to be- eome your guest. Upon this ground, I claim here, in the face of high Heaven, your protection, not against private misfor- tune—thiat [can bear—but against public injustice I have to complain of. Though J am in my conscience convinced that the views and principles J élvoeate are not only well founded and true, and if sanctioned by the people of the United States, would be highly beneficial to my own beloved nation, to all oppressed nations in Europe, and in general to the eause of national free- dom, independence, and republican « but though J am also in my conscie that the acknowledgment of my prin vantageous and necessary to the most ¥ efthe United States themselves, and especially to the Southern Stat the repudiation of my principles, 1 , will and must bring home to the ifold dangers, eom- plications, potitica ommereial, nay, even war--still | do not complain of seeing my views op- posed—that i ry cons the nature and of the fry n. t er a truth whi hate been oppose divine doctrines of our Saviour were oppo himeclf crucified for preach them am sorry to vay it. to-day, Lcome to the world, he would be er I therefore do not compl ny dloc- opposed— trines and for » humanity. own s me be om of all my opponents attack my logic arguments if they can-—let them calun aract : ing upon truth and the impa hi tory, | stand the blow I plead be not just. may it per it. I would rather this hand ¢ and my tongue dying out, than to defend an unjust cause. adgment of if the cause wh and I togeth h y with mine were withe: 0, it is not opposition that T claim your protec- tion against, but the foul play se tation ef my principles, and fa 3, k which my enemies continue to mi public epinion, and to divert the generous i of the people--which, if not misled by could not but support my coy noble, and uncorrupted b in the people's breast, n right. I believe, gentlemen, that it spect due to the mislead its jud; to it faets gentlemen. T cation of fac amuse that g' which is throbbing fails to be with the ntrary to the re- e of this country to flections by submitting That is no fair play, is not only an unmerited injury to me, but a disregard of almost an offence to you! self. Falsehood is an habitual vice of despotism Let kings. and emper loy it ; but republicans, to whatev long, should feel too proud, out of pi derations, of res loaitont ty g to the low means of fuls against such a stratagem of my enemies that I protest before God and the people publicly here; aud being your invited ease ene Cros: upon your invitation, the threshold of your bospi- tality—I claim the protection of your coagenial generosity Gentlemen—Ther acter of atiee people t the honor of its distinguished ci well merited of their fatherland. Woe to the people which docs not honor i at men; woe to the people which does not feel an offence given te reut men, asif it had been offended itself. oner of good and great citizens is no party ques- tion--it is and should be alw coneidered aga common national proper A people which would not consider it thus, would never honor great » t would not de was this truly rep which seme enemies of mine ph trick, with the design of preventin ' welcome to the poor exile. whom you ought, if your eongenial evmpathy for the noble cause of his coun- try, invite to enjoy the public honors of your city’s hospitality. Gtve me the privilege to close that matter before the great tribunal which I have the honor to address. J claim that privi because I am wronged When in Washington city, ] bad the honor to sce Mr. Henry ©) the distinguished gentleman, I understand, bi in the affections a the regards of th and nobody on can more heartily join in these, your sentiments, than myself. I fear nobody but the Alm —therefore, this tongue of mine will never lied by flattering a mortal man with the purpose to gai because it is time, that I heart in your affection 3 Clay—God preserve bis life memory of our meeting rems my mind. a melanchol the conditior hentth. Wher ‘one ecount of bis mine n by sickness nor th of age, laid his hands upon my head and g: the blessing (as he said with a melancholy)—t bleseings of a kingdom--for myself and for m ted both with bleeding fatherland tien, 1 trust--and I hope bes In the course of our int tered with wonted ener vanced some views with y s0 great and sine i that I would not for th word capable to cau which might have added some injury condi- tion of health. I did not, therefore, answer him the more because | considered our interview te be indeed. I believe every one character of a gentleman, con just as I did nt on that occa- ainly not matte and made be en- nd ad- gree; but tI bear to him, on a single ement, aclaim to the aving would have acted on that occ But somebody of those few pre sion (J, indeed, don’t know who, but ¢ Mr. Clay—of this] am sure), not with the same delicac consideret I have dor public report in some newspapers about’ our private mterv and therefore I stood before the public ef this great republic in the light as if I were not able to answer a view opposed to me, and had avowed silent acquiescence to plead a bad course. Now, gentlemen, the courre which I plead is not my private course. It is the course of my brave un- happy country, and of the many millions of oppr ed natives beside y, of all the nations, comprised within the boundaries of Christian civilization, and therefore of your great republic also. To be an ad- voeate of such a great and sacred ¢ is a position connected with the high and sacred’ duty nm abandon it so long as we are convineed of its ri teousness, justice and truth. Mr. Clay himself too distinguished, too just a man to claim the pri- vilege of mfallibility—a quality reserved to the Al- mighty himeelf, and not given to any mortal man on earth. He bas in his brilliant career often met men with opinions different from his own, but he would not be so great as he ishad he felt offended ay, J remember when America lost one of is y himself—who paid acter and patriotism Thus, I saw myself the noblest tribute to the ch. of his deceased opponent obliged in honor, duty a publicly, with some moc which was publicly opy could harm my Louisville, Kentuch have ¢ the same far more skill; but could have done with and with move perso ud if passed vilent I did so in Yam sure every man would o it with nobody Allow me to quote from wo t Thay raid on that topic in my speee F ‘ here I take the o y briefly to refer ertion of an Americar man, Who holis anced the t Europe would he pre Jere with hour of bave us 1 in my respect id you now tah ed, the despo ked hy yourexamp! to inter- n you in th , because you your Weakness an exanny n. indec it interference | now dec don tha God—th right to regulate it ifs institutions and its governy template with indifference. t powers form a league of mutual Principle of mankind's comm protest against the violatior nterference. | indeed cannot uni protest could be tak powert a¢ a pretext for interlorenee in y My logic iv entively differen If your county remains an ip the abeol upport n fo and by » up by th ie copeerns (bur | restoration of spectator of the vielation of the laws of nations by ‘oreign interference, then it has established a ee dent—it has consented that the principle of inter- ference become interpolated into the book of inter- national law; and you will see the time when the league of despots commanding the whole force of op- pressed Europe will remind you thus:— ‘Russia has interfered in Hungary, because it considerod the example set up by Hungary danger- ous to Russia. America has silently recognized the right of that interference. France has interfered in Rome, because the example of the Roman demo- eracy was dangerous toRome. Americahas silently agreed. The absolutistical governments, in protec- tion of their divine right, have leagued in a saint allianee with the openly avowed purpose to aid one another by mutual interference against the spirit of revolution and the anarchy of republicanism. Ame- ri not protested against it; therefore, the prin- ciple of foreign interference against every dangerous example, has, by common consent of every power on carth—econtradieted by none, not even by America— become an established international law.” And reminding you thus, they will speak to you in the very words of that distinguished statesman to phon f reamactinlia aise * You have quit your ground upon which your national existence is founded. You have consented to the alteration of the laws of nations-—the existence of your republic is dangerous to us; we, therefore, bi ing that youranarchical (that is, republican) doctrines are destructive of, and that monarchical [iineiplee are essential to the peace and sceurity and which has nourished such noxious weeds; we will crush you down as the propagandists of the doctrines too destruetive to the peace and good order of the world. I have quoted the very words, very unexpectedly given over to pub which I, out of respect and personal affection, d wer then precisely because I took the inte ven now, | refrain from erations of respect; though I aim provoked by s unlooked for publicity, and will say nothing more. But after having quoted the very words, | lave to the publie opinion to judge if that authority of just words st oy for a national protest against the principle of foreign interference. Let once the principle beeame estublished with our silent consent, and you will soon see it brought i me to you;end brought home in a moment of don which Russian seeret diplomacy id will skilfully mix. You can be h i will be shaken by tie discor a 28 an Uncontrove: spots of the earth. e the only words which I spoke, and T just man must take them to be spoken consideration and with that high respect which none warmest admi entertain in a highe ee for that distinguished statesman. k of the unlooked for publicity, though beirg a simple fact, were in no case indelti cate, is not applied to th istinguished statesmar Nay, [ have not even en 2 ion of the matter, but simply left ment of public opinion. And yet upon modest and respectful remarks, somebody, hiding himself in the dark ¢ f animosity, that he not be m ‘ore publie opinion s fon) misrepre ph, that 1° a” Mr. Clay with a hyeach of confidence and a ou ation in 1 resolutions nd on went motions a ible spring put into activity, to excite inst the poor persecuted exile, kindly invited to be upon t nyitation, cor x idred miles, not without con- expense and loss of pre ce, to ae- he honor whieh you i upon inviting him to be your cit Weil. gentlemen, if those who upon the trick of a teleg me with having commit pr at least the hospitable re nected with a quotation of my words, J would not complain. I would say:-—** Well, the fact is stated, the m rep poeples=the people i put into the condition t vy itself---the people is; —J rely upon its verdict ith confidence and humility. But no, that was not done; my speech T mad Louisville on the 6th of March—to-day is the 30th, and _yet those who have so di ly charged, n: insulicd an unfortunate exile, have hever given of the real fact; they relied upon the civeum » that their readers would not read the pa belonging to an opp i justice was done to m dence of i the impressio the truth, bees had published m cerning part of it- s had been ¢ co t them under 1 did not te!l e done me some Th is this which T have to complain, aud appeal to the justice of yourscntiments. But no, I a H too high an opinion ef the itizers of New Orleans to believe t itis] who will have to suffer from this foul 7 nd oO, well; let them rejoice in their trimmy T would rather be driven away with shame from your city than triumph by such means. I have one thing more to complain of. Let me tell you, gentlemen, that when I was about to leave England for the United States, some gentlemen prognosticated to me that I y the Southern St is impossible. Th tates are vel ly attached to the principle of their State to the principle that every nation has the riz’ its ewn institutions i hi regulate nd to dispose of its own domestic concerns. It is this principle which I ple and plead not only for my country, but plead it a mon law o} rinciple is in jeopardy curope huving made a powerful al owed purpose to crush t rights everywhere, and to ¢ and violence, i nd, that bh fe h by stand upon the very ground which is the’ pre-emi nent platform of the Southern States. If T lose my iJ] have lost theircourse. It is, therefore, ie Northern States may support me, but the Southern States must support me, if they are not willing to abandon the ground upon which they stand.” And yet, “curious,” though I have warm politi- eal fri me t also more opposition in. the South than I have met in other parts of the United States. How is this to be explained? 1 will tell you, gentlemen, with your kind permission, and here is my second complaint My enemie unable to upset arguments, re- sort again to falsification o! nd inisrepresen- tation of principles. They represent me to youas a man advocating just that principle to which T ain mortally opposed. They charge me with being an intervention man, while m soul and bod the principle of non-intervention. And_ besides some material aid, I require but the principle of non-intervention secured, very soon to see down-trodden country independent and fri cause we do not ask others to fight our battles—we will fight them by our own hands, and all that we desire is not to have any interference, but * fair platy.” It is there of my nation e out of the b ope’s oppressed tions join in my voice, exclaimi “Is there no po’ on earth willing to maintai tions, when all the despots of Europe wnit latethem?” And I say to the great republic of the United States, and I say it particularly to the Southern States, Maintain the principle of State rights and self-government--else, if that principle i hed everywhere, the danger of centralization gn ‘interference will come home to your- And yet all my exhausting endeavors of four monthe--more than four hun by hundreds of newspaper hundred thonsand copies—resolutions nearly a thonsand public me y several State Legislatur nd the debates of the United States § together could ure me from bein; d with loving t 1 hate, advocating what I oppose, and with claiming that very thing which made myself a homeless exile—-my country a valley of desolation nd nameless woes--in a word, charging me with Wishing that which is the only impediment to the ive land to life, independence, ivcedom, and prosperity self.” nearly Mt orrowlul, very sorrowful, indeed! But agai i i you not te rt roe iam wrong. bo; but b nists support 1 Well with or ant ng in. the world. That is m no citizen of the United ft Tha ther the will nor the right Conce 1 claim for te its 0 nstitutions; to interfere with your domesti my nation the right to reg 1 I, therefore, must respect. and indeed I do respect, the ight in others. Now, is that principle Is it-your principle, or is it not? he yours, and if it be right, how could you jt only because it is supported by those to “in some interior questions opposed? ono common ground to such as are in yman inthe United States a republie oY 1s sto whatever purty he may belong? Sce we not ften Mr Clemens, of Alabama, voting with Mr. Seward, of New York, a2, the last week, for in- tance, on the land grant question? If the Gover- f Rosia ehould interfere with your republican ons, (os Lerure be will if Burope be onge happiness of our subjects, will obliterate the bed | ity froma private interview, | t_principle of | ds, inthe South, still it is indeed true, I | Will you not suppert republicanism boei the abolitionists also are republicans?’ Oh, my God! avert the doom from humanity that even free may, the only truly free nations on earth, commit national suicide out of blind party spirit. And again, I am of opinion, that if you maintain now the principle of non-interference and a national protest against the principle of interference, and your protest will be disregarded, then you will be entangled in difficulties and even in war. ¢ But, no; quite on the contrary, your protest will not entangle you in any difficulties—involve you in no war—but if you do not protest, then you will be certainly led in difficulties and have a war. A protest maintaining the great principle that every nation has a right to regulate its own institu- tions, and choose its own form of government, and that no foreign power can dare to interfere with this right, Such protest obliges you to do nothing, but eaves you free to do all, or so much as you deem convenient to do. It points out only a direction to your foreign policy, but does masa oee how far you should go in that policy—and you have a thousand wars to add 2 practical weight to your protest with- out resorting to war—so, for instance, you can recog- nise every government de facto, established by a de- claration of independence, which towards Hungary you neglected to do, and thus contributed mi to our downfall. You may, by such a recognition, em- power the free governments of nations asserting their independgnee to carry ona lawful commerce with you, and/eyen to issue for enterprising men letters of marque—you may establish the principle of true ne trality, Which Gnark well, gentlemen,) now you have not. The Czar of Russia, the unlawful Empe- ror of Austria—the usurper of'France—every despot in a word—has tho right to arm her vessels—to e list volunteers, to propose armed expeditions against their own people, but the unfortunate Polish nation —the outraged French nation, you do not permit to do the same. IfI would get out an armed expedi- tion only out of my own fellow exiles, you woul send me to prison for ten years. Is that neutralit No; it is a submission to the despots—it is a chart granted to them aga i i of down trodden million with kings against nations, —at the time of war between Spain and its former colonics: You opened your ports to both parties—offered your commerce to both parties—that was neutrality; but now you are not neutr Then, again, you can add weight to your national protest, by declar that you desire » foreign nations to be protected, whether they be in a state of revo- lution or not—th follow their nati uy gling for republican institutions, which they are now forbidden todo. You see, therefore, gentlemen, that you have several means to add’ a practical weight to your national inter and to insure the success of the approaching Durop revolution, without either creaiing that revolution, which you can by nointerferene: nt, or without entangling yourself in any di ast of all, in a war. Yeu will neither prevent war on your own part— and will contribute to the speedy plution of the European struggle, and to the speedy establisnment ce eiae ig peace, connected with a tree commercial intercourse, so necessary to your prosperity. On the contrary, if you do not protest now for the maintenance of the principle of State rights against interference, then only two cases till either we will succeed in our Europ gle, though you have forsa cumb, It the European nations succeed, then they must remember if that, in the struggle for your indepe dence, you have re rid from Europe— without which you y could have suoceeded to establish then your independenee—still you have abandoned Europe in that hour of its struggle f those principles upon which your own future res! they will remember that you have not even thru: the weight of a prot ore the laws of nations were weighed, and Europe will iso- late itself from you in the days of its happin because you have isolated f from Europe in the days of its adversities: Whereas, on the con- trary, if we, in our struggle, suecumb, by want of your operat hen you will not only be- come entangled in dificulties, but by no means’ will ble to avert a war. he despots vi ‘ope will be foreed by the instincts of self-preservation, to eh your powerful developement because you would become dangerous to them—first, they will exclude your must do it be ing hy your ve 1 ? oS 3 ie tercourse republican principl you are the most dangerou in commercial goods in the European marke whereas Europe free offers an immense product your commerce. Hungary. comparatively sing rket of $15.060.000 to were you now sell not for # s i torious despotism excludes and only think, rcommerce stopped, what aw jefto your country—brought home to ever . to every shop, évery bunk. Then you will not © omnipotent despotism establizhing a monar in your neighborhuod—in Mexico and in Cent 5 rica—ont of Cuba m f uth of the Misssissi is made a ba i u fron ip v yo cign power ha State rights of whatever people. | It is this principle of interference inst which T plead, and which I will combat nil my life. as in 1 already vuthern | States cannot oppose my prine’ their own in- | | terest nnected with them. Bustern and ns—you « foreig in with the declaration that you to the principle of interfer- ainple , therefore, int example. ble war a eros It is thus you will have war, and a terri- beeause you have to fight single-handod insi a whole world united against by ng desyotiem, Te it possible that the United S sis it possihta overmment, should t ‘en opposed f mine have ples? e rights and of n indifferent to these inte them, only be itle-ifeld of American indepen- y demoe ; | have nothing to do with your domes- party questions, but | am permitted to know th: in New Orleans as well ax litical parties exist. ‘The democratic yor of my principles, ong United States. P i As to the whig party of Leuisiana, it a few days 1go pronounced in favor of Mr. Fillmore as a eandi- date for the next Presideney—therefore, for the principles of hi " Now, what aye these principles?’ Mr. Fillmore h declared them in his late message to Congress, rg:— Sy he United States whenever the stro1 repress the spirit of dence, nitlemes urty in general pronounced in fi- hefore my eoming to the ¢ forbidden to remain indifferent rm of a foreken power is invoked to vedom to any country.’? ‘The principles of Mr. Fillmore, besides, are de- clared by managing the department of foreign policy gh Mr. Webster, who wrote the immortal letier aciples, ¢n the occasion of the Congressional banquet | was honored with, and on the last meeting ofthe Historical Society in New York. Now, that being the condition of beth great pe- litical parties in New Orleans, it would be strange, indeed, to see New Orleans, the first city, refusin, to support my cause, either politically, or at least hy private material aid, given from your wealth, as aus ulms to the cause of national independence, free- dom, and the maintenance of that principle of State rights, the fate of which is to be decided on our next battle-field. That national aid, at least, would not entangle you in war, I believe. “ Gentlemen, we stand on Lafayette square. What memory connected with the name! In leaving this place please to remember that name, and look back to history, and I am sure you will not forsake the poor exile whom you have honored by an invitation to your heart and home, but who, in thanking you heartily, begs to say:—- : A Nothing for me, gentlemen; but give, O give your sympathy to the cause I plead. Opinions of the New Orleans Press, (From the New Orleans Picayune, April ].) | With allthe advantages of a double explanation, confess that we are not yetable to appreciate cof the complaint that there wasany want of delicacy, or any impropriety atall, in making pub- lie the impressive language in which Mr. Clay ex- prested his sentiments, on that single eccasion, on subjects which M. Kossuth has had a hundred op- portunities to discuss before the publie, and has im- proved them with consummate addres It is not rising, indeed, that the weight of Mr. Clay’s great name and influence, his long experience in public affairs, and his unquestioned love of liberty and republicanism, thrown into the seale adverse to the hopes of M. Kossuth should have discouraged if not disconcerted him, and hence the abrupt expres- sion of that feeling when the details of the interview were published, But of any intentional indignity to Mr. Clay, M. Kossuth was utterly unconscious; and the seusibility which he evinces at the imputa- tion, and the pains whic! takes to remove it, show an honorable susceptibility which eonciliates good will, even though it should be thought to be over excited in supposing the misstatement to be part of a system of detraction. The manner in which Kossuth has been generally treated by the Southern press forbids the supposition that any such system would be countenanced. They have pre- served a marked distinction between Kossuth, the exile and patriot, and the publie questions which he discusses. No men, anywhere, have paid moro free tributer to the personal qualities of the Huvga- rian chief than these who are a to the policy to which he is urgently this country. From the New Orleans Bulletin, April 1, M. Kossuth commences lia ates wie barood teristic coldness. He assumes that injustice has been done him, that he has been persecuted, and that the pores he enforces would, if earried out, be alike beneficial and advantageous to his own country and to the United States. Without dis- paragement to him, we may be permitted to say that he has iterated and reiterated this statement so often, that he begins to have confidence in its applicability and truth himself. But he forgets, when he indulges in such fanciful declamation, that he is addressing a reading and intelligent commu- nity—men who are generally well versed in foreign and domestic affairs--who think for themeelves, act for themselves, and are, many of them, as capable of judging and appreciating the rule of causes and effects, as any men in any, or from any, country. This grand mistake he committed at the outset of his career, when He protien to advise the Ameri- ean people to abandon the policy of Washington and substitute his own therefor ; ‘and although ex- rience has since caused him to materially piasre is tone in that particular fate still it appears impossible for him to continually bear in aamnibee he is appealing to men of intelligence, and to bring forth argument and proof in support of his propositions, instead of eloquent, yet sophistical declamation. He generally compliments _ his hearers by pleasing allusions to their uaderstandin, and patriotism, and then immediately anecracts insults the one by assuming ground and calling upon them to advocate it, in relation to European affairs, which their information tells them is un- founded and untenable, and calls in question the other, by asking them to support doctrines utterly at war with those held by every leading statesman of the land, from the immortal Father of his Country down to the lust, ions Clay. * * * % * * relation to the interview with Mr. Clay, in Ja Washington, he is equally unfortunate, when he says Rut somebody of these few present on that oveavon, (I indeed don’t know who, but certainly not My, Clay—of this Tam sure.) considered matters not with the same delicacy 1 have done. andimade a public report in some newspapers about our private interview; and therefore I stood before the public of this great republic in the Nght as if I were no to answer a view opposed to me, and vowed silent acquiescence to plead a bad cause, As M. Kossuth’s memory is 0 treacherous that he cannot recollect the names of the insignificant persons present on that interesti sion, we will jut give them for his especial benefit:—One Lewis Cass introduced him to Mr, Clay; one Senator Jones, (do our Tennessee friends know anythin, about such an individual?) one Mr, Ewing, of Kentucky, and_one Mr. Fendall, of the District of Columbia, together with Mr. Clay and M. Kossuth, comprised the whole of the congregation. he ve- [ort of le imterviow was drawn up by the Hoa. Presley Ewing, (than whom a more high-minded, honorable, or all matters of personal ‘etiquette, docs not exist,) with the advice and consent of the other distin guished y s, Mr. Clay approving the correctness of the abstract of 1 remarks, as written down by Mr. E. Th accompanied the official account of the interview, as it appeared in the Na- tional Intelligencer sentence of the paragraph above quoted, we have nothing to say, further than that zoological history furnishes abundant instances where jackals have sparled, fearfully and apprehensively, around the dying lion, before the breath had left the body of the once proud monarch of the forest, desirous to gorge their ravenous appetites, yet dreading the spring of their kingly supe His idcas in regard to “State 1 ire understood in the South, ¢ inapplicable and absurd Thave one thing move to complain ¢ as such as unique as nm. Let me telly gentlemen. that When [was abont to leave England for | the United States, some gentlemen pr: ted to me that would be opposed by the ates, My avewer was—" No. that is impossible Southern States are very warmly atta: of their | Stale rights—to the prineiy ry nation has the right to regulate its own institutions, and to dispose of its own domestic concerns.” It ix this principle which plead, and plead not only for my ¢ but common law of ali nation jeopardy. the absolutisti nude «powerful alliance to crush that principle of state y estallish by force and violence, in its stead, that principle, that every centralized foreign power hae the right to int nights of whatever people. the Southern people are warm ad- doctrine of State rights, as they un- derstand it, which applics solely to the rights gua- rantied them under the general organic laws of the! country. The State rights dovtrine of Kossuth is as different from th ght is from darkness: Le wild fury of a tornado is fiom a gentle zephy:— the raging of theelementsis from a smi The to their Northern brethren, with our local afizira, let us manage our dor mutiters our own Way, touch not ov institution le ve no desire to meddle with aud We are not going to subu s interferer your ineiple is in Surope having 1 powers of sith the openi: ee is comprises the too in the Se * * * ‘The difference between taken evening before last, on the « interference, aud a national principle of interference jews as ex edat the bar dinner in} on the jeet. not many months sin quote paragraphs from both speec Prom the New Orleans speech :— And again, Lam of opinion. that if the principle of non-interference an againet the princip will be disregarded. then ues, in war. lerably wide. Dut i mary Le anew make such ‘a di tion of non-admission of the inte ference of Russia in Hungary, (because that is the tical meaning of the i will not will not respect our declaration, hen we might have to co , therub. (Laughter.) Well. Fam the consequences of my les. Twili not s <e,) i y by slippery esr theuld Rus country. then youare ¢ war; oF ele be prepared fram your dignity. (Appleuse.) Yes would be the care. Which, are we to believe, Kossuth leans, or Kossuth in New York ! in New Or- He tells us in New Ovleans that if we “do not protest’? we will | “have a war.” He tells us in New York, that if we do protest, and Russia does “ not respect such a dee! tion,” we will be “liter we ise “be degraded before mankind” from our national dignity. Further, in the New York speech, he admits that he is an intervention man, in the language cited, as follows:-—** Well, if we (the United States) make such a declaration of non- nission of the interference of Russia in Hungar’ that is the practical meaning of the word t deny) and Russia will not respect ete., ete, In New Orleans he says he is ** mortally posed’ to the principle of intervention! Now, ch speech is correct? Kossuth in New Ovleans repudiates Kossuth in New York. Which is right ? Which is to be depended upon? “ We pause for a reply.” liy obliged to go to eC 1 will no} * * * * * The military pertion of the argument hardly needs reference te. Should the despots of Europe combine inthe manner indicated, and with such a [gob the United States and Great Britain will © necessarily forced into an offensive and defensive alliance. Those two nationg could close every hos- tile port in Europe, in six months, so completely that nothing could get in er out. How then could “cmnipetent despotism” establish monarchies in exico, in Central and Southern America, and make Cuba a ‘battery against the mouth of the Mississippi?” all this time ? At the commencement of the Mexi- can war the government called for fifty thousand volunteers. Five hundred and fifty thousand volun- teered—and in a case like the one supposed by Kossuth, one million of fighting men could be con- centrated in a few months, long before a hes! armament could cross the ocean. But the idea is so absurd that we will not pursue the subject further. {vom the New Orleans ‘True Delta, April 1.} So long a8 Kossuth and his doctrines could bo mace to subserve the cause of Northern fanaticism, or the sufferings of his unfortunate country be turned to penton account by certain New York politicians and New York joursals, these latter so managed matters, so confounded the real questions at issue with some treasonably atrocious, and others imper- tinent or disgustingly personal, that it was impos- sible either to understand Kossuth, his mission, his cause, or the conflicting epinions to which his ad- vent gave rise, and his personal presence lent im- portance. His appearance before our fellow. citizens, and his personal exposition of the objects he had in view in coming to this country, have done much to disabuse the minds of the most enthusiastically credulous « many crrors into which they were led by his recep- tion in New York, and in other periodically insane cities, as well as by his distinguished welcome by the politicians in the federal city, who, with equal patviotism and sincerity, flocked to hail with shouts ofjoy his advent. Jt Was impossible for any truc republican to be entirely unmoved by the arrival of an individual who, whatever might be his private history, his public conduct, or real deserts, had fered in a sncred cause, and who was, (o a certain extent, at least, regarded as a martyr to it. We, as warmly and fully as any of our readers, were grati- fied hy the resolution introduced in the Senate of jited States, by the patriot Poot, of Pippi; and the svecese of which contrinyted neta inviee sensitively * delicate” gentleman, in | eally stated in the prefa- | In relation to the concluding | ead it as a | - | government in the world. A wrong or Where Would the United States be | Tittle to the ultimate of the Hi and Bis, asneciaies Py nye ine forte of Kutayab. 'e aglow of honest pride, too, reading the noble seutiments which Kost fe ep- in this country elicited from the Clays, Pre Casees, and the Wobsters of the republic; but in the sentiments of the Hungarian orator himself, from the day of his demonstration in the roadstead of Marseilles until this hour, we have seen nothing discreet, politic, wise, or enlightened. We say it with the deepest regret and the strong- est repu; ce ; but we are compelled to say it, and cannot shrink from it, ungrateful as the duty is to us, that we can see nothing but trouble, mischief, and grave peril to this Union from the andist mission of Louis Kossuth. His dootriade exe sophis. tical and one-sided, to an extent that excites our marvel that any one could be misled by them ; and they prove, furthermore, either that he is totally un- aware that these States have a foreign policy, or thinks it of a consequence too unimportant for his consideration, or the regard of the American people. | * * * * * * * * Kossuth is guilty of a serious solecism of langu when he represents that a nation has “ silent iy agreed” when it does not openly protest. No sue! doctrine is recognized by writers on international law, in the sense or in the application to which he alludes. The United States, for instance, has solemnly de- clared to Spain, France, England, and the world, that Cuba shall’not pass out of the hands of its pre- sent rulers into those of any other European people; that no European nation shall make settlements on any portion of this continent, not at present subject to their control; and that any attempt to establish a monarehy in Mexico, by whatever power, or under whatever auspices undertaken, will be resisted by them. Now, we ask Kossuth toanswer whether these nations of Europe, to whom these American decla- rations specially refer, have “ silently agreed,” or tacitly admitted the binding force of the said decla- rations, merely because they have not thought pro- per openly to traverse them by a protest? No Ame- rican statesman so thinks, and yet every public man in this country wili fight to the death, “rather than abate one tittle of the pretensions his government has, with well considered deliberations, set up. * * * * * * * The danger to American institutions f machinations of Russia, or other nations, in Mexico, or elsewhere, is too ridiculous to attract the slight- est attention from any intelligent citizen; and the itOei ‘ond a thorsand additional emissaries to our sister republic, to aid the one already ther without creating an anxiety or troubling the slum- bers of a single resident between Arogstook and the Rio Grande. The reason of this repose, Kossuth din the instructive fact, that Americans are ous of their national impregnability so long as y pursue their own enlightened domestic policy, and ave not led away by entangling alliances with nations with whose domestic affvirs or political prin- ciples they neither assimilate or fraterniz [8rem the New Orleans Creseont, Mareh 31.) We were one of the thousands who listened to Kossuth last night. His speech appears in extenso in our columns, but we sum itup bricily thus That be had ev dor vilified Mr. Ch a slanderous report. the way, havin faith in the telegraphic reports, we nev this matter in cur col He loved | ed Mr. Clay. The publication of the par his interview w Clay was a gross, t Ie und indelicate violation of the proprietics of life, of which he (Kossuth) did not believe that 0 great noticed | great statesman had ev i (Of this her | after.) He was virtually a “States rights’? mé and, therefore. ought to command th ci outh. He advocated “tint pathy of the establish and vindicate the principle of nly to non-interven! and not otherwise. Our mere is result. If we made no puld condemn ourselves; and then vtion of how an outon, im. Tn the course broadly gave folks Mr. Ciay some | of his speech, Mr | to understand that if he did not k Jown arguments, it was because the hed statesman was too sick to stand up. He had great personal affection for Mr. to sce him so sick. public speaker, Kossuth greatly disappointed us. He wasa good special pleader—that was all | A popular stump orator,all other things being equ ige of fame waived, would have tow ¢ in reply. His propositions were taking fallacies ; sentences unfolded distorted truisms. Of the earnestness of the man, of singleness of pwuipoi his enthusiasm of sentiment, th could be no doubt. But the effort at effect was ev dent; it was the artificial fountain playing, not the mountain spring pouring out its full, clear volume. ‘The vey ort of his mastery of Englis i take. He speaks English well for a foreigner: th: is exactly the state of facts. But ing literal- ly to the facts, he uses any quautity of i Ish, bad gramibar, and qucerly proaounced word: For iistance, good with him is ‘ouloot, mity, senimicity,” ete. But he speaks weil for a stranger to our tongue. We feel couvinced he in the proper sense of the term; bu and a most pl: ind tienlarly struck with his shif was u “poor exile,” “a poo “a TsReraLNS D,”” ete. W on the matter of his speech his speceb from a manuscript. [From the same pi But intervention for the sa : What is this? How are we to understand when and why this intervention for non-intervention is re- quired of us?) The large maj i alliany offensive and defensive. have existed in all the history of the world. If we assume the Kossuth principle of intervention for non-intervention, we must constitute ourselves the judges and the regulators of every alliance, offensive und defensive, made by any nation on the face of the globe. Jf we are so to constitute ourselves, our mission §) ds out before us like a vast and shore- j less sea. Once embarked upon’ it, we know not | when we shall again anchor in our home harbo | when we shall cease to pursne opr arnsade aga Lbronghout he read er, April 1.) of non-intervention ach Guts as We May have couciuded exist ia any crime in Ly or moral- and, France, in, Portugal, lover. One nation me individuality of rights as any other. Now, if he demonstrated to us that any nation or s grievously oppressed, and if we should then lied upon to interfere in behalf of that nation, | why should any one argue a special preference over all other oppressed nations in its behalf? Why should we mix ourselves up (and we ask the ques- tion most cuphatieally) in the jealousies of rival 1 If Hungary be oppressed, is not Ireland also oppressed! Does not the wail of misery rise from, does not the glooin of misfortune darken, doesnot the splendid misery of a provincial government sit hea- vily upon unfortunate Ireland} Are there not dead ssupon the hearths, are there not rotting har- in the fields, are there not silence and ele | tion in the cabins, are there not wailing and mourn- | ingamong the daughters and sons of Ireland? Asa nation, what do we owe Hungary? Nothing. What do we owe Ireland? A thousand soldiers of our revolutionary battles, the builders of our turnpikes, | our railroads, and our canals. If we intervene, let us intervene for Ireland first, and replace her high and honored in the pyramid of historic nations. | i ther Kossuth at Vicksburg, (From the Yazoo City Whig. Mareh 26, The ex-Governor of Hungary was in Vicksburg last Monday. but he seems to have excited no fwiore. Indeed, we are afraid the Vicksburgers are very phlegmatie, unimpressible sort of people. Nobody seems to wake them up. Kate Hayes failed, and Kossuth was nobody among them. Our Arthur, is a perfect giant killer among celebrities. His cold way of speaking of big folks ie really ap- | palling to lions. Speaking of M. Kossuth, he sa’ ‘There war but little interest manifested on his arrival, | and no large assemblage or formal reception, He remain: ed in our city until haif-past two o'clock yesterday, and left on the ears for Jackson. During the forenosn of yesterday quitea mumber of persons—many of whom were prompted by mere curiosity—cailed at the Washington Hotel toget a glimpse of one who has caused such a com- * motion in our land within the last few months. We earn that Hungarian bonds were in the market yester- day. and a few quite active in endeavoring to dispose of them; but we have not heard that they met with success, When Kossuth left the hotel for the depot, the crowd about the hotel was not very much larger than usual after dinner, and there was no public demonetration in his fa- vor, or display of enthusiasm, We learn that he will re- main in Jackson until Wednesday or Thursday, and re- turn here on his way to New Orleans Won't “our courtly Mayor” invite the illustrious Magyar here. We will be more courteous and gel up some sort of a show him. Naval Surgeo: ‘The Board of Naval Surgeons, recently convened at the Naval Asylum, Philadelphia, for the examination of Assistant’ Surgeons, have reported the following duly «qualified for promotion, vis :—Waehington Shermai ia the date of 1845, to take rank next after wed Arsistant Surgeon William A, Harris, Randolph on. of Ubi date of 1846, to take rank next after Passed Assistant Surgoon Henry 0. Mayo; and John Rudenstein, of the date of 1846. to take rank next after Passod Assistant Surgeon Randolph F. Mason, The Assistant Surgeons of the date of 1847, who have passed, to take effect from the 26th of April, 1862, will rank in the following order, vi No. 1, Edward R Squibb; No. 2, Robert J. Farquharson ; No. 3, Philip Lanrdale ; No, 4. James F. Hari No. 5, James $, Gilliam ; No. 6.0, W. B. OW. Navy Deraniment, April 6, 1862, Farar, Accrperr av Nasnvua.—We learn from Nashua that a dreadful aceident occurred there yesterday (Sunday) afternoon, While baptismal services were be- ing performed at the river, in the village, many spectators being gathered around, a platform or staging, on and un- der which many were standing, suddenly gave way. A Ind named Fletcher, who was under the platform, wax Filled , # man named White was badly hurt ; and severa) cthere bed jimbe broken. &e, Further perticulars we bave WEL denrmed.— Lowell Courier, Oth inst. The Proposed Reconnaissance of Seas Rround China and Japen.”"* The follo’ dooument was communicated to the Senate by the Secretary of the Navy, in reply to a resolution of that body :-- Navy Derartaent, April 5, 1852. S1r—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt, of the Senate’s resolution, adopted on the 22d ulti- mo, calling upon ‘the Secretary of the Navy” to “communicate to the Senate bis opinion of the ex- peches of a reconnaissance of the routes ef naviga- ‘ion in Northern seas, andin the China.and Japan seas, and whether any vessel belonging to the ser- vice can be used for that Paspoees and, also, what would be the expense of such a reconnaissance.” So far as regards the expediency of the yeconnais- ance referred to in the resolution, I find that the files of this Department contain a carefully prepared discussion of the subject, by the Superintendent of the National Observatory, of the date of December 3d, 1851—confined, however, to the value and im- portance of the whale fishery in the Anadir, Ochotsk, and Arctic seas, as the whaling grounds in the regions about Behring’s Straits are called, coma. wal I beg leave to furnish the following ex- racts:— ‘In the summer of 1848, Capt. Roys, of the whalo ship Superior, penetrated the Arctic ocean, through Behring’s Straits, and encountered in his adven- turous pursujt all the dangers of an unknown and Polar sea. He was successful in his enterprise, fill- ing his ship with oil in a few weeks. Influenced by the report which he brought back, as to the abundance of whales, owners in the United States fitted out a large fleet for those grounds, and in 1849, Capt. Roys was followed by ibd sail of whale ships, each vessel (said to be) worth on the average, with her outfit, $30,000, and manned by thirty able-bodied seamen euch. This fleet took that season 206,850 barrels whale oil, and 2,481,600 pounds of bone. Inthe summer of 1850, there went up a whaling fleet of one hundred and forty-four American vessels, manned as above, and of a like average value. weeksleft for their pursuits in those inhospitable regions, took 243,620 barrels whale oil, and 3,654,000 pounds of bone. In the current year (1851) there went up a fleet of about one hundred and forty-five American yersels; but their returns have not been received; partial accounts of wreck and disaster only have reached us. ‘They are startling. Tho liv and property at stake there for the two years for Which we have complete returns may be thus stat- edi 1849—Numbir of American seamen, 4650 Value oF ships and outfits $4.850,000 Value of ¢ ‘ 2.606.510 Value of bone sl4.112 $8,070,622 1850—Numb of oil Value bon 0 Ho HO 81 8,970 Value of ships and cargoes. The losses during the nted, so far as neard from. sail of this fine fleet of 1851, the Hi wqua, the New Bedford, the Arabella, the America, the Armata the Mary Mitchell, and the Honry Thompson, have been wreeked there, and left behind as monument: of thedangors which meet these hardy mariners in their adventurous calling. There are re other losses and wreck these are certain; and though several of them were lost, not on shoals, bu otherwise, yet these are enough to tell of imperfect hydrography, and to show the national importane of looking to it; for it may be so, that in vase of los: in the ice, the knowledge of a sheltered anchorage near, and which a survey would give, would have prevented the exposure to the ive which induced the joss. All our commerce with what is called * the not so valuable as this was for 1849 and We seo by the above statisties that in these ears more American sezmen were engaged in that small district of ocean than are employed in our whole navy, at any one time; that in these two years thesé hardy mariners fished up from the bot- iom of the sea, and by their own energy, created and added to the national wealth the value of more than eight millions of dollars. And we moreover see that, owing to the dangers of the land and ice, the hidden rock and unknown shoals, that one vessel in every twenty that went therein during the sum- mer of 1851 has been left behind a total wreck, and that the lives of their crows, or of not less than one man for every twenty engaged in that business, have heen put in jeopardy, mostly SRST PI RORT a Ereo—nr TTAL TH —_ rts of © for the want of proper | sePOPPYS! EXFSER! SEEFETT ETSEINS T & vy This flect, in the course of the few 2 “ & J charts. No protection that our squadrons can at this moment give to our commerce with any of the ttates of Christendom can compare with that which a good chart of that part of the ocean would afford to this nursory of American seamen, and to tl branch of national industry. 1 Jearn that in la tude 64 15 N., longitude 178 W., Capt. Middleton, of the bark Tenedoz, of New London, discovered a shoal having ouly eight feet water on it, and which was two acres in extent. That the ship j of Havre, lost om a rock south ot of St. Lawrence, ten miles from land. * the entire fleet of whaiemen in the Aretie ocean complain much that charts are wrong. ‘That | the coast is badly explored, but little known,’ &e. ‘Phat * several of our vessels have been noar being wrecked by unexpectedly muking landor rocks un- der the bows at night.”” That they the Arctic circle low sand-spits. exter miles out. cen dangers.” ‘That the * Houqua, in 1851, was to- tally ‘wrecked on a sunken rock in that sea? ‘1 am also informed that the Indians are very friendly: that they wanted to trade ; that the whalemen fre- quently went on shore,’ &e. That ‘ Captain Taylor brought specimens of ores of metals from the Arctic ig tive o1 ave found in” That also tin Ochotsk sea there are hid- | shore ;? that ‘he obtained information from the | natives of the existence of gold among them, as alse iron;’ that when shown implements of various kinds, they gave him to understand, ‘ plenty in the mountains.’ Such also was the case with gold ; they knew the metal, and pointed as such exist- ing samong them,” h ith these fucts before the Department, I have no esitation in expressing an opinion favorable to the mn the r ‘on, nor in recon mending such a reconnaissance and survey as will estublish accurately the positions of the prominent, capes, bays, headlands, and harbors. To fix the positions ef the rocks and shoals that endanger the navigation there, and to examine the Fox or Aleutian: would be the work of two or three rly appointed vessels only for a short time. nthe seavon is closed for these latitudes, the could be most beneficially employed in an examination of the seas of China and Japan, and. Oak i wie suggesiud the regions therexbout, whose hydrography is so de-f fective, and an accurate knowledge of which is be coming every day of more and more importance In reply to the latterclause of the resolution, “whether any vessels paleo eae to the service can be used for that purpose, and also what would be the ex- penee of such a reconnaissance,” I respectfully state that this Department has not ‘at its command the vessels necessary for the contemplated service, un- ss by reducing the number of our vessels attached to squadrons on foreign service, which I by no means recommend. I am of opinion that the necessary essels can be built at our navy yards, or purchased for a sum not exceeding $125,000, and that no ad- ditional appropriation, beyond that sum, need be made. The wexr and tear of the vessels, the pay of the officers and crews, stores, provisions, instru- ments, &c., can be provided for out of eurrent ap- propriations. The accompanying report from the Chief ofthe Bureau of Ordnance and Lydrography; and papers qreercd by Commander Ringgold ani Lieutenants Maury and'Page, are respectfully sub- trol oag as throwing additional light upon the sub- ject. I have the honor to be, very respect! obedient servant, dion. W. R. Kine, President of the > Marine Affatrs, For Livenroot.—The Royal Mail steamship Europ «ft at noon on Wednesday, for Liverpool, with sixty assengers, Bririsn Steam Vessers.—From areturn to the House of Commons, just issued, it appears that last year there were 1,665 voyages made by British steam vessels from France ‘The tonnage was 285.009, From Holland 884 voyages, of 224.020 tonnage; and from Belgium 321 voyages, and the tonnage wi 311, Foreign steam vessels entered the ports of the United Kingdom from France two ye with a tonnage of 149; from Holland 136 voyages were made, of 31,418 tonnage; and from Belgium 88 voyag: were made, and the tonnage was 22,151, Lauxenno—At Mattapoisett, 5th inst., by Mx, Wilson Rarstow, a fine bark of 282 tons, owned by Mr. Wm. Watkins, of New Bedford, intended for a Pacific speru: whaler, and to be commanded by Capt, John 8. Deblois. A new sbip of 513 tons was launched at Bath. 5th inst., from the yard of Mr, Stephen Larrabee. She is owned by =. a Ce Allen & Co, he splen ship Hypogriffe, belonging to Captain C Hall and others, was hastsehed on 6th inekast, in ri style. from the yard of the Messra, Shiverick, in Dennis, She is raid to be a model ship, and does great credit to hoth ar- ehitect and builder, Naval Intelligence Navan Iresie.-Orders have been received at the (os Navy Yard to fit out the United States ship st. Loui jaiely. Commander RK, B. Cunningham has been ered to the command of the United States sloop-of- war Levant, Commander Andrew Harwood has received orders to command the United States sloop-of-war St Louis, Lieutenant Richard L. Page is to command thy United States brig Perry. Lieutenant John Guthrie har reevived orders to report for duty on board the briz Verry. Lieutenant Edward Winder reported Thursday for duty on board the Pennsylvania, and Passed Midship man Stevens as Master. Surgeon McLeod haa been de (ached from the United States sloop-of-war Albany. ani ordered to the Navaldiospital, Pensacola, and Surgeou Vanhorn to the Albany.—- Norfolk Herald, April 5. Tne CastieTON BaR.— Mr. Payne's dredging machine commenced operations at the newly-formed bax at Castleton this morning ; and in a week or tou day. Will Fecure @ safe channel. ' To render the ni whatit should be, however, will require a month’s labor. | and @ Jarge expenditure, —.2leny Beening Journal, . inst hy © a